The Living Constitution

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Living Constitution The Living Constitution TABLE OF CONTENTS FOR THE LIVING CONSTITUTION Preamble 84 “ he Constitution was not made to fit us like a Article 1 84 T Article 2 90 straightjacket. In its elasticity lies its chief greatness.” Article 3 92 President Woodrow Wilson Article 4 94 Article 5 94 Article 6 95 Article 7 95 PURPOSES OF THE CONSTITUTION Bill of Rights 96 Amendments 11–27 98 The official charge to the delegates who met in Philadelphia in Tracing Themes: 1787 was to amend the Articles of Confederation. They soon made Voting Rights 104 a fateful decision, however, to ignore the Articles and to write an Assessment 106 entirely new constitution. These delegates—the “framers”—set Projects for Citizenship 108 themselves five purposes to fulfill in their effort to create an effective constitution. 1. ESTABLISH LEGITIMACY First, the framers of the Constitution had to establish the new CALIFORNIA STANDARDS government’s legitimacy—its right to rule. The patriots’ theory of 11.1.2 Analyze the ideological origins of government was set out in the Declaration of Independence, which the American Revolution, the Founding explained why British rule over the colonies was illegitimate. Now Fathers’ philosophy of divinely bestowed unalienable natural rights, the debates on the framers had to demonstrate that their new government met the the drafting and ratification of the standards of legitimacy referred to in the Declaration. Constitution, and the addition of the Bill of Rights. For the framers of the Constitution, legitimacy had to be based 11.1.3 Understand the history of the on a compact or contract among those who are to be ruled. This is Constitution after 1787 with emphasis on why the Constitution starts with the words “We the people of the federal versus state authority and growing United States . do ordain and establish this Constitution.” democratization. 2. CREATE APPROPRIATE STRUCTURES The framers’ second purpose was to create appropriate structures for the new government. The framers were committed to the principles of representative democracy. They also believed that any new gov- ernment must include an important role for state governments and ensure that the states retained some legitimacy to rule within their borders. To achieve their goals, the framers created the Congress, the presidency, and the judiciary to share the powers of the national government. They also created a system of division of powers between the national government and the state governments. The original manuscript of the Constitution is now kept in the National Archives in Washington, D.C. ▼ 82 THE LIVING CONSTITUTION STITUTION CON PROJECT RESEARCHING A CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION As you study the Constitution, think about a constitutional question that interests you. Here are some possible questions: •How much, if at all, can the federal gov- ernment or a state government restrict the sale of firearms? •Under what conditions does the president have the power to order American troops into battle without congressional approval? •Under what conditions may a police officer conduct a search of the inside of an auto- mobile? 3. DESCRIBE AND DISTRIBUTE POWER The framers had as their third purpose to describe governmental Once you have chosen a constitutional question, research that question in articles powers and to distribute them among the structures they created. and books on the Constitution. Also check The powers of the legislative branch, which are those of Congress, the indexes of well-known newspapers, such are listed in Article 1, Section 8, of the Constitution. Many of the as the New York Times, for articles that are executive powers belonging to the president are listed in Article 2, relevant. Sections 2 and 3. The courts are given judicial powers in Article 3. The words of Article 4 imply that the states retain authority over many public matters. 4. LIMIT GOVERNMENT POWERS The fourth purpose of the framers was to limit the powers of the structures they created. Limits on the Congress’s powers are found in Article 1, Section 9. Some of the limits on the powers of state governments are found in Article 1, Section 10. There the framers enumerate functions that are delegated to the national government HOW TO READ and so cannot be directed by the states. THE CONSTITUTION The Constitution, which appears on 5. ALLOW FOR CHANGE pages 84–103, is printed on a beige The framers’ fifth purpose was to include some means for changing background, while the explanatory notes the Constitution. Here they faced a dilemma: they wanted to make next to each article, section, or clause certain that the government endured by changing with the times, are printed on blue. Each article is divid- but they did not want to expose the basic rules of government to ed into sections, and the sections are subdivided into clauses. Headings have so many changes that the system would be unstable. So in Article 5 been added and the spelling and punctu- they created a difficult but not impossible means for amending the ation modernized for easier reading. Constitution. Portions of the Constitution no longer in use have been crossed out. The Constitutional Insight questions and answers will help you understand signifi- RESEARCH LINKS CLASSZONE.COM cant issues related to the Constitution. Visit the Constitution links for more information. REVIEW UNIT 83 PREAMBLE The Constitution Constitutional Insight Preamble Why does the Preamble say “We the people PREAMBLE. of the United States . ordain and estab- Purpose of the Constitution lish” the new government? The Articles of We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Confederation was an agreement among the Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the com- states. But the framers of the Constitution mon defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of wanted to be sure its legitimacy came from liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this the American people, not from the states, which might decide to withdraw their support Constitution for the United States of America. at any time. This is a basic principle of the Constitution. ARTICLE 1. The Legislature SECTION 1. CONGRESS All legislative powers herein granted shall be ARTICLE 1 vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Constitutional Insight Section 1 Why does the first article of the Constitution focus on Congress rather than on the presi- SECTION 2. