The Evolutionary Path of the Law
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins Is Another
BOOKS & ARTS COMMENT ooks about science tend to fall into two categories: those that explain it to lay people in the hope of cultivat- Bing a wide readership, and those that try to persuade fellow scientists to support a new theory, usually with equations. Books that achieve both — changing science and reach- ing the public — are rare. Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species (1859) was one. The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins is another. From the moment of its publication 40 years ago, it has been a sparkling best-seller and a TERRY SMITH/THE LIFE IMAGES COLLECTION/GETTY SMITH/THE LIFE IMAGES TERRY scientific game-changer. The gene-centred view of evolution that Dawkins championed and crystallized is now central both to evolutionary theoriz- ing and to lay commentaries on natural history such as wildlife documentaries. A bird or a bee risks its life and health to bring its offspring into the world not to help itself, and certainly not to help its species — the prevailing, lazy thinking of the 1960s, even among luminaries of evolution such as Julian Huxley and Konrad Lorenz — but (uncon- sciously) so that its genes go on. Genes that cause birds and bees to breed survive at the expense of other genes. No other explana- tion makes sense, although some insist that there are other ways to tell the story (see K. Laland et al. Nature 514, 161–164; 2014). What stood out was Dawkins’s radical insistence that the digital information in a gene is effectively immortal and must be the primary unit of selection. -
Daniel C. Dennett
KINDS OF MINDS Toward an Understanding of Consciousness DANIEL C. DENNETT A Member of the Perseus Books Group -iii- The Science Masters Series is a global publishing venture consisting of original science books written by leading scientists and published by a worldwide team of twenty-six publishers assembled by John Brockman. The series was conceived by Anthony Cheetham of Orion Publishers and John Brockman of Brockman Inc., a New York literary agency, and developed in coordination with BasicBooks. The Science Masters name and marks are owned by and licensed to the publisher by Brockman Inc. Copyright © 1996 by Daniel Dennett. Published by BasicBooks A Member of the Perseus Books Group All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information address Basic Books, 10 East 53rd Street, New York, NY 10022-5299. Designed by Joan Greenfield ISBN 0-465-07351-4 (pbk.) 99 00 01 ❖/RRD 10 9 8 7 6 5 -iv- CONTENTS Preface vii 1 What Kinds of Minds Are There? 1 Knowing Your Own Mind 1 We Mind-Havers, We Minders 3 Words and Minds 8 The Problem of Incommunicative Minds 12 2 Intentionality: The Intentional Systems Approach 19 Simple Beginnings: The Birth of Agency 19 Adopting the Intentional Stance 27 The Misguided Goal of Propositional Precision 41 Original and Derived Intentionality 50 3 The Body and Its Minds 57 From Sensitivity to Sentience? 57 The -
Evolution of Cooperation Cooperation Vs
Cooperation Main points for today Cooperation • Sociality, cooperation, mutualism, altruism - definitions • Kin selection – Hamilton’s rule, how to calculate r Why is it surprising and • Group selection – the price equation, green beards, and assortment how does it evolve • Classic examples – alarm calls, helpers at the nest, social insects, predator inspection, food sharing Definitions ‘Social behavior’ is NOT cooperative behavior Cooperation: Displaying a behavior that benefits another Group living vs. cooperation individual. (If both benefit that's mutualism.) Sociality-no- Altruism: cooperation Displaying a behavior that benefits another and individual at a cost to oneself. cooperation- Sociality/social behavior: no-sociality Living in a group/behavior in interactions with conspecifics I define ‘sociality’ as living with other individuals of the same species at least semi-permanently. Why individuals do not sacrifice themselves The evolutionary mystery for the good of the group How can altruism evolve? • If the recipient of the cooperative/altruistic act benefits, it is going to leave more offspring . • The actor however is not going to leave more offspring, or even fewer offspring – fewer altruists in the next generation . If such behavior is heritable, and it goes on over many generations, it will ultimately die out. 1 The evolutionary mystery Evolution of altruism Altruism: 5 possible Group selection explanations The Price equation : shows how variance partitioned among individuals and groups leads to selection • Group selection -
The Nature of Human Altruism
