In Defence of Trotskyism No. 18
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Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
LE19 - a Turning of the Tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019
#LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Whitten, L. (2019). #LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019. Irish Political Studies, 35(1), 61-79. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2019.1651294 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2019 Political Studies Association of Ireland.. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:29. Sep. 2021 #LE19 – a turning of the tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Lisa Claire Whitten1 Queen’s University Belfast Abstract Otherwise routine local elections in Northern Ireland on 2 May 2019 were bestowed unusual significance by exceptional circumstance. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The Struggle for a Left Praxis in Northern Ireland
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland Benny Witkovsky SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Witkovsky, Benny, "Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1095. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1095 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witkovsky 1 SANDINO SOCIALISTS, FLAGWAVING COMRADES, RED RABBLEROUSERS: THE STRUGGLE FOR A LEFT PRAXIS IN NORTHERN IRELAND By Benny Witkovsky SIT: Transformation of Social and Political Conflict Academic Director: Aeveen Kerrisk Project Advisor: Bill Rolston, University of Ulster School of Sociology and Applied Social Studies, Transitional Justice Institute Spring 2011 Witkovsky 2 ABSTRACT This paper is the outcome of three weeks of research on Left politics in Northern Ireland. Taking the 2011 Assembly Elections as my focal point, I conducted a number of interviews with candidates and supporters, attended meetings and rallies, and participated in neighborhood canvasses. -
Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle
Prepared for the 26th ECPR Summer School on Political Parties. The University of Nottingham (UK), School of Politics and International Relations, 12 September - 23 September, 2016. This is a preliminary draft that will be revised. Comments welcome. A Springboard to the Domestic Arena? Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle Julia Schulte-Cloos 21 August 2016 [Word Count: 9250] Abstract European Parliament (EP) elections offer a distinct incentive structure to voters as there is no government formation at stake. Triggering protest and non-strategical votes, small and radical parties enjoy structural advantages in the supranational contest. While these patterns are well established in the literature, it remains puz- zling how success in the second-order arena impinges on the parties’ first-order trajectories. We lack a systematic understanding of the implications that the sec- ondary elections themselves have on party competition within the domestic arena. This paper posits that EP elections serve as a springboard for success in the national arena. The institution of the EP elections along with the different voting calculi therein has unanticipated consequences for domestic party competition. Drawing on a novel database encompassing the electoral results of all EU member states in national and EP elections since 1979, the temporal distance between these elections, and their position within the respective electoral cycles, I show that particularly populist radical right parties benefit from a spillover of European success to the na- tional arena. This effect is especially pronounced if the temporal distance between the national and the European election is close. The results suggest that the insti- tution of EP elections not only provides these parties with a permeable forum for politicising Europe and their antagonism towards further integration, but that the European campaign also bestows salience upon their nationalistic policy demands. -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
The Dynamics of Political Incivility on Twitter
Journal Title XX(X):1–12 The Dynamics of Political Incivility on c The Author(s) 2020 Reprints and permission: Twitter sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/ToBeAssigned www.sagepub.com/ Yannis Theocharis, Pablo Barbera,´ Zoltan Fazekas, Sebastian Popa Abstract Online incivility and harassment in political communication have become an important topic of concern among politicians, journalists and academics. This study provides a descriptive account of uncivil interactions between citizens and politicians on Twitter. We develop a conceptual framework for understanding the dynamics of incivility at three distinct levels: macro (temporal), meso (contextual), and micro (individual). Using longitudinal data from the Twitter communication mentioning Members of Congress in the U.S. across a time-span of over a year and relying on supervised machine learning methods and topic models, we offer new insights about the prevalence and dynamics of incivility towards legislators. We find that uncivil tweets represent consistently around 18% of all tweets mentioning legislators, but with spikes that correspond to controversial policy debates and political events. Although we find evidence of coordinated attacks, our analysis reveals that the use of uncivil language is common to a large number of users. Keywords politics, social media, incivility, machine learning, gender, topic models “...And then I had no idea what was about secret that citizens are cynical towards politicians (Hay to happen next. My Twitter feed basically 2007). After all, parties are the democratic institution that exploded. [...] I began to see images, for tends to be the least trusted of all others, in Europe as example, of my youngest daughter, who we well as in the US (Capella and Jamieson 1997; Torcal and adopted from Ethiopia many years ago, who at Montero 2006). -
Factsheet: Dáil Éireann (Irish House of Representatives)
