Yasir Arafat and the Plo, One Month Since Hebron
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Yitzhak Rabin
YITZHAK RABIN: CHRONICLE OF AN ASSASSINATION FORETOLD Last year, architect-turned-filmmaker Amos Gitaï directed Rabin, the Last EN Day, an investigation into the assassination, on November 4, 1995, of the / Israeli Prime Minister, after a demonstration for peace and against violence in Tel-Aviv. The assassination cast a cold and brutal light on a dark and terrifying world—a world that made murder possible, as it suddenly became apparent to a traumatised public. For the Cour d’honneur of the Palais des papes, using the memories of Leah Rabin, the Prime Minister’s widow, as a springboard, Amos GitaI has created a “fable” devoid of formality and carried by an exceptional cast. Seven voices brought together to create a recitative, “halfway between lament and lullaby,” to travel back through History and explore the incredible violence with which the nationalist forces fought the peace project, tearing Israel apart. Seven voices caught “like in an echo chamber,” between image-documents and excerpts from classic and contemporary literature— that bank of memory that has always informed the filmmaker’s understanding of the world. For us, who let the events of this historic story travel through our minds, reality appears as a juxtaposition of fragments carved into our collective memory. AMOS GITAI In 1973, when the Yom Kippur War breaks out, Amos Gitai is an architecture student. The helicopter that carries him and his unit of emergency medics is shot down by a missile, an episode he will allude to years later in Kippur (2000). After the war, he starts directing short films for the Israeli public television, which has now gone out of business. -
Israel and Turkey: from Covert to Overt Relations
Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations by Jacob Abadi INTRODUCTION Diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey have existed since the Jewish state came into being in 1948, however, they have remained covert until recently. Contacts between the two countries have continued despite Turkey's condemnation of Israel in the UN and other official bodies. Frequent statements made by Turkish officials regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian dilemma give the impression that Turco-Israeli relations have been far more hostile than is actually the case. Such an image is quite misleading, for throughout the years political, commercial, cultural and even military contacts have been maintained between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to show the extent of cooperation between the two countries and to demonstrate how domestic as well as external constraints have affected the diplomatic ties between them. It will be argued that during the first forty years of Israel's existence relations between the two countries remained cordial. Both sides kept a low profile and did not reveal the nature of these ties. It was only toward the end of the 1980s, when the international political climate underwent a major upheaval, that the ties between the two countries became official and overt. Whereas relations with Israel constituted a major problem in Turkish diplomacy, Israeli foreign policy was relatively free from hesitations and constraints. For Israeli foreign policy makers it was always desirable to establish normal relations with Turkey, whose location on the periphery of the Middle East gave it great strategic importance. -
Oslo Peace Accords the Oslo Peace Accords Are a Pair of Agreements Signed Between the Government of Israel and the Palestenian Liberation Organisation (PLO)
Oslo Peace Accords The Oslo Peace Accords are a pair of agreements signed between the Government of Israel and the Palestenian Liberation Organisation (PLO). They were signed by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat, the leader of the PLO. There were two agreements that were signed: The Oslo I Accord signed at Washington D.C in 1993 and the Oslo II Accord signed at Taba, Egypt in 1995. The accords established limited Paestenian self-rule in parts of Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The Oslo Peace Accord has been in the news lately following the announcement of the United State’s Middle East Peace Plan, the Palesteian authorities planned to pull out of the Oslo Peace Accord. This article will further discuss the Oslo Peace Accord within the context of the IAS Exam. Background of the Oslo Peace Accords The Oslo Accords shows remarkable similarity to the Camp David Accords. The Camp David Accords were a series of agreements which normalised relations between Egypt and Israel in 1978, following the Yom Kippur War 5 years prior. The Camp David Accord themselves envisioned autonomy for the local Palestenians of the West Bank and Gaza. There were concerns about continued Israeli settlement in the West Bank with the number of settlers rising. But the Israeli government refused to talk to the Plaestenian Liberation Organization, because they considered the PLO a terrorist organisation. As a result the Camp David Accords left this issue on the backburner. The situation changed in the 1990s when Israel decided to recognise the PLO as the representatives of the Palestenians and began to negotiate directly with them. -