review article The nature of human altruism Ernst Fehr & Urs Fischbacher University of Zu¨rich, Institute for Empirical Research in Economics, Blu¨mlisalpstrasse 10, CH-8006 Zu¨rich, Switzerland ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................... Some of the most fundamental questions concerning our evolutionary origins, our social relations, and the organization of society are centred around issues of altruism and selfishness. Experimental evidence indicates that human altruism is a powerful force and is unique in the animal world. However, there is much individual heterogeneity and the interaction between altruists and selfish individuals is vital to human cooperation. Depending on the environment, a minority of altruists can force a majority of selfish individuals to cooperate or, conversely, a few egoists can induce a large number of altruists to defect. Current gene-based evolutionary theories cannot explain important patterns of human altruism, pointing towards the importance of both theories of cultural evolution as well as gene–culture co-evolution. uman societies represent a huge anomaly in the animal a psychological13—definition of altruism as being costly acts that world1. They are based on a detailed division of labour confer economic benefits on other individuals. The role of kinship and cooperation between genetically unrelated individ- in human altruism is not discussed because it is well-known that uals in large groups. This is obviously true for modern humans share kin-driven altruism with many other animals14,15.We societies with their large organizations and nation states, will show that the interaction between selfish and strongly recipro- Hbut it also holds for hunter-gatherers, who typically have dense cal individuals is essential for understanding of human cooperation. -
Sacredness in an Experimental Chamber
BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2006) 29, 161–209 Printed in the United States of America Moneyastool,moneyasdrug:The biological psychology of a strong incentive Stephen E. G. Lea University of Exeter, School of Psychology, Washington Singer Laboratories, Exeter EX4 4QG, United Kingdom [email protected] http://www.exeter.ac.uk/SEGLea Paul Webley University of Exeter, School of Psychology, Washington Singer Laboratories, Exeter EX4 4QG, United Kingdom [email protected] http://www.exeter.ac.uk/pwebley Abstract: Why are people interested in money? Specifically, what could be the biological basis for the extraordinary incentive and reinforcing power of money, which seems to be unique to the human species? We identify two ways in which a commodity which is of no biological significance in itself can become a strong motivator. The first is if it is used as a tool, and by a metaphorical extension this is often applied to money: it is used instrumentally, in order to obtain biologically relevant incentives. Second, substances can be strong motivators because they imitate the action of natural incentives but do not produce the fitness gains for which those incentives are instinctively sought. The classic examples of this process are psychoactive drugs, but we argue that the drug concept can also be extended metaphorically to provide an account of money motivation. From a review of theoretical and empirical literature about money, we conclude that (i) there are a number of phenomena that cannot be accounted for by a pure Tool Theory of money motivation; (ii) supplementing Tool Theory with a Drug Theory enables the anomalous phenomena to be explained; and (iii) the human instincts that, according to a Drug Theory, money parasitizes include trading (derived from reciprocal altruism) and object play. -
Harman, G. & Gordon, D., Philosophy 380, Princeton University
PHI 380 Explaining Values Syllabus Fall Term 2003-04 Instructors • Gilbert Harman, Philosophy, 118 1879 Hall, x4301, [email protected] • David Gordon, Philosophy, 227 1879 Hall, x1486, [email protected] Description and Objectives Why do many people even today condemn promiscuity in women more than similar promiscuity in men? What explains seemingly altruistic motivation? Where do moral rules come from and why are they followed? What accounts for how people think about abortion? Do people act morally as a result of moral reasoning, or is moral reasoning simply a rationalization of emotions? Do people suppose that a person’s moral worth can be a matter of “moral luck”? How does a child develop a conscience? Do some people have better characters than others? How do the moralities of different cultures vary? Are there moral universals? Various explanations might be offered of ordinary moral values: that they are based in reason, that they are based in emotion, that they are the result of social pressures, that they are the result of biological evolution, that they are the result of more or less arbitrary historical facts. In this course we consider a variety of things about morality that might be explained and a variety of explanations of them. Our goal is to try to assess these explanations, to decide how plausible they are, when they compete and when they are complementary, what evidence is relevant to them, and what normative implications they would have if true. 1 Course Requirements Lectures are Monday and Wednesday at 1:30-2:20 p.m. in Jones 113, plus one precept to be assigned. -