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES dency or the courts? The framers were intent 1. ELECTIONS The House of Representatives shall be composed of on stressing the central role of the legislative branch in the new government because it is members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, the branch that most directly represents the and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite people and is most responsive to them. for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. A CRITICAL THINKING 2. QUALIFICATIONS No person shall be a Representative who shall not Do you think Congress is still the branch of the have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a federal government that is most directly citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an responsible to the people? Why or why not? inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. Constitutional Insight Section 2.1 3. NUMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES Representatives and direct taxes Why are members of the House of shall be apportioned among the several states which may be includ- Representatives elected every two years? ed within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which The House of Representatives was designed shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, to be a truly representative body, with mem- including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding bers who reflect the concerns and sentiments of their constituents as closely as possible. Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enu- The framers achieved this timely representa- meration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of tion by establishing two years as a reasonable the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term term for members of the House to serve. of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number B CRITICAL THINKING of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, Do you think electing members of the House of but each state shall have at least one Representative; and until such Representatives every two years is a good enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be idea? Why or why not? entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Requirements for Holding Federal Office Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina POSITION MINIMUM AGE RESIDENCY CITIZENSHIP five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. Representative 25 state in 7 years 4. VACANCIES When vacancies happen in the which elected representation from any state, the executive Senator 30 state in 9 years authority thereof shall issue writs of election which elected to fill such vacancies. President 35 14 years in natural-born 5. OFFICERS AND IMPEACHMENT The House of the United States Representatives shall choose their Speaker Supreme Court and other officers; and shall have the sole Justice none none none power of impeachment. 84 THE LIVING CONSTITUTION SECTION 3. THE SENATE 1. NUMBERS The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Constitutional Insight Section 3.1 Senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six Why are members of the Senate elected years; and each Senator shall have one vote.
Recommended publications
  • Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: the Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism
    Louisiana State University Law Center LSU Law Digital Commons Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2017 Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism Ken Levy Louisiana State University Law Center, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Fourteenth Amendment Commons Repository Citation Levy, Ken, "Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism" (2017). Journal Articles. 413. https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship/413 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. +(,121/,1( Citation: Ken Levy, Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism, 21 Lewis & Clark L. Rev. 45 (2017) Provided by: LSU Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Fri Mar 16 15:53:01 2018 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information Use QR Code reader to send PDF to your smartphone or tablet device WHY THE LATE JUSTICE SCALIA WAS WRONG: THE FALLACIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL TEXTUALISM by Ken Levy * The late justice Scalia emphatically rejected the notion that there is a general "right to privacy" in the Constitution, despite the many cases that have held otherwise over the past several decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Individual Rights Under State Constitutions in 2018: What Rights Are Deeply Rooted in a Modern-Day Consensus of the States? Steven G
    Notre Dame Law Review Volume 94 | Issue 1 Article 2 11-2018 Individual Rights Under State Constitutions in 2018: What Rights are Deeply Rooted in a Modern-Day Consensus of the States? Steven G. Calabresi Northwestern Pritzker School of Law James Lindgren Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Hannah M. Begley Stanford Law School Kathryn L. Dore Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Sarah E. Agudo Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 49 (2018). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-1\NDL102.txt unknown Seq: 1 21-NOV-18 10:57 INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS UNDER STATE CONSTITUTIONS IN 2018: WHAT RIGHTS ARE DEEPLY ROOTED IN A MODERN-DAY CONSENSUS OF THE STATES? Steven Gow Calabresi, James Lindgren, Hannah M. Begley, Kathryn L. Dore & Sarah E. Agudo* INTRODUCTION .................................................. 51 R I. METHODOLOGY ........................................... 53 R II. THE DATA ON THE STATE CONSTITUTIONS ................. 54 R A. Rights Bearing on Religion ............................. 54 R 1. Establishment Clauses ............................ 54 R 2. Free Exercise Clauses ............................ 62 R © 2018 Steven Gow Calabresi, James Lindgren, Hannah M. Begley, Kathryn L. Dore & Sarah E. Agudo. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and distribute copies of this Article in any format at or below cost, for educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the authors, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review, and includes this provision in the copyright notice.
