Taking Stock of Clemency in the Empire State: a Century in Review
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Citywide Attorney General Recap
Statement and Return Report for Certification General Election 2006 - 11/07/2006 Crossover - All Parties and Independent Bodies Attorney General Citywide Vote for 1 Page 1 of 10 BOARD OF ELECTIONS Statement and Return Report for Certification IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK General Election 2006 - 11/07/2006 PRINTED AS OF: Crossover 11/29/2006 4:25:34PM All Parties and Independent Bodies Attorney General (Citywide), vote for 1 New York County PUBLIC COUNTER 352,354 EMERGENCY 1,051 ABSENTEE/MILITARY 9,304 AFFIDAVIT 10,803 Total Ballots 378,328 JEANINE PIRRO (REPUBLICAN) 41,758 ANDREW M CUOMO (DEMOCRATIC) 247,290 JEANINE PIRRO (INDEPENDENCE) 8,029 JEANINE PIRRO (CONSERVATIVE) 2,670 ANDREW M CUOMO (WORKING FAMILIES) 24,831 RACHEL TREICHLER (GREEN) 7,175 CHRISTOPHER B GARVEY (LIBERTARIAN) 2,717 MARTIN KOPPEL (SOCIALIST WORKERS) 1,291 AL PIRRO (WRITE-IN) 1 ALAVA GOLDBERG (WRITE-IN) 1 ATTICUS FINCH (WRITE-IN) 1 AUTONIA SCALIA (WRITE-IN) 1 BEATRICE CLOSE (WRITE-IN) 1 CARL PERSON (WRITE-IN) 2 CAROLYN CONABOY (WRITE-IN) 1 CHARLIE KING (WRITE-IN) 1 CHUCK ZLATKIN (WRITE-IN) 1 CURTIS MARTIN (WRITE-IN) 1 DENISE O'DONNELL (WRITE-IN) 5 EVAN SARZIN, ESQ (WRITE-IN) 1 FRED KELLY (WRITE-IN) 1 GENE RUSSIANOFF (WRITE-IN) 1 GERALD HARRIS (WRITE-IN) 1 HARRY KRESKY (WRITE-IN) 2 HERMAN BADILLO (WRITE-IN) 1 HUGH CAREY (WRITE-IN) 1 JAMES PRIZANT (WRITE-IN) 1 JON STEWART (WRITE-IN) 1 JOSEPH SASSON (WRITE-IN) 1 K SEWARD (WRITE-IN) 1 KAREN BURSTEIN (WRITE-IN) 2 KELLY GORMLEY (WRITE-IN) 1 LAURIE WOODS (WRITE-IN) 1 LAWRENCE ALLIE (WRITE-IN) 1 LYNN STEWART (WRITE-IN) 1 MARK -
Basil Paterson Recalled As Wise Man of Labor - the Chief: Ne
Basil Paterson Recalled As Wise Man of Labor - The Chief: Ne... http://thechiefleader.com/news/news_of_the_week/basil-paterso... Basil Paterson Recalled As Wise Man of Labor By RICHARD STEIER | Posted: Monday, April 21, 2014 5:15 pm Basil A. Paterson, perhaps best known as a powerhouse in Harlem politics whose son David became New York’s first black Governor, was remembered following his death at 87 April 17 by union leaders as a mentor and bargaining counsel who combined wisdom and calm to great advantage. “Basil Paterson was the rare individual who knew how to talk to people, he knew what to say to people and he also knew when to say it,” said Teamsters Local 237 President Gregory Floyd. ‘Taught Us So Much’ American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten, who retained Mr. Paterson as outside labor counsel for the United Federation of Teachers upon becoming its president in 1997 and continued to seek his advice when she moved on to the AFT 12 years later, described him as “always being a consigliere in the truest sense of the word.” Referring to her counterpart at the city’s giant health-care union, Local 1199 of the Service Employees International Union, she said, “Both George Gresham and I always say he taught us so much.” One of the most potent arrows in Mr. Paterson’s quiver was his sense of diplomacy. In 2006, he was thrust into a difficult spot when, following a three-day transit strike the previous December, the rank and file of Transport Workers Union Local 100 voted down the wage contract that ended the walkout by just seven votes out of more than 22,000 cast. -
76429NCJRS.Pdf
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. r "t \ \, x:DOM'ESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST THE ELDERLY \1 HEARING '-.. BEFORE THE' , , \ () I', (} SUBCOMMITTEE ON 'IIUMAN SERVICES OF THID ~ SELEOT OOMMITTEE ON AGING HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NINETY~SIXTH CONGRESS SEOOND SESSION APRIL 21, 1980, NEW YORK, N.Y. , " I' : Printed for the use of the Select Oommittee on Aging Comm. Pub. No. 96-233 i u: ,{,a-~!J'v:'c;! , I f 811 " . " if { .. ~!/' ~ \ ' u.s. GOVERNl\IEN'l' PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1980 , ' the Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office , Washington, D.C. 20402 , I I I , r .' l , c ., ' If 1i __________ -', SELEOT OOMMITTEE ON AGING CLAUDE PEPPER, Florida, Ohairman EDWARD R. ROYBAL, California CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa, CONTENTS MARIO BIAGGI, New York Ranking Mittortty Member . IKE F. ANDREWS, North Carolina WILLIAM C. WAMPLER, Virgima JOHN L. BURTON, California JOHN PAUL HAMMERSCHMIDT, Arkansas DON BONKER Washington JAMES ABDNOR, South Dakota MEMBERS' OPENING STATEMENTS THOMAS J. DOWNEY, New Yorl, MATTHEW J. RINALDO, New Jersey Page JAMES J. FLORIO, New Jersey MARC L. MARK,S, PennsylY.a.nill, Chairman Mario BiaggL ________________ .