The Year That Was 1994
PASSIA ANNUAL REPORT 1994 THE YEAR THAT WAS 1994 1994 has been an eventful but frustrating year, the first major event of which was the signing of the Jordan-PLO economic accord in January. Attention was also focussed on the continuing negotiations which took place in Taba and elsewhere. Palestinian concerns however, were little reduced by these meetings as things remained very much the same in Gaza and the West Bank. Of particular concern was the fact that Israeli settlement continued unabated, mainly in Jerusalem, and that the settlers themselves were becoming increasingly volatile, the culmination of which came on February 25th 1994, when 29 Muslim worshippers at prayer in the Ibrahimi mosque in Hebron, were gunned down by Baruch Goldstein, a settler from nearby Kiryat Arba. This incident prompted the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 904, condemning the massacre and gave rise to the March agreement on a Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH) which stipulated that 160 European observers armed with pistols for self-defense were to be deployed in Hebron for 3 months although they did not begin this term until May. In addition to that, the mosque was closed for worshippers for 8 months. Revenge attacks were soon carried out. In April, a car bomb exploded at a bus stop in Afula, killing 8 Israelis and wounding 44, followed by another bus bombing in Hadera, which killed 6 and wounded 28, including 18 IDF soldiers. Hamas announced in a leaflet that the bomb was the second in a series of 5 attacks in response to the Hebron Massacre. -
O Occupied East Jerusalem
Occupied East Jerusalem “De-Palestinization” and Forcible Transfer of Palestinians A situation of systematic breaches of State obligations under the ICCPR JOINT NGO REPORT to the UN Human Rights Committee For the Committee’s Review of the Fourth Periodic Report of ISRAEL Submitted by: The Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem (CCPRJ) Contact: Zakaria Odeh, executive director Email: [email protected] Tel: +972 2 2343929 www.civiccoalition-jerusalem.org The Coalition for Jerusalem (CFJ) Contact: Aminah Abdelhaq, coordinator Email: [email protected] Tel: +972 2 6562272 url: www.coalitionforjerusalem.org The Society of St. Yves, Catholic Center for Human Rights (St. Yves) Contact: Dalia Qumsieh, head of advocacy Email: [email protected] Tel: +972 2 6264662 url: www.saintyves.org 1 Content Introduction Paragraph RECOMMENDATIONS A. Constitutional and legal framework within which the Covenant is implemented by Israel in occupied East Jerusalem (Art. 1, 2) Question 4: Application of the Covenant in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) 4 – 11 Question 5: Equality and non-discrimination in Israeli law, courts; other measures 12 – 22 Recommended Questions to the State party (Art. 1 and 2) B. State of Emergency (Art. 4); derogations from international standards Questions 12, 19: Progress in review of Israel’s state of emergency; derogations 23 – 25 from international standards (complementary issues) Recommended Questions to State party (Article 4) C. Freedom of movement and residence (Art. 12, 2; also 14, 17, 23, 24, 26) Questions 20, 21: Complementary information on Palestinians in East Jerusalem 26 – 34 D. Protection of the Family, Protection of the Child (Art.23, 24, 2; 12, 14, 17, 24, 26) Question 25: Measures taken by the State party to revoke the Citizenship and 35 – 45 Entry Into Israel Law; right to marriage E. -
The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach
The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Since the Oslo Accords were signed in September 1993, there have been three and a half serious rounds of talks over a permanent resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Camp David in 2000; President Clinton’s parameters at the end of 2000; the Annapolis Process in 2007-2008; and the initiative led by US Secretary of State John Kerry in 2013-2014. All failed due to insurmountable gaps between the two sides on the core issues of the permanent status agreement and due to the asymmetry in the objectives of the talks. Attempts to bypass the problem by adopting different approaches to promote negotiations were fruitless, and instead of an agreement, the various efforts led to violent outbursts, deadlocked talks, and despair among both sides at ever achieving a resolution of the conflict.1 This essay examines whether the possibility