    [Show full text]
  • Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative Martin H
    Florida Law Review Volume 64 | Issue 6 Article 1 1-27-2013 Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative Martin H. Redish Matthew .B Arnould Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Martin H. Redish and Matthew B. Arnould, Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democratic Dilemma: Proposing a “Controlled Activism” Alternative, 64 Fla. L. Rev. 1485 (2012). Available at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr/vol64/iss6/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida Law Review by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Redish and Arnould: Judicial Review, Constitutional Interpretation, and the Democrati Florida Law Review Founded 1948 Formerly University of Florida Law Review VOLUME 64 DECEMBER 2012 NUMBER 6 DUNWODY DISTINGUISHED LECTURE IN LAW JUDICIAL REVIEW, CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION, AND THE DEMOCRATIC DILEMMA: PROPOSING A “CONTROLLED ACTIVISM” ALTERNATIVE Martin H. Redish & Matthew B. Arnould Abstract No problem generates more debate among constitutional scholars than how to approach constitutional interpretation. This Article critiques two representative theories (or families of theories), originalism and nontextualism, and offers a principled alternative, which we call “controlled activism.”
    [Show full text]
  • Living Originalism and Living Constitutionalism As Moral Readings of the American Constitution
    LIVING ORIGINALISM AND LIVING CONSTITUTIONALISM AS MORAL READINGS OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION JAMES E. FLEMING∗ INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1171 I. THE BALKANIZATION (AND BALKINIZATION) OF ORIGINALISM........ 1173 II. BALKIN’S LIVING ORIGINALISM AS A MORAL READING OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION ................................................................ 1175 III. STRAUSS’S LIVING CONSTITUTIONALISM AS A MORAL READING OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION .................................................... 1177 A. Originalism and Its Sins ............................................................ 1177 B. The Common Law ...................................................................... 1179 C. The Role of the Written Constitution: Common Ground and Jefferson’s Problem ............................................................ 1180 D. Constitutional Amendments and the Living Constitution .......... 1183 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................. 1184 INTRODUCTION With this event – A Symposium on Jack Balkin’s Living Originalism and David Strauss’s The Living Constitution – we launch a Boston University School of Law series of symposia on significant recent books in law. The distinctive format is to pick two significant books that join issue on an important topic, to invite the author of each book to write an essay on the other book, and to invite several Boston University School of Law faculty
    [Show full text]
  • Rule of Law and Constitution Building
    Rule of Law and Constitution Building The Role of Regional Organizations Rule of Law and Constitution Building The Role of Regional Organizations Contributors: Sumit Bisarya Amanda Cats-Baril Sujit Choudhry Raul Cordenillo Nora Hedling Michelle Staggs Kelsall Lorraine Kershaw Kristen Sample Christoph Sperfeldt George Mukundi Wachira Hesham Youssef The Department of Legal Cooperation, Secretariat for Legal Affairs, Organization of American States Editors: Raul Cordenillo Kristen Sample International IDEA © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2014 International IDEA Strömsborg, SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM, SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 E-mail: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Licence (CCl) – Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this CCl, see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Graphic design by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Cover photo: © Artist: faith47, photographer: Rowan Pybus Printed in Sweden ISBN: 978-91-87729-63-8 Foreword The past few years have seen remarkable social movements for democratic change emerge around the world. They have demanded greater justice and dignity, more transparent political processes, a fair share of political power and an end to corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Interpretation the Old Fashioned