___________________________ _ Thomas A. Luken ________________________________________________ _ 3 HAROLD E. FORD, Tennessee RALPH S. REGULA, Ohio 12 WILLIAM J. HUGHES, New .Jersey ROBERT K. DORNAN, California MARILYN LLOYD BOUQUARD, Tennessee HAROLD C. HOLLENBECK, New Jersey CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WITNESSES JIM SANTINI Nevada S. WILLIAM GREEN, New Yorl' ROBERT F. DRINAN, Massachusetts ROBERT (BOB) WHITTAKER"Kansas H on.New Geraldine 1rork _____________________________________________________ A. Ferraro, a Member of Congress from the State of _ DAVID W. -
Role of Gender and Relationship in Reforming the Rockefeller Drug Laws
THE ROLE OF GENDER AND RELATIONSHIP IN REFORMING THE ROCKEFELLER DRUG LAWS EDA KATHARINE TINTO* In recent years, New York's drug sentencing laws-the Rockefeller Drug Laws- have come under attack due to their failure to reduce drug use despite the growing prisonpopulation. The political and academic communities now are debating how best to reform these laws. In this Note, Eda Tinto highlights the absence of a much- needed discussion regarding the sentencing of certain women drug offenders. Qualitative studies have demonstrated that an underlying context of many women's drug crimes is their involvement in an intimate relationship with a partner who uses or sells drugs. Tinto argues that these women drug offenders are often less blame- worthy than other offenders and that therefore the sentences for their crimes are often unjust. Tinto concludes that the context of an intimate relationshipshould be acknowledged in sentencing and proposes reforms of the Rockefeller Drug Laws. INTRODUCTION In 1973, New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller successfully urged the passage of the most punitive drug laws in the country.1 The "Rockefeller Drug Laws" (the Laws) removed the discretion tradi- tionally afforded to judges in sentencing individual offenders and forced judges to sentence drug offenders to extremely long prison terms. 2 While the enactment of the Laws signaled the beginning of * I would like to thank Professor Anthony Thompson, my family, and my friends for their continual guidance and support for this Note and, more importantly, in life. I also would like to thank the staff of the New York University Law Review, especially Dave McTaggart, Maggie Lemos, Janet Carter, and Michael Kasdan. -
Carey Easily Beats Durye a GOP Takes Comptroller; Drops Attny
Carey Easily Beats Durye a GOP Takes Comptroller; Drops Attny. Gen. New York (AP)- by 56 percent to 44 Governor Hugh Carey percent. won a big re-election Republican Edward victory over challenger Regan, the Erie County Perry Duryea, the Montauk executive, appeared to have Assemblyman, yesterday, upset New York City defeating Republican efforts comptroller Harrison to turn the balloting into a Goldin in the race for state referendum over the death comptroller. Goldin led in penalty. New York City but trailed He hailed the large voter badly in the rest of the turnout across the state, state. and said that "this goes (See stories, page 7) against all the experts, who On the slate with Carey said there would be as the Democratic indifference, apathy and a candidate for lieutenant low vote." governor was Secretary of Duryea conceded just State Mario Cuomo; before midnight and said he Duryea's running mate on had sent a telegram to the Republican ticket was Carey, "I wish you well." United States With 42 percent of the Representative Bruce state's election districts Caputo of Yonkers. counted, it was Carey 56 Carey, a liberal by percent and Duryea 44 instinct, made fiscal 3 b ull kpv!rcAnnp nf hlr prlcnllt. otU.L)LercentD t AJLyLJ,,, oXV0uy l ·rpetr.int. county, Suffolk, opted for administration and his him by an overwhelming campaign stance. In the past 43,000 vote margin. two years he signed into law The voting produced the the first significant state tax ouster of one major figure cuts in 20 years, and he in state politics - Assembly boasted about a rate of Speaker Stanley Steingut, a growth in the state's budget Democrat, who lost in his which he said was well Brooklyn district. -
Is It Time to Change the Rockefeller Drug Laws?
