DOCSLIB.ORG

Is There a Political Philosophy in the Declaration of Independence?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Is There a Political Philosophy in the Declaration of Independence? James R. Stoner Is There a Political Philosophy in the Declaration of Independence? Is there a political philosophy in the Dec- but my point at the outset is that part of the laration of Independence? One step toward question of whether there is a political phi- answering this question—not the only step, losophy in the Declaration is whether what but from the philosopher's point of view the Declaration proclaims as self-evident the most fundamental—is to ask whether truths really are true. the "self-evident truths" of the Declaration But that is not the whole of the question. are really true after all. Another way of As others have pointed out, the Declara- putting it, which I once saw in a conference tion does not say, "These truths are self- title, is to ask whether the "self-evident evident...." It says, instead, that "we hold" truths" are fact or fiction. them to be so. If we understand "philoso- I have to admit that "fact or fiction" phy" as it is often understood, in the sense struck me at first as an odd way of question- of a doctrine, and if we understand "politi- ing the authenticity of truths, but on reflec- cal philosophy" as political science depart- tion I decided it was a particularly felicitous ments often do, as a synonym for political turn of phrase. Living in a pragmatic age, theory, then the question of whether there we tend to equate fact with truth, and fic- is a political philosophy in the Declaration tion with falsehood. There is something is the question of whether the Declaration characteristically American about such a binds us to a particular political creed. way of thinking. Still, it is important at the I say "binds" because the Declaration is outset to recognize that this frame of mind treated, even today, as authoritative law in is not universal. No less an authority than one sense: It is printed at the head of the Aristotle writes that fiction (poetry) is United States Code, where it is considered "more philosophic and more serious" than the first of our organic laws. More to the fact (history), because it speaks of univer- point, politically today the Declaration of sals rather than particulars; there is more Independence has no open enemies; it is the truth in understanding the soul of a man touchstone of our political arguments rather like Homer's Odysseus than in knowing, to than an object of advocacy any more. Even quote Aristotle, what "Alcibiades did or had done to him"'—or even, did not do or have done to him, as students of Plato's James R. Stoner is Professor of Political Science at Symposium will understand. I will return to Louisiana State University, and he serves as a member of the National Council for the Humanities. His most the question of fact and its relation to truth. recent book is Common Law Liberty (2003). THE INTERCOLLEGIATE REVIEW—Fall/Winter2005 Is There a Political Philosophy in the Declaration of Independence? by James R. Stoner those who dismiss the American founders included but that Congress cut out—it still as racist or sexist want to keep the Declara- ought to be legitimate to ask whether the tion. They accuse the founders of hypocrisy Declaration today commits Americans to a rather than mistaken principle. It is not particular program of development. only that no one wants to be on the wrong These then are my questions. I want to side of the Declaration, but that even the ask whether the self-evident truths are true, charges made against the Declaration's whether we believe they are, and how we authors seem to be anchored in the ought to act on them. First, however, I want Declaration's own principle of equality. to ask what they mean and to answer by V\^ether or not that principle and the other paying attention to the document as a purported truths that accompany it are whole. true, they would seem in fact to be the first principles of our regime. The Short Version and the Long And this leads to my third concern. If the "self-evident truths" of the Declaration are buppose the Declaration had been vwitten either true or fundamentally ours, how as it is usually read today. It would be only should they affect our political life? While about a page in length, edited down to the loyalty to the original Constitution is often first two paragraphs and then the last, where dismissed as hopelessly anachronistic or the actual declaration of independence is conservative, loyalty to the Declaration made. No one would deny that these para- might seem to have the opposite conse- graphs—especially the famous second one, quence: to mandate support of those move- with its elegantly simple account of the first ments that seek to extend the reach of equal- principles of natural rights and just gov- ity in America. Abraham Lincoln seems to ernment—contain the most memorable have thought so. He wrote that the asser- phrases in the document, indeed precisely tion of human equality in the Declaration the phrases that have fired the imagination provides "a standard maxim for free soci- of generations of Americans and of reform- ety, which should be familiar to all, and ers and revolutionaries around the globe. revered by all; constantly looked to, con- Nor is it only frequent repetition that gives stantly labored for, and even though never these phrases their ring of self-evidence, perfectly attained, constantly approxi- even several centuries after they were mated, and thereby constantly spreading penned. Jefferson crafted them with care, and deepening its influence, and augment- and he drew upon a rich tradition of politi- ing the happiness and value of life to all cal theory that had developed in the previ- people of all colors everywhere."