    Constitutional Interpretation the Old Fashioned Way Justice Antonin Scalia delivered the following remarks at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., on March 14, 2005. JUSTICE SCALIA: It’s a pizzazzy topic: Constitutional Interpretation. It is however an important one. I was vividly reminded how important it was last week when the Court came out with a controversial decision in the Ropercase. And I watched one television commentary on the case in which the host had one person defending the opinion on the ground that people should not be subjected to capital punishment for crimes they commit when they are younger than eighteen, and the other person attacked the opinion on the ground that a jury should be able to decide that a person, despite the fact he was under eighteen, given the crime, given the person involved, should be subjected to capital punishment. And it struck me how irrelevant it was, how much the point had been missed. The question wasn’t whether the call was right or wrong. The important question was who should make the call. And that is essentially what I am addressing today. I am one of a small number of judges, small number of anybody — judges, professors, lawyers — who are known as originalists. Our manner of interpreting the Constitution is to begin with the text, and to give that text the meaning that it bore when it was adopted by the people. I’m not a “strict constructionist,” despite the introduction. I don’t like the term “strict construction.” I do not think the Constitution, or any text should be interpreted either strictly or sloppily; it should be interpreted reasonably.
    [Show full text]
  • Antonin Scalia's Textualism in Philosophy, Theology, and Judicial
    Antonin Scalia’s Textualism in philosophy, theology, and judicial interpretation of the Constitution* Herman Philipse** 1. Introduction In his forceful and beautifully written essay ‘A Matter of Interpretation’, Justice Antonin Scalia proposed two interrelated theses, a minor and a major one.1 The minor thesis is a causal or historical conjecture and it says that the great liberty taken by judges of the Supreme Court in interpreting statutes and the Constitution is largely due to the influence of the common-law tradition upon legal training in American law schools.2 According to the major thesis, which is normative, this liberty of interpretation is undesirable, because it infringes upon the separation of powers in a modern democracy. If, under the pretext of interpreting laws, judges of the Supreme Court in fact revise the Constitution and promulgate new laws, they are usurping the legislative power that is exclusively assigned to the legislature. For this reason, the Supreme Court, and indeed all courts, should adopt a method of interpretation called ‘Textualism’ or ‘Originalism’, according to which the aim of judicial interpretation is to establish the original meaning of a statutory text.3 As Justice Scalia urges, the question of whether ‘life-tenured judges are free to revise statutes and constitutions adopted by the people and their representatives’ is ‘a question utterly central to the existence of democratic government’ (p. 133). However, both in the United States and in Europe the vast majority of judges reject Justice’s Scalia’s methodology of Textualism, so that the issue of Textualism is a central controversy in the philosophy of law.
    [Show full text]
  • Can Originalism Be Saved?
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2012 Can Originalism Be Saved? David A. Strauss Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation David A. Strauss, "Can Originalism Be Saved?," 92 Boston University Law Review 1161 (2012). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN ORIGINALISM BE SAVED? DAVID A. STRAUSS* IN TRODU CTION .............................................................................................1161 I. THE ORIGINALIST DILEMMA .............................................................1162 II. How ORIGINALIST Is "LIVING ORIGJNALISM"? ................................ 1163 III. RULES, STANDARDS, PRINCIPLES, AND THE FOURTEENTH A M END M ENT .....................................................................................1167 INTRODUCTION Jack Balkin's ambitious and impressive book, Living Originalism, announces its mission in its title.1 "Living constitutionalism" and "originalism" seem like antonyms. Living constitutionalism, roughly speaking, is the view that what the Constitution requires changes over time, even if the document is not formally amended. Originalism holds that the requirements of the Constitution were fixed, at least in crucial respects, at the times that its respective provisions were adopted. Professor Balkin's task is to reconcile these views: "Properly understood," he says, "these two views of the Constitution are compatible rather than opposed." 2 But beneath the surface, reconciliation is not quite an adequate description of what Balkin is trying to do. "Reclamation" might be better: Balkin wants to reclaim originalism for what would usually be described as liberal or progressive constitutional principles.