of a permanent status agreement is indeed (at least for now) off the table. It assesses the issue on two levels: (a) the core issues and their importance to the possibility of reaching a permanent agreement; and (b) the development of different approaches to bypass the core issues and progress in the political process along other channels. Based on an analysis of previous negotiations, the essay proposes a resolution that affirms two fundamental principles: the two-state solution is the best option regarding the Israeli-Palestinian issue; and to implement this solution, the Palestinian Authority must be strong, responsible, and functional. The proposal herein involves the launch of a transitional process that does not purport to offer a quick, uniform solution to every disagreement between the sides but does work toward a two-state reality. -
When the Palestinian Press Faltered
Issue 122 - Volume 11 Issued by Media Development Center, Birzeit University Since 2005 We are used to mourning and breast-beating Elderly Haja Zareefa commonly told her grandchildren: “I spit on your weak generation. Are you the ones who will liberate Palestine!” This scolding would usually conclude with the phrase “In my… dreams you will”; you know what is the missing word is. Believing that we have run out of people to break across the firing lines, she used to say: “Where are the gunmen? Where are they?” She saw the youth of 2015 with their various accessories as people who value life, who would not sacrifice the luxuries to which they are so strongly attached, and who would never throw a stone or respond to a call for help. But it seems that Zareefa was mistaken and the elixir of love for Palestine is proving more powerful than anything else for us, apart from one thing that is even stronger: our hatred of the occupation and our desire to drive it out. With this in mind, here in what was called and will remain Palestine, the love potion for the homeland and the hatred for the occupiers will be enmeshed until the day of resurrection, or until we are restored to a homeland where we can be ourselves, and just ourselves. AL HAL - Saturday 31/10/2015 4 PAGES “He sacrificed accuracy for a press scoop” When the Palestinian press faltered Muntaser Hamdan communicating with Israeli journalists and assuming that they have a press scoop. As The rapid development of events in a result, Palestinian journalists and society the Palestinian Territories has laid bare assume that what is published in the Israeli structural imbalances in the workings of media is factual and can be transmitted the editorial boards of many local media without verification”. -
Jerusalem Chronology
PASSIA: Jerusalem Chronology 1995 Jan. 2: Israeli forces close off the Ambassador Hotel area in Sheikh Jarrah to prevent a press conference protesting Israel's settlement policy. Jan. 6: Jerusalem Post quotes Rina Zamir of the Housing Ministry’s Jerusalem Dept. saying that construction of 10,000 housing units in Jerusalem settlements begins soon. Jan. 10: Palestinians and Israelis demonstrate in solidarity with the Jahalin bedouins and in protest of Ma'ale Adumim expansion. Jan. 11: On a visit of the Old City, Rabin stresses that he does not intend to share the city, nor to end control of East Jerusalem or to give in to Palestinian demands to establish their capital in East Jerusalem. Jan. 13: Jerusalem Link holds a against settlements and the closure demonstration at Dahiet checkpoint Jan. 15: Republican speaker of the US House of Representatives Newt Gingrich tells Israeli TV that Israel has a right to choose its own capital and that he favours moving the US embassy to Jerusalem. - Israeli security forces raid Al-Quds press office in East Jerusalem. Jan. 15-17: The Jerusalem Committee of the Islamic Conference Organization condemns Israel’s 'Jerusalem Law' against Palestinian activity in the city and votes to create an agency to defend Palestinian rights and Islamic heritage in the city. Jan. 16: A group of Jewish settlers attempts to enter Al-Aqsa Mosque but is prevented by Israeli police. - Israeli forces destroy the house of Abdul Rama in Beit Hanina which laid in the way of the new Road 1. Jan. 18: Israeli bulldozers destroy Nadir Shalabi’s house in A-Tur. -
A Decade Since the Outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada: a Strategic the IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland the Rise and Fall
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: the Annapolis Conference