^ At the ous century or so in England, most espe- very least, Lincoln's use of the Declaration's cially as conveyed in the Two Treatises of principle of equality in the controversy Government by John Locke. over slavery set a precedent for its use to Though echoes of Locke's phraseology reform the regime from within. can be heard in Jefferson's language, Still, however important Lincoln's Jefferson claimed that the Declaration did achievement or however appropriate the not reflect any single man's ideas but rather use of the Declaration in its support— "the harmonizing sentiments of the day, Jefferson himself understood the implica- whether expressed in conversation, in let- tions of his principles for the question of ters, printed essays, or in the elementary slavery, as evidenced by the clause con- books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, demning the slave trade that he would have Locke, Sidney, etc."' Insisting that political THE INTERCOLLEGIATE REVIEW—Fall/Winter2005 Is There a Political Philosophy in the Declaration of Independence? by James R. Stoner reflection must begin with equal natural and abuses of constitutional powers by the rights, that government is itself not natu- king. Here, twelve different complaints are rally given but rather is formed through the lodged, accusing the king of threatening the consent of those who acknowledge it, that public good by the use of his veto, dissolv- government has the limited purpose of se- ing colonial assemblies, obstructing jus- curing rights, and that abusive govern- tice, keeping standing armies among them ment can be cashiered, the theoretical para- in peacetime, and the like. The thirteenth graph of the Declaration sketches a politi- grievance introduces the second division, cal doctrine that today we recognize as the "Acts of pretended legislation" that the classically liberal—in contradistinction, I king has passed by "combin[ing] with oth- might add, despite Jefferson's claim, to ers to subject us to a Jurisdiction foreign to Aristotle's teaching that the polis exists by our Constitution, and unacknowledged nature and has the promotion of virtue as by our Laws." Referred to here are nine its highest end. Whether out of personal acts of Parliament, described not by name conviction or because liberty cannot be but by their effects—imposing taxes with- secure unless the people believe—remem- out consent, suspending trial by jury, abol- ber his famous remark a decade later, "can ishing colonial charters, and so forth. Fi- the liberties of a nation be thought secure nally, there are five statements introduced when we have removed their only firm ba- by an implicit reference to the King's Proc- sis, a conviction in the minds of the people lamation of Rebellion of August 23, 1775, that these liberties are of the gift of God?""— under which "He has abdicated Govern- Jefferson states more clearly than Locke ment here, by declaring us out of his Pro- that what I have called equal natural rights tection and waging War against us." Here, are an endowment of the Creator, presum- his acts of war are summarized and de- ably the same "Nature's God" mentioned nounced. in the Declaration's first sentence. But that From the point of view of the theoretical government itself has a human rather than paragraphs with their "self-evident truths," a divine origin is clear. Indeed, in a sense, these many statements in the middle of the that is the whole point—for the Declara- Declaration are the "facts" which prove tion is written to justify^ political change. that the king has in mind a despotism over Still, the famous paragraphs of the Dec- America and that the colonists had better laration are but a part of the whole.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • FEMA Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local