Why You Do What You Do -- Printout -- TIME 3/30/11 4:33 PM
Why You Do What You Do -- Printout -- TIME 3/30/11 4:33 PM Back to Article Click to Print Monday, Aug. 01, 1977 Why You Do What You Do The concepts are startling—and disturbing. Conflict between parents and children is biologically inevitable. Children are bora deceitful. All human acts—even saving a stranger from drowning or donating a million dollars to the poor—may be ultimately selfish. Morality and justice, far from being the triumphant product of human progress, evolved from man's animal past, and are securely rooted in the genes. These are some of the teachings of sociobiology, a new and highly controversial scientific discipline that seeks to establish that social behavior—human as well as animal—has a biological basis. Its most striking tenet: human behavior is genetically based, the result of millions of years of evolution. Some sociobiologists go so far as to suggest that there may be human genes for such behavior as conformism, homosexuality and spite. Carried to an extreme, sociobiology holds that all forms of life exist solely to serve the purposes of DNA, the coded master molecule that determines the nature of all organisms and is the stuff of genes. As British Ethologist Richard Dawkins describes the role and drive of the genes, they "swarm in huge colonies, safe inside gigantic lumbering robots, sealed off from the outside world, manipulating it by remote control. They are in you and me; they created us body and mind; and their preservation is the ultimate rationale for our existence we are their survival machines." Sociobiologists—whose growing ranks include some 250 biologists, zoologists and social scientists— argue that without consideration of biology, the study of human culture makes no sense. -
The Natures of Universal Moralities, 75 Brook
Brooklyn Law Review Volume 75 Issue 2 SYMPOSIUM: Article 4 Is Morality Universal, and Should the Law Care? 2009 The aN tures of Universal Moralities Bailey Kuklin Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/blr Recommended Citation Bailey Kuklin, The Natures of Universal Moralities, 75 Brook. L. Rev. (2009). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/blr/vol75/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Law Review by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. The Natures of Universal Moralities Bailey Kuklin† One of the abiding lessons from postmodernism is that reason does not go all the way down.1 In the context of this symposium, one cannot deductively derive a universal morality from incontestible moral primitives,2 or practical reason alone.3 Instead, even reasoned moral systems must ultimately be grounded on intuition,4 a sense of justice. The question then † Professor of Law, Brooklyn Law School. I wish to thank the presenters and participants of the Brooklyn Law School Symposium entitled “Is Morality Universal, and Should the Law Care?” and those at the Tenth SEAL Scholarship Conference. Further thanks go to Brooklyn Law School for supporting this project with a summer research stipend. 1 “Simplifying to the extreme, I define postmodern as incredulity toward metanarratives.” JEAN-FRANCOIS LYOTARD, THE POSTMODERN CONDITION: A REPORT ON KNOWLEDGE xxiv (Geoff Bennington & Brian Massumi trans., 1984). “If modernity is viewed with Weberian optimism as the project of rationalisation of the life-world, an era of material progress, social emancipation and scientific innovation, the postmodern is derided as chaotic, catastrophic, nihilistic, the end of good order.” COSTAS DOUZINAS ET AL., POSTMODERN JURISPRUDENCE 16 (1991). -
The Morality of Evolutionarily Self-Interested Rescues
Brooklyn Law School BrooklynWorks Faculty Scholarship 2006 The orM ality of Evolutionarily Self-Interested Rescues Bailey Kuklin Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/faculty Part of the Law and Philosophy Commons, and the Torts Commons Recommended Citation 40 Ariz. St. L. J. 453 (2008) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of BrooklynWorks. THE MORALITY OF EVOLUTIONARILY SELF- INTERESTED RESCUES Bailey Kuklint Introduction ................................................................................................ 453 I. The Rescue Doctrine and Evolutionary Psychology ............................ 456 A . "Peril Invites R escue" ................................................................... 456 B. Evolutionary Psychology ............................................................... 457 1. Kin Selection ............................................................................ 458 2. R eciprocal A ltruism ................................................................. 459 3. Sexual Selection ....................................................................... 466 C. Evolutionary Behavioral Maxims .................................................. 469 II. M orality of R escue ............................................................................... 473 A . U tilitarianism .................................................................................. 477 -