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by St. John's University School of Law Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development Volume 13 Issue 3 Volume 13, Spring 1999, Issue 3 Article 6 March 1999 Is it Time to Change the Rockefeller Drug Laws? Spiros A. Tsimbinos Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred Recommended Citation Tsimbinos, Spiros A. (1999) "Is it Time to Change the Rockefeller Drug Laws?," Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development: Vol. 13 : Iss. 3 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred/vol13/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IS IT TIME TO CHANGE THE ROCKEFELLER DRUG LAWS? SPIROS A. TSIMBINOS* I. INTRODUCTION When the current New York State Penal Law1 went into effect in 1965, the provisions dealing with drug offenses were brief and sim- ple. The penalties for these crimes were moderate sentences, in keeping with the general philosophy that non-violent crimes should be treated less severely than those involving violent conduct.2 In the late 1960's and early 1970's, however, as our cities became plagued by the scourge of drug abuse, the public clamored for an- swers to the problem. In New York State, Governor Rockefeller and the Legislature responded by enacting the toughest drug laws in the nation. -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
The Sing Sing Revolt the Incarceration Crisis and Criminal Justice Liberalism in the 1980S
The Sing Sing Revolt The Incarceration Crisis and Criminal Justice Liberalism in the 1980s Lee Bernstein As 1983 began, New York’s prisons reached a chokepoint: in the past decade the inmate population went from 12,444 to 27,943. Mario Cuomo, who would become the nation’s most prominent liberal politician after delivering the keynote address at the 1984 Democratic National Convention, prepared to take the oath of office to become the state’s fifty-second governor.1 Corrections officials scrambled to find beds for four hundred new people each week in crumbling facilities and repurposed public buildings. This overcrowding occurred, to different degrees, throughout the system—city and county jails, juvenile facilities, and in state-run facilities variously classified minimum, medium, and maximum security. Multi- ple factors converged to create this overcrowding, including the war on drugs, the victims’ rights movement, and new “truth in sentencing” laws.2 In addition, declining tax revenues and the economic struggles of the state’s voters limited the state’s ability to fund new prison construction and to accommodate the educational, therapeutic, and social needs of its bur- geoning prison population. Access to basic needs like warm clothing, blankets, and mail became constrained. The Department of Correctional Services (DOCS) was character- ized by laughably inadequate grievance procedures, insufficiently staffed facilities, anemic responses to ongoing labor-management disputes, rifts between uniformed and civilian employees, and failure to address racist and sexist barriers to fair treatment for employees and the incarcerated population. Recent memory generated a foreboding sense of where all this would lead. -
Rockefeller Drug Law Reform
NEW YORK STATE SENATE STANDING COMMITTEE ON ALCOHOLISM & DRUG ABUSE Senator Jeffrey D. Klein, Chair Assessing the Effectiveness of Substance Abuse Treatment Under Rockefeller Drug Law Reform February 2012 Introduction On April 2, 2009, the State Legislature passed ground-breaking legislation that effectively swept away an entire era of notoriously harsh drug sentencing schemes known as the Rockefeller Drug Laws. The 2009 reform caused a major change in New York’s drug policy, shifting it away from mass incarceration and toward a public health model. The two most fundamental pieces included in the legislation were an elimination of mandatory minimum sentences, and restoration of judicial discretion to order treatment and rehabilitation as an alternative to incarceration. Two years have passed since these reforms were implemented, and the questions that need to be answered are: have they been successful? Are drug offenders truly being given the treatment they need, and is this treatment producing better outcomes than incarceration as the reforms intended? In order to determine the effectiveness of the 2009 Drug Law Reform (DLR), Senator Jeffrey Klein, Chair of the Senate Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Committee, gathered first-hand information from treatment providers across the State. In collaboration with the New York Association of Substance Abuse Providers (ASAP), an online survey was circulated to ASAP’s membership of 250+ alcoholism and drug treatment providers. The purpose of this survey was to determine whether treatment providers were seeing an increase in the number of patients referred from the criminal justice system, and if so, whether these providers have the capacity and resources to support all clients coming into their program for treatment to overcome their dependency and lead healthy and productive lives. -
