A Review of the Optimal Foraging Theory Literature in Zooarchaeology and Archaeobotany
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Research Communications Beyond Depression? A Review of the Optimal Foraging Theory Literature in Zooarchaeology and Archaeobotany Emily Lena Jones1* and David A. Hurley2 1Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA. 2University Libraries, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA. *[email protected] Abstract The use of optimal foraging theory in archaeology has been criticized for focusing heavily on “negative” human- environmental interactions, particularly anthropogenic resource depression, in which prey populations are reduced by foragers’ own foraging activities. In addition, some researchers have suggested the focus on resource depression is more common in the zooarchaeological literature than in the archaeobotanical literature, indicating fundamental differences in the ways zooarchaeologists and archaeobotanists approach the archaeological record. In this paper, we assess these critiques through a review of the literature between 1997 and 2017. We find that studies identifying resource depression occur at similar rates in the archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological literature. In addition, while earlier archaeological applications of optimal foraging theory did focus heavily on the identification of resource depression, the literature published between 2013 and 2017 shows a wider variety of approaches. Received September 5, 2016 OPEN ACCESS Accepted March 10, 2017 DOI 10.14237/ebl.8.1.2017.786 Keywords Resource depression, Optimal foraging theory, Prey choice, Zooarchaeology, Archaeobotany Copyright © 2017 by the author(s); licensee Society of Ethnobiology. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International Public License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. Supplementary Files available at ojs.ethnobiology.org/index.php/ebl/article/view/786 Introduction that anthropogenic resource depression is primarily The debate on the use of optimal foraging theory in evidenced in zooarchaeological, rather than archaeology—particularly in zooarchaeology and archaeobotanical, data. The bases of this belief range archaeobotany—has been heated in recent years, with from differences in human-plant relationships as critiques emerging in a variety of different contexts opposed to human-animal ones to methodological (e.g., Codding et al. 2010; Jones 2016a:9–22; Reitz et differences (see for instance Campbell and Butler al. 2009; Smith 2015; Speth 2013; Zeder 2012, 2015a, 2010a; Deur and Turner 2005; Peacock and Turner b). While these critiques vary both in their natures 2000; Smith 2014; Turner et al. 2000). While and in the bases of their arguments, many of them explanations vary, the impression that concern, at least in part, the use of foraging theory to archaeobotanists are less likely to identify resource identify cases of prehistoric resource depression, or depression than zooarchaeologists is widespread. decreases in foraging efficiency based on the foragers’ However, neither the dominance of resource own activities (here, we use resource depression in a depression in the zooarchaeological foraging theory large sense, including behavioral depression and literature nor the lack of evidence for resource microhabitat depression as well as exploitation depression in the archaeobotanical literature have depression; see Charnov et al. 1976). Zeder been demonstrated through literature review. In fact, (2012:254) puts it succinctly: “In this way a broad there is some evidence to contradict both these ideas spectrum diet, resource depression, and a decrease in (Codding and Bird 2015). Foraging theory models are foraging efficiency are all inextricably linked together, used by archaeobotanists and zooarchaeologists to imbedded within the foundational assumptions of the explore themes other than resource depression; OFT world view.” Similarly, some have suggested indeed, these models have been used archaeologically Jones and Hurley. 2017. Ethnobiology Letters 8(1):35–42 35 Research Communications to identify, among other things, instances of zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical data were not prehistoric sustainability (e.g., Campbell and Butler the basis of the overall argument, and/or which were 2010b), cases of environmental rebound (e.g., Jones purely conceptual. For reasons both practical (we 2016b), climate-driven changes in resource acquisition could not obtain all the publications) and abstract (e.g., Broughton et al. 2008), and gendered foraging (content was not designed as a “publication” per se), (e.g., Zeanah 2004). On the other hand, in at least we excluded undergraduate theses, conference papers some cases archaeobotanical data have been used to and posters, and non-peer-reviewed reports. support studies of resource depression (e.g., Simms Duplicate results were frequent both within and 1984). across databases, with Google Scholar presenting However, this evidence is anecdotal. It does not particular challenges. Google Scholar might find the negate the possibilities that 1) other mechanisms for same article on the journal’s website, the authors’ change identified are adjunct and subordinate to webpages, social networking sites such as studies of resource depression in the foraging theory Academia.edu, as well as in one or more institutional literature; and 2) archaeobotanical studies identify repositories. In some cases, the versions retrieved by resource depression less frequently than Google Scholar were uncorrected proofs or otherwise zooarchaeological studies. different from the final published form. We used the To explore these possibilities, in this paper we version of record—that is, the final published form— consider the role resource depression and other topics whenever available. within the zooarchaeology and archaeobotany optimal Despite our focus on recall, our search foraging literature have played over the last 20 years. undoubtedly missed relevant publications. Works not We assess patterns in publications’ analytical foci included in the databases searched were, obviously, overall, by subdiscipline, and through time. not found. Additionally, indexing varies across publication and database. If the full text of the Methods publication is not searchable, and the terms we Data collection searched for do not appear in the indexed fields (e.g., We searched multiple databases of scholarly in title, abstract, keyword, or subject fields), the publications including Anthropology Plus, publication would not be retrieved even if the work Anthrosource, Google Scholar, Web of Knowledge, was relevant. Finally, in dealing with large results sets and WorldCat to identify the relevant literature. Our with significant duplication, human error was also search criteria required any one of the following likely a factor. phrases: foraging theory, prey choice model, or patch Our final dataset contained 244 individual articles, choice model, in addition to some variation of any of chapters, books, dissertations and theses, representing the following terms: archaeology, archaeobotany, the work of more than 250 individual authors working zooarchaeology. on six continents (see supplementary dataset and Though the exact search differed slightly by database, bibliography). As these data are limited to those the search logic can generally be represented as: authors publishing explicitly within foraging theory, ("Optimal foraging theory" OR "Prey Choice they cannot be used to study trends within model" OR "Patch Choice model") AND zooarchaeology or archaeobotany overall. However, (archaeology OR archeology OR paleoethno* we believe they do provide a reasonable sample to OR paleobot* OR archaeobot* OR zooarch* understand the zooarchaeology and archaeobotany OR archaeozoo*) foraging theory literature. Citations to these articles The search was further limited by year to works are provided in the supplementary files. published in 1997 or later, and by language to works Analyses written in English. We read all publications in the dataset and recorded Our search strategy was deliberately broad and whether they used zooarchaeological data, emphasized recall over precision (i.e., prioritizing not archaeobotanical data, or both. “Zooarchaeology” missing relevant articles over limiting irrelevant comprised any study using animal (vertebrate or results). Therefore, we assessed each article invertebrate) remains as the basis of study, while individually to exclude works in which foraging theory “archaeobotany” included any study using plant data was mentioned only in passing, in which (pollen, phytoliths, macrobotanical data, etc.). Jones and Hurley. 2017. Ethnobiology Letters 8(1):35–42 36 Research Communications Table 1 Descriptions of topical categories used in this analysis. Category Examples of topics Overall n Resource depression Reduced foraging efficiency due to foragers’ own activities 85 Prey/patch choice approaches to domestication of either (or both) plants Domestication 22 and animals Patch choice, central place foraging, and/or marginal value theorem ap- Patch choice/CPF 70 proaches to understanding subsistence and/or resource use Sustainability Sustainable use; conservation 37 Environment/climate Connection between environmental variables and changes in prey choice 50 change and/or patch use Culture Costly signaling; gender and risk; niche construction 39 Method/Theory Prey ranking systems;