The Evolution and Psychology of Self-Deception
BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2011) 34,1–56 doi:10.1017/S0140525X10001354 The evolution and psychology of self-deception William von Hippel School of Psychology, University of Queensland, St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia [email protected] http://www.psy.uq.edu.au/directory/index.html?id¼1159 Robert Trivers Department of Anthropology, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08901 [email protected] http://anthro.rutgers.edu/ index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼102&Itemid¼136 Abstract: In this article we argue that self-deception evolved to facilitate interpersonal deception by allowing people to avoid the cues to conscious deception that might reveal deceptive intent. Self-deception has two additional advantages: It eliminates the costly cognitive load that is typically associated with deceiving, and it can minimize retribution if the deception is discovered. Beyond its role in specific acts of deception, self-deceptive self-enhancement also allows people to display more confidence than is warranted, which has a host of social advantages. The question then arises of how the self can be both deceiver and deceived. We propose that this is achieved through dissociations of mental processes, including conscious versus unconscious memories, conscious versus unconscious attitudes, and automatic versus controlled processes. Given the variety of methods for deceiving others, it should come as no surprise that self-deception manifests itself in a number of different psychological processes, and we discuss various types of self-deception. We then discuss the interpersonal versus intrapersonal nature of self-deception before considering the levels of consciousness at which the self can be deceived. -
The Evolution of Cooperation Robert Axelrod; William D. Hamilton Science, New Series, Vol
The Evolution of Cooperation Robert Axelrod; William D. Hamilton Science, New Series, Vol. 211, No. 4489. (Mar. 27, 1981), pp. 1390-1396. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0036-8075%2819810327%293%3A211%3A4489%3C1390%3ATEOC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6 Science is currently published by American Association for the Advancement of Science. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/aaas.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Fri Jan 4 15:02:00 2008 The latest data for 1978 suggests that the situa- ary 1975) the Committee on Science and Tech- budget appropriations." In other words, it tion may, in fact, be deteriorating. -
Evolutionary Psychology – 2011
Evolutionary Psychology www.epjournal.net – 2011. 9(4): 526-531 ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ Book Review All the Better to Fool You With, My Dear A review of Robert Trivers, The Folly of Fools: The Logic of Deceit and Self-Deception in Human Life. Basic Books: New York, 2011, 397 pp., US$28.00, ISBN 978-0-465-02755-2. David P. Barash, University of Washington, Department of Psychology, Seattle, WA, USA, Email: [email protected]. I well remember the revolutionary fervor of the late 1960s and early 1970s when I was a graduate student in zoology at the University of Wisconsin, Madison (1966-1970). I’m not thinking of the anti-war political turmoil – although my grad school memories are thoroughly infused with the mordant odor of tear gas – but rather, of what Thomas Kuhn famously labeled “revolutionary science.” Jump-started by George C. Williams’ book, Adaptation and Natural Selection, and especially William D. Hamilton’s seminal work on inclusive fitness, we nascent sociobiologists found ourselves riding a truly [r]evolutionary scientific and intellectual tsunami, and without a doubt the biggest wave-maker was a young rebel named Robert Trivers. In a handful of truly extraordinary, paradigm-shifting papers, Trivers laid out many of the paths that the rest of us have subsequently followed, and which for some involved morphing into “evolutionary psychology” (a term I accept, incidentally, but only grudgingly, for several reasons: 1. Despite efforts at disciplinary hair-splitting, evolutionary psychology to my mind is nothing but sociobiology applied to Homo sapiens, and 2. I look forward to the time when the designation itself goes extinct, attendant upon the recognition that all psychology is and must be evolutionary).