The Rockefeller Drug Laws: Unjust, Irrational, Ineffective
The Rockefeller Drug Laws: Unjust, Irrational, Ineffective A Call for a Public Health Approach to Drug Policy 125 Broad St. New York, NY 10004 212.607.3300 www.nyclu.org CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: NEW YORK’S JIM CROW LAWS ........3 II. THE ROCKEFELLER DRUG LAWS: UNJUST, IRRATIONAL, INEFFECTIVE ...................5 III. THE HARMS ...................................11 IV. MAPPING OF INJUSTICE .........................17 V. PARADIGM SHIFT ...............................30 VI. MOVING TOWARDS A PUBLIC HEALTH MODEL: RECOMMENDATIONS ...............................36 THE NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION The Rockefeller Drug Laws │ Unjust, Irrational, Ineffective 2 I. INTRODUCTION: NEW YORK’S JIM CROW LAWS here has emerged over the last decade a broad consensus among policy experts, criminal justice scholars and lawmakers that the War on Drugs, with its singular emphasis on incarceration, has failed. In 1993, on the 20th anniversary of the Rockefeller Drug Laws, New York State Corrections Commis- T 1 sioner Thomas Coughlin, III, said the state was “lock[ing] up the wrong people … for the wrong reasons.” Former Republican state senator John Dunne was a sponsor of the state’s mandatory sentencing scheme for drug offenses. He subsequently organized a coalition that has advocated for fundamental reform of the Rockefeller Drug Laws. In 2004 he observed, in a television spot, “the Rockefeller Drug Laws have been a well-documented failure.”2 Yet, as the 36th anniversary of these laws approaches, the state continues locking up the wrong people for the wrong reasons. This report presents and marshals the empirical evidence that demonstrates New York’s mandatory-min- imum drug sentencing scheme has failed, utterly, to accomplish its stated objectives. -
President's Daily Diary, August 8, 1967
THE WMITI Housf Date August 8, 1967 _^ PtESiDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON DAHV WA*V The President began his day at (Place) The White House . Day T uesday Time Telephone E £*fy 1 ^ Activit y (include visited by) ture ''O- r^«j_ In Out Lo LD Oode 6:00a t The Situation Room ; Later today, while walking from the Cab Rm to his ofc, the President told mf and marys, "I got up at 6:00 this morning and watched little Lyn get fed. I gave him his bottle, an d 8:15a Breakfast . watched him get changed a couple of times, and heard him yell for a while." < /\ 9:02a To State Dining Room ; V-^---' • 10:40 for Congressional Briefing - House Democrats on the Tax Bill ; OFF RECORD ' Cong. J. Edward Roush Cong. Thomas Ashley Cong. Kenneth Gray . Cong. Wm F. Ryan Cong. Walter Baring Congwoman Edith Green Cong. Fernand St. Germain Cong. Charles Bennett Cong. G. Elliott Hagan . Cong. Armistead Selden Cong. John Blatnik t Cong. James Haley • Cong. B. F. Sisk Cong. Hugh Carey Cong. Porter Hardy ' Cong. Robert G . Stephens Cong. Frank Clark Cong. Ken Hechler \ . Cong. Frank A. Stubblefield Cong. Emilio Daddario Cong. Elmer Holland ; Cong. Frank Thompson Cong. Dominick Daniels Cong. Richard Ichord Cong. Morris Udall Cong. John Davis Cong. Robert E. Jones Cong. Charles Vanik Gong. James Delaney Cong. Joseph Karth Cong. Basil Whitener Cong. Harold Donohue Cong. Edna Kelly Cong. James C. Wright Cong. W. J. Bryan Dorn Cong. Alton Lennon Cong. John Young C.ong. John Dowdy Cong. John Monagan • Cong. -
Three Reasons to Re-Evaluate the Rockefeller Drug Laws Susan Herman
Brooklyn Law School BrooklynWorks Faculty Scholarship 2000 Measuring Culpability by Measuring Drugs? Three Reasons to Re-evaluate the Rockefeller Drug Laws Susan Herman Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/faculty Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Food and Drug Law Commons, and the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation 63 Alb. L. Rev. 777 (2000) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of BrooklynWorks. MEASURING CULPABILITY BY MEASURING DRUGS? THREE REASONS TO REEVALUATE THE ROCKEFELLER DRUG LAWS Susan N. Herman* The so-called Rockefeller drug laws,1 enacted in 1973, have been New York's principal weapon in the war against drugs for the past three decades. The statutory design, like the reasoning upon which it rests, is simple and straightforward. The legislature chose to impose lengthy and frequently mandatory sentences for possession and distribution of controlled substances, on the assumption that harsh and certain punishment would deter and reduce drug abuse and related crime. 2 Under this system, drug offenses are graded according to the dangerousness and the quantity of the drug involved. 3 Dangerousness of a drug is determined by consulting * Professor of Law, Brooklyn Law School. B.A., Barnard College, 1968; J.D., New York University, 1974. The author would like to thank Paul Gangsei and David Yassky for their helpful comments, Chris Fowler for his excellent research assistance, Jim Peluso for his extraordinary efforts in coordinating this symposium, and Brooklyn Law School for the continuing support of its research stipend program.