    Guide to Continuity of Government For State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments July 2021 Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments This page intentionally left blank Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments Table of Contents 1. Introduction and Purpose .......................................................................................................... 2 2. Principals of COOP, COG and ECG ............................................................................................. 3 2.1. Relationship Between COOP and COG ........................................................................... 5 3. Continuity of Government – A Coordinated Effort .................................................................... 5 3.1. COG - Representation and Cross Governmental/Jurisdictional/ Organizational Continuity Working Group ............................................................................................... 5 3.2. Branches of Government (Federal Model) .................................................................... 6 3.3. SLTT Departments, Agencies and Bureaus ................................................................... 8 4. Emergency Action Steps ............................................................................................................ 9 4.1. Emergency Resources .................................................................................................. 10 Annex A: NEF 1 Description ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • On Becoming a Pragmatic Researcher: the Importance of Combining Quantitative and Qualitative Research Methodologies
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 482 462 TM 035 389 AUTHOR Onwuegbuzie, Anthony J.; Leech, Nancy L. TITLE On Becoming a Pragmatic Researcher: The Importance of Combining Quantitative and Qualitative Research Methodologies. PUB DATE 2003-11-00 NOTE 25p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Mid-South Educational Research Association (Biloxi, MS, November 5-7, 2003). PUB TYPE Reports Descriptive (141) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Pragmatics; *Qualitative Research; *Research Methodology; *Researchers ABSTRACT The last 100 years have witnessed a fervent debate in the United States about quantitative and qualitative research paradigms. Unfortunately, this has led to a great divide between quantitative and qualitative researchers, who often view themselves in competition with each other. Clearly, this polarization has promoted purists, i.e., researchers who restrict themselves exclusively to either quantitative or qualitative research methods. Mono-method research is the biggest threat to the advancement of the social sciences. As long as researchers stay polarized in research they cannot expect stakeholders who rely on their research findings to take their work seriously. The purpose of this paper is to explore how the debate between quantitative and qualitative is divisive, and thus counterproductive for advancing the social and behavioral science field. This paper advocates that all graduate students learn to use and appreciate both quantitative and qualitative research. In so doing, students will develop into what is termed "pragmatic researchers." (Contains 41 references.) (Author/SLD) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. On Becoming a Pragmatic Researcher 1 Running head: ON BECOMING A PRAGMATIC RESEARCHER U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in the United States
    Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • 2. Aristotle's Concept of the State
    Page No.13 2. Aristotle's concept of the state Olivera Z. Mijuskovic Full Member International Association of Greek Philosophy University of Athens, Greece ORCID iD: http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5950-7146 URL: http://worldphilosophynetwork.weebly.com E-Mail: [email protected] Abstract: In contrast to a little bit utopian standpoint offered by Plato in his teachings about the state or politeia where rulers aren`t “in love with power but in virtue”, Aristotle's teaching on the same subject seems very realistic and pragmatic. In his most important writing in this field called "Politics", Aristotle classified authority in the form of two main parts: the correct authority and moose authority. In this sense, correct forms of government are 1.basileus, 2.aristocracy and 3.politeia. These forms of government are based on the common good. Bad or moose forms of government are those that are based on the property of an individual or small governmental structures and they are: 1.tiranny, 2.oligarchy and 3.democracy. Also, Aristotle's political thinking is not separate from the ethical principles so he states that the government should be reflected in the true virtue that is "law" or the "golden mean". Keywords: Government; stat; , virtue; democracy; authority; politeia; golden mean. Vol. 4 No. 4 (2016) Issue- December ISSN 2347-6869 (E) & ISSN 2347-2146 (P) Aristotle's concept of the state by Olivera Z. Mijuskovic Page no. 13-20 Page No.14 Aristotle's concept of the state 1.1. Aristotle`s “Politics” Politics in its defined form becomes affirmed by the ancient Greek world.
    [Show full text]
  • Resistance to Civil Government
    Resistance to Civil Government 1849 Henry David Thoreau 1817–1862 YogeBooks 2008:11:20:20:02:59 2 Æsthetic Papers Art X.—Resistance to Civil Government A Lecture delivered in 1847 3 4 Resistance to Civil Government heartily accept the motto,—“That government is best Iwhich governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe,—“That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. This American government,—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will.
