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CHAPTER III the Cuban Question Had Its Origin in the Series of Events

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CHAPTER III the Cuban Question Had Its Origin in the Series of Events CHAPTER III THE DIPLOMACY OF THE UNITED STATES IN REGARD TO CUBA THE Cuban question had its origin in the series of events that have been narrated in the two preceding chapters—the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and the resulting paralysis of Spanish power in America. The declaration of President Monroe, enforced by the well- known attitude of England, dealt the death-blow to Spanish hopes of recovering the Southern continent. Hence the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, which had remained loyal to the king, were clung to with all the greater tenacity as the sole remains of the imperial pos- sessions over which the successors of Ferdinand and Isabella had ruled for three centuries. The " Ever- faithful Island of Cuba " was rewarded for her loyalty by the concession of certain liberties of trade and in- vited to send representatives to the Spanish Cortes—a privilege which was subsequently withdrawn. Spain was now too weak to protect her two West Indian de- pendencies—the remains of her former glory, but her very, weakness secured their possession to her. The naval and commercial importance of Cuba, "the pearl of the Antilles," made it a prize too valuable to be ac- quired by any one of the great maritime powers with- out exciting the jealousy and opposition of the others. Henceforth, to borrow the figure of a contemporary journalist, Cuba was to be the trans-Atlantic Turkey, 83 UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA trembling to its fall, but sustained by the jealousies of those who were eager to share the spoils. The strategic importance of Cuba, commanding to a large extent the commerce of the West Indies and of the Central American states, and, what was of vital interest to us, the traffic of the Mississippi valley, at- tracted at an early period the attention of American as well as of European statesmen. In a letter to Presi- dent Madison in 1809, Jefferson, in speaking of Na- poleon's policy in regard to the Spanish-American colonies, said: That he would give up the Floridas to withhold inter- course with the residue of those colonies cannot be doubted. But that is no price: because they are ours in the first mo- ment of the first war; and until a war they are of no particular necessity to us. But, although with difficulty, he will consent to our receiving Cuba into our Union, to prevent our aid to Mexico and the other provinces. That would be a price, and I would immediately erect a column on the southern-most limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a t ic plus ultra as to us in that direction.' President Madison expressed his views on the Cuban question in a letter to William Pinlcney, October 30, i8jo: The position of Cuba gives the United States so deep an interest in the destiny, even of that island, that although they might be an inactive, they could not be a satisfied spectator at its failing under any European government, which might make a fulcrum of that position against the commerce and security of the United States.2 • H. A. Washington. "Writings of Thomas Jefferson," Vol. V. P. 443. Madison's works," Vol. II. p 488 84 THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA This was the first statement in the evolution of a Cuban policy consistently adhered to by the United States until the successes of the Mexican war super- induced larger ideas of the mission and destiny of the Union. As early as 1817 fears as to the fate of Cuba were raised in the minds of the American public by news- paper reports to the effect that England had proposed a relinquishment of her claim against Spain for the maintenance of the British amy during the Peninsular campaign, amounting to £15,000,000, in return for the cession of the island.' Reports of this nature were circulated for several months on both sides of the Atlantic, but the question did not assume any very great importance until 1819, when the treaty for the cession of the Floridas to the United States was being negotiated with Spain. it was then insisted by the British press that the acquisition of the Floridas would give the United States such a preponderating influence in West Indian affairs as to render necessary the occupation of Cuba by Great Britain as the natural and only off-set.' The Florida treaty was ratified after some delay, which, however, does not appear to have been caused by the British government, as was supposed at the time. The British papers, neverthe- less, continued to condemn in strong terms the treaty as well as the inaction of their government in not mak- ing it a pretext for the seizure of Cuba. As the preparations of France for the invasion of Spain in 1823 progressed the fate of Cuba became a 8 Niless Register." under date November 8 iSo. For a full discussion of the question see the pamphletby 5 J. Freeman Ratteubury, entitled, The Cession of the Florida, to the Slates of America and the Necessity of Acquiring the Island of Cuba b y Great BrLtaln' London, 18,9. UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA question of absorbing interest in America. There was little hope that the island would continue a dependency of Spain. It was rumored that Great Britain had engaged to supply the constitutional government of Spain with money in her struggle with France and would occupy Cuba as a pledge for its repayment. Both Spanish and French journals spoke of British occupation of Cuba as a matter no longer to be doubted, and the presence in the West Indies of a large British squadron, sent nominally for the purpose of suppressing piracy, seemed to lend color to the reports.' The British press was clamoring for the acquisition of Cuba. The Packet declared: "The question then comes to this, shall England occupy Cuba, or by permitting its acquisition by the United States (which they have long desired) sacrifice her whole West India trade? There can be no hesitation as to the answer." The British government, however, officially dis- claimed all designs upon Cuba, but this disclaimer did not fully reassure the American government, and our representatives abroad were instructed to exercise a close scrutiny upbn all negotiations between Spain and England. In the spring of 1823 Mr. Forsyth was suc- ceeded by Mr. Nelson at the court of Madrid. In his instructions to the new minister, which went much be- yoi)d the usual length and were occupied almost ex- clusively with a discussion of the Cuban question, John Quincy Adams used the following remarkable words: "In looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century, it seems scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the an- • Nuts's ' Register," March and April, 1833. 86 THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA nexation of Cuba to our Federal Republic will be in- dispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself." We were not then prepared for an- nexation, he continued, "but there are laws of political as well as physical gravitation; and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her off from its bosom." President Monroe consulted Jefferson on the subject of Spanish-American affairs and the entanglements with European powers likely to arise therefrom. Jef- ferson replied, June ii, 1823: Cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck of war to us. Its possession by Great Britain would indeed be a great calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us in guarantee- ing its independence against all the world, except Spain, it would be nearly as valuable as if it were our own. But should she take it, I would not immediately go to war for it; because the first war on other accounts will give it to us, or the island will give itself to us when able to do so.' During the summer of 1825 a large French squad- ron visited the West Indies and hovered for several weeks about the coasts of Cuba. .Thjs action on the part of the French government, without explanation, excited the alarm of both England and the United States and drew forth strong protests from Mr. Can- fling and from Mr. Clay. Canning wrote to Gran- "' If. Ex N. No. in, Thirty-second Cong., First Scsi,; also Brit. snd For. St. Pap., Vol. XLIV, pp. 114-236. H. A. Washington, "Writings of lcffcraon," Vol. VII, P. tSS. 87 UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA Ville, the British minister at Paris, that he could not consent to the occupation of Havana by France, even as a measure of protection against possible attacks from Mexico and Colombia.' Again some two months later he wrote: As to Cuba you cannot too soon nor too amicably, of course, represent to Villéle the impossibility of our allowing France (or France us, I presume) to meddle in the internal affairs of that colony. We sincerely wish it to remain with the mother-country. Next to that I wish it independent, either singly or in connection with Mexico. But what cannot or must not be, is that any great maritime power should get possession of it. The Americans (Yankees, I mean) think of this matter just as I do.9 The expressions of the United States, as to the de- signs of France, were as emphatic as those of England.
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