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: Dáil Éireann (Irish House of Representatives) Leinster House in Dublin, the seat of the Irish Parliament 1. At a glance Ireland is a parliamentary democracy. The Irish Parliament, known as the Oireachtas, consists of the President and two Houses: Dáil Éireann (House of Representatives) and Seanad Éireann (the Senate). The Members of Dáil Éireann are elected at least once every five years by Irish citizens and British citizens resident in the Republic of Ireland aged 18 and over. The current Dáil was elected in February 2016 and consists of 158 deputies. For the 2016 Dáil elections, the Republic of Ireland was divided into 40 constituencies, each of which elected three to five Members using proportional representation and the single transferable vote system. The constitution confers primacy on Dáil Éireann as the directly elected House in the passage of legislation. Dáil Éireann is also the House from which the government is formed and to which it is responsible. Policy work mostly takes place in joint committees composed of Members of both Houses of of the Oireachtas. 2. Composition Current composition, following the general election on 26 February 2016 Party EP affiliation Number of seats Fine Gael 50 Fianna Fáil 44 Sinn Féin 23 Independents 18 Labour Party 7 Solidarity (Anti-Austerity Alliance) - Not affiliated 6 People before Profit Alliance Independents 4 Change 4 Social Democrats Not affiliated 3 Green Party 2 Aontú Not affiliated 1 158 Turnout: 65,1 % The next Dáil elections must take place in spring 2021 at the latest. -
RTÉ/Behaviour & Attitudes 2016 General Election Exit Poll Report
RTÉ/Behaviour & Attitudes 2016 General Election Exit Poll Report 26th February, 2016 PREPARED BY: Ian McShane & Martha Fanning J.7019 Introduction Introduction ● This report sets out the findings of an Exit Poll commissioned by RTÉ and carried out by Behaviour & Attitudes. The poll was conducted among a sample of 4,283 voters nationwide, interviewed immediately after they had voted in the General Election on Friday, 26th February, 2016. ● The sample was spread throughout all forty Dáil constituencies and undertaken at 223 polling stations. Interviews were conducted face-to-face with randomly selected individuals – throughout the hours of polling from 7am to 10pm in accordance with the 1992 Electoral Act (no interviews took place within 100 yards of a polling station). ● Three questionnaire versions were fielded. Each version included five common questions, along with six to eight questions unique to that particular version. ● The margin of error is estimated to be plus or minus 1.5 percentage points on the five common questions and plus or minus 2.6 percentage points on the questions unique to each of the three questionnaire versions. ● Extracts from the report may be quoted or published on condition that due acknowledgement is given to RTÉ and Behaviour & Attitudes. 3 CONFIDENTIAL Research Methodology ● A face-to-face Exit Poll was conducted among voters immediately after leaving polling stations on General Election day, Friday, 26th February, 2016. ● An effective sample of 4,283 voters was interviewed. ● The Poll was undertaken in all forty Dáil constituencies. ● 223 polling stations were sampled, distributed proportionate to Dáil seats within each constituency: No. -
Political Developments, 2019
01 Political Developments.qxp_Admin 68-1 26/02/2020 13:07 Page 1 Administration, vol. 68, no. 1 (2020), pp. 1–13 doi: 10.2478/admin-2020-0001 Political developments, 2019 David Hugh Moore Department of Political Science, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland European Parliament election On 24 May 2019 Ireland voted in the ninth European Parliament elections. As a result of Brexit, the European Parliament was reorganised and the number of MEPs was reduced from 751 to 705. The twenty-seven remaining UK seats were reallocated to other member states. Ireland received an additional two seats, bringing the country’s total number of seats up to thirteen. The same constituencies as in 2014 were used with only minor border changes. Two constituencies received an additional MEP. Dublin moved from a three-seat to a four-seat constituency while Ireland South went from a four- to a five-seat constituency. The Midlands North-West constituency stayed the same with four seats. Given that the UK had not actually left the EU when the elections were held, the two additional MEPs were ineligible to take their seats until the UK had officially left the EU. In order to be eligible to compete in European elections, a prospective candidate must fulfil one of the following criteria: be nominated by a registered political party; have declarations from sixty people willing to support their candidacy; or pay a deposit of €1,800. These requirements are deemed relatively simple to meet and as such helped contribute towards a record number of candidates running for MEP in the state. -
1 Archived BBC Public Responses to Complaints
Archived BBC public responses to complaints 2019 This Week, BBC One, 10 January 2019 Summary of complaint We received complaints from people who felt Owen Jones was treated in a disrespectful manner while appearing as a guest on the programme. Our response Following the verbal abuse which he and others had sustained from protesters outside Parliament, Owen Jones, journalist, left wing commentator and activist, used his “Take of the Week” section to give his personal take on the current state of political discourse, the rise of the far right and, as he deemed, the reasons for this. This is a prominent section of the programme in which the author gives their views unchallenged. During his video and the studio discussion which followed, Mr Jones made allegations about the Conservative Party and right wing media which some would consider contentious. As our audience would expect, Andrew scrutinised what Mr Jones said. Michael Portillo, who disagreed with Mr Jones, also gave his opinion. Mr Jones was given ample time to express his views and respond to points made to him. When Mr Jones made allegations about The Spectator magazine and Andrew’s role with the publication. Andrew legitimately pointed out that this was nothing to do with the BBC and it wasn’t right for Mr Jones to use the programme to make personal accusations against him. Today, BBC Radio 4, 26 January 2019 Summary of complaint We received a range of complaints following the interview of Helen McEntee. Some listeners felt the tone and content were not appropriate, suggesting a personal bias from the interviewer.