    [Show full text]
  • An Interpretation of Kant's Political Philosophy in Light of His Critical-Regulative Method
    DePaul University Via Sapientiae College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences 11-2011 Politics, history, critique: An interpretation of Kant's political philosophy in light of his critical-regulative method. Dilek Huseyinzadegan DePaul University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd Recommended Citation Huseyinzadegan, Dilek, "Politics, history, critique: An interpretation of Kant's political philosophy in light of his critical-regulative method." (2011). College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations. 110. https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd/110 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICS, HISTORY, CRITIQUE: AN INTERPRETATION OF KANT’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IN LIGHT OF HIS CRITICAL-REGULATIVE METHOD A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2011 By Dilek Huseyinzadegan Department of Philosophy College of Liberal Arts and Sciences DePaul University Chicago, Illinois Acknowledgements This dissertation would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. The Department of Philosophy at DePaul University provided a doctoral scholarship for eight years of graduate study. I thank the faculty for their help and support throughout this process, especially my dissertation director Avery Goldman, whose approach to Kant and his method inspired this project in the first place, my committee members Elizabeth Millàn, Kevin Thompson, and Rick Lee, whose graduate seminars gave rise to numerous fruitful discussions on German Idealism and Romanticism, history and politics, and critical theory.
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophy As a Path to Happiness
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto Philosophy as a Path to Happiness Attainment of Happiness in Arabic Peripatetic and Ismaili Philosophy Janne Mattila ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki in auditorium XII, University main building, on the 13th of June, 2011 at 12 o’clock. ISBN 978-952-92-9077-2 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-10-7001-3 (PDF) http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/ Helsinki University Print Helsinki 2011 2 Abstract The aim of this study is to explore the idea of philosophy as a path to happiness in medieval Arabic philosophy. The starting point is in comparison of two distinct currents within Arabic philosophy between the 10th and early 11th centuries, Peripatetic philosophy, represented by al-Fārābī and Ibn Sīnā, and Ismaili philosophy represented by al-Kirmānī and the Brethren of Purity. These two distinct groups of sources initially offer two contrasting views about philosophy. The attitude of the Peripatetic philosophers is rationalistic and secular in spirit, whereas for the Ismailis philosophy represents the esoteric truth behind revelation. Still, the two currents of thought converge in their view that the ultimate purpose of philosophy lies in its ability to lead man towards happiness. Moreover, they share a common concept of happiness as a contemplative ideal of human perfection, merged together with the Neoplatonic goal of the soul’s reascent to the spiritual world. Finally, for both happiness refers primarily to an otherworldly state thereby becoming a philosophical interpretation of the Quranic accounts of the afterlife.
    [Show full text]
  • Kant's Doctrine of Religion As Political Philosophy
    Kant's Doctrine of Religion as Political Philosophy Author: Phillip David Wodzinski Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/987 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2009 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Political Science KANT’S DOCTRINE OF RELIGION AS POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY a dissertation by PHILLIP WODZINSKI submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2009 © copyright by PHILLIP DAVID WODZINSKI 2009 ABSTRACT Kant’s Doctrine of Religion as Political Philosophy Phillip Wodzinski Advisor: Susan Shell, Ph.D. Through a close reading of Immanuel Kant’s late book, Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason, the dissertation clarifies the political element in Kant’s doctrine of religion and so contributes to a wider conception of his political philosophy. Kant’s political philosophy of religion, in addition to extending and further animating his moral doctrine, interprets religion in such a way as to give the Christian faith a moral grounding that will make possible, and even be an agent of, the improvement of social and political life. The dissertation emphasizes the wholeness and structure of Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason as a book, for the teaching of the book is not exhausted by the articulation of its doctrine but also includes both the fact and the manner of its expression: the reader learns most fully from Kant by giving attention to the structure and tone of the book as well as to its stated content and argumentation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transition from Studying Philosophy to Doing Philosophy