Order Code RS22768 December 7, 2007 Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Annapolis Conference Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary At the end of November 2007, the Bush Administration convened an international conference in Annapolis, MD to officially revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas reached a “Joint Understanding,” in which they agreed to launch continuous bilateral negotiations in an effort to conclude a peace treaty by the end of 2008 and to simultaneously implement the moribund 2003 Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Both leaders are operating under significant domestic political constraints and they continue to disagree on many issues. Thus, their negotiations will be challenging. This report will not be updated. For background and future developments, see CRS Report RL33530, Israeli- Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy, by Carol Migdalovitz. Background In early 2007, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was said to have promised moderate Arab regimes that the United States would become more engaged in the Israeli- Arab peace process in exchange for their support for countering increasing Iranian influence in the Middle East.1 The Secretary made eight trips to the region during the year, initially to work with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas on developing a “political horizon” that would lead to a resumption of the long-stalled Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, issued by the international Quartet (the United States, European Union, United Nations, and Russia) on April 30, 2003.2 Each side maintains that the other has not fulfilled its obligations under the three-phase Road Map; independent observers agree that neither has done so. -
Advance Edited Version Distr
Advance Edited Version Distr. GENERAL A/HRC/12/48 15 September 2009 Original: ENGLISH HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Twelfth session Agenda item 7 HUMAN RIGHTS IN PALESTINE AND OTHER OCCUPIED ARAB TERRITORIES Report of the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict∗ ∗ Late submission A/HRC/12/48 page 2 Paragraphs Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY PART ONE INTRODUCTION I. METHODOLOGY II. CONTEXT III. EVENTS OCCURRING BETWEEN THE “CEASEFIRE” OF 18 JUNE 2008 BETWEEN ISRAEL AND THE GAZA AUTHORITIES AND THE START OF ISRAEL’S MILITARY OPERATIONS IN GAZA ON 27 DECEMBER 2008 IV. APPLICABLE LAW PART TWO OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY: THE GAZA STRIP Section A V. THE BLOCKADE: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW VI. OVERVIEW OF MILITARY OPERATIONS CONDUCTED BY ISRAEL IN GAZA BETWEEN 27 DECEMBER 2008 AND 18 JANUARY 2009 AND DATA ON CASUALTIES VII. ATTACKS ON GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS AND POLICE VIII. OBLIGATION ON PALESTINIAN ARMED GROUPS IN GAZA TO TAKE FEASIBLE PRECAUTIONS TO PROTECT THE CIVILIAN POPULATION A/HRC/12/48 page 3 IX. OBLIGATION ON ISRAEL TO TAKE FEASIBLE PRECAUTIONS TO PROTECT CIVILIAN POPULATION AND CIVILIAN OBECTS IN GAZA X. INDISCRIMINATE ATTACKS BY ISRAELI ARMED FORCES RESULTING IN THE LOSS OF LIFE AND INJURY TO CIVILIANS XI. DELIBERATE ATTACKS AGAINST THE CIVILIAN POPULATION XII. THE USE OF CERTAIN WEAPONS XIII. ATTACKS ON THE FOUNDATIONS OF CIVILIAN LIFE IN GAZA: DESTRUCTION OF INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE, FOOD PRODUCTION, WATER INSTALLATIONS, SEWAGE TREATMENT PLANTS AND HOUSING XIV. THE USE OF PALESTINIAN CIVILIANS AS HUMAN SHIELDS XV. DEPRIVATION OF LIBERTY: GAZANS DETAINED DURING THE ISRAELI MILITARY OPERATIONS OF 27 DECEMBER 2008 TO 18 JANUARY 2009XVI. -
America and the World in the Age of Obama
America and the World in the Age of Obama Columns and articles by Ambassador Derek Shearer Table of Contents Preface Hillary As An Agent of Change 1 Change That Really Matters 5 Sex, Race and Presidential Politics 8 Why Bipartisanship is a False Hope 11 Balance of Payments: Homeland Insecurity 14 Economics and Presidential Politics—“It’s Globalization, Stupid” 16 Beyond Gotcha: In Search of Democratic Economics 18 Rebranding America: How to Win Friends Abroad and Influence Nations 21 Waiting for Obama: The First Global Election 23 The Proper Use of Bill and Hillary Clinton 26 Clintonism Without Clinton—It’s Deja Vu All Over Again 28 Russia and the West Under Clinton and Bush 30 What’s At Stake: The Future vs The Past 34 The Road Ahead: The First 100 Days and Beyond 37 The Shout Heard Round the World: Obama as Global Leader 41 An Obama Holiday: What to Give a Progressive President and His Team 47 Bye, Bye Bush, Hello Barack: A Door Opens in 2009 52 Hoops Rule: The President and the Hard Court 55 After the Stimulus: It’s Time for a New Foundation 57 Advice to the President: Abolish the Commerce Department 62 Money, Banking and Torture: It’s Just Shocking! 65 Give Hope A Chance: The Renewal of Summer 68 Obama’s America: What is Economic Growth For? 71 Obama’s First Year: A Nobel Effort 75 Joy to the World: Good-Bye Bing Crosby, Hello Bob Dylan 78 Passage to India: Monsoon Wedding Meets Slumdog Professor 84 The Occidental President: Obama and Teachable Moments 88 Happy Days Are Not Here Again: Obama, China and the Coming Great Contraction