    Teaching Philosophy 34:3, September 2011 241 The Transition from Studying Philosophy to Doing Philosophy JOHN RUDISILL The College of Wooster Abstract: In this paper I articulate a minimal conception of the idea of doing philosophy that informs a curriculum and pedagogy for producing students who are capable of engaging in philosophical activity and not just competent with a specific domain of knowledge. The paper then relates, by way of back- ground, the departmental assessment practices that have played a vital role in the development of my department’s current curriculum and in particular in the design of a junior-year seminar in philosophical research required of all majors. After a brief survey of the learning theory literature that has informed its design, I share the content of this junior-year seminar. In the paper’s conclusion I provide some initial data that indicates our approach to curriculum and pedagogy has had a positive impact on student achievement with respect to reaching the learning goals associated with “doing” as opposed to “merely studying” philosophy. 1. Introduction Capstone projects are common among liberal arts colleges and fre- quently carry an expectation that the final product demonstrates the student’s achievement of becoming a budding biologist, historian, sociologist, philosopher and so on. Even without a formal capstone requirement, I would hope that my philosophy students could—as they finish their undergraduate studies—demonstrate such an achievement. This is because the full set of benefits made available by an education in philosophy includes but extends well beyond knowledge of the history of philosophy and mastery of a philosophical lexicon.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexis De Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment
    Economic Insights FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS VOLUME 5, NUMBER 1 Alexis de Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment The Early Years bring Tocqueville fame and honors. In Born in Paris in 1805, Alexis- 1833, about a year after Tocqueville We are pleased to add this piece on Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville returned to France, the report on Alexis de Tocqueville to our series of profiles entered the world in the early and most American prisons, The U.S. Penitentiary powerful days of Napoleon’s empire. System and Its Application in France, that began with Frédéric Bastiat and Friedrich His parents were of the nobility and was published. von Hayek. Both Bastiat and Hayek were had taken the historical family name of Things in France changed for Beau- strong and influential proponents of indi- Tocqueville, which dated from the mont and Tocqueville upon their return early 17th century and was a region after 10 months in America. Both men vidual liberty and free enterprise. While they of France known previously as the left the judiciary. Beaumont was offi- approached those topics from a theoretical Leverrier fief. cially let go, and Tocqueville resigned perspective, Tocqueville’s views on early Tocqueville’s father supported the in sympathetic protest. Tocqueville then French monarchy and played no seri- had ample time to work on his master- American and French democracy were based ous role in public affairs until after piece, Democracy in America. Volume 1 on his keen personal observations and his- Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo, was published in 1835.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Dimensions of Classical Utilitarian Economic Thought ––Bentham, J.S
    July 2012 Three Dimensions of Classical Utilitarian Economic Thought ––Bentham, J.S. Mill, and Sidgwick–– Daisuke Nakai∗ 1. Utilitarianism in the History of Economic Ideas Utilitarianism is a many-sided conception, in which we can discern various aspects: hedonistic, consequentialistic, aggregation or maximization-oriented, and so forth.1 While we see its impact in several academic fields, such as ethics, economics, and political philosophy, it is often dragged out as a problematic or negative idea. Aside from its essential and imperative nature, one reason might be in the fact that utilitarianism has been only vaguely understood, and has been given different roles, “on the one hand as a theory of personal morality, and on the other as a theory of public choice, or of the criteria applicable to public policy” (Sen and Williams 1982, 1-2). In this context, if we turn our eyes on economics, we can find intimate but subtle connections with utilitarian ideas. In 1938, Samuelson described the formulation of utility analysis in economic theory since Jevons, Menger, and Walras, and the controversies following upon it, as follows: First, there has been a steady tendency toward the removal of moral, utilitarian, welfare connotations from the concept. Secondly, there has been a progressive movement toward the rejection of hedonistic, introspective, psychological elements. These tendencies are evidenced by the names suggested to replace utility and satisfaction––ophélimité, desirability, wantability, etc. (Samuelson 1938) Thus, Samuelson felt the need of “squeezing out of the utility analysis its empirical implications”. In any case, it is somewhat unusual for economists to regard themselves as utilitarians, even if their theories are relying on utility analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
    Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses.
    [Show full text]