    [Show full text]
  • Do We Have a Living Constitution?
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2011 Do We Have a Living Constitution? David A. Strauss Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation David A. Strauss, "Do We Have a Living Constitution?," 59 Drake Law Review 973 (2011). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DO WE HAVE A LIVING CONSTITUTION? David A. Strauss* One of the most fundamental facts about American constitutional law is that it changes. Some answers that would be marked correct in the constitutional law part of the bar exam in 1900 (if there were bar exams then), or 1930, or 1950 would be marked incorrect today. Some arguments that would have been dismissed as frivolous in those years are uncontroversially correct today and vice versa: some claims that would have been immediately accepted in those years would not be offered by any serious lawyer today. For example, in 1900, Congress lacked the power to regulate relations between labor and management; in 1930, the claim that Congress had such power would have been, at most, intensely controversial; today it is taken for granted that Congress has that power.' Even in 1950-and certainly before then-states could pass laws that forbade women from working in certain occupations; today those laws are paradigm examples of unconstitutionality.2 In 1900, the power of states to enforce racial segregation in public schools was beyond serious dispute; today, of course, the unconstitutionality of that kind of segregation is one of the fixed points of constitutional law.3 In 1900 or 1930, the idea the Constitution might * Gerald Ratner Distinguished Service Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School; A.B., Harvard College, 1973; B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Religious Liberty Jurisprudence of Justice Antonin Scalia Ronald J
    Hofstra Law Review Volume 46 | Issue 2 Article 3 12-1-2017 The Religious Liberty Jurisprudence of Justice Antonin Scalia Ronald J. Colombo Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Colombo, Ronald J. (2017) "The Religious Liberty Jurisprudence of Justice Antonin Scalia," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 46 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol46/iss2/3 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Colombo: The Religious Liberty Jurisprudence of Justice Antonin Scalia THE RELIGIOUS LIBERTY JURISPRUDENCE OF JUSTICE ANTONIN SCALIA RonaldJ. Colombo* As might be expected, the religious liberty jurisprudence of the late Justice Antonin Scalia is as unique as the man himself. It defies any simplified characterization, and reflects an approach that is both practical and principled. This Article will endeavor to explain Justice Scalia's approach to religious liberty, and, in closing, briefly prognosticate about the future of religious liberty in the United States in the wake of Justice Scalia's passing. As a threshold matter, it is important to define the term that is the subject of this Article: religious liberty. By religious liberty, I refer, primarily, to the rights protected by the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.' As such, this Article's focus will not be on the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, although some discussion of the Establishment Clause will be necessarily unavoidable.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bill of Rights and Amendments 11–27
    LIVING CONSTITUTION The Bill of Rights 1 Plan & Prepare and Amendments 11–27 In 1787, Thomas Jefferson sent James Madison a letter about the Constitution. Objectives Jefferson wrote, “I will now add what I do not like . [there is no] bill of rights.” He explained his reasons: “A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to • Summarize issues addressed in the Bill of against every government on earth . and what no just government should Rights and their importance in the U.S. refuse.“ Jefferson’s disapproval is not surprising. In writing the Declaration of government Independence, he spelled out basic individual rights that cannot be taken way. These are “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” The Declaration states • Identify the issues that Amendments that governments are formed to protect these rights. 11–17 address Several states approved the Constitution only if a list of guaranteed freedoms was added. While serving in the nation’s fi rst Congress, James Madison helped draft the Bill of Rights. In 1791, these fi rst ten amendments became part of James Madison played a leading role in the Constitution. the creation of the U.S. Constitution. Read for the Essential Question A MENDMENTS 1–10. The Bill of Rights no Help students read for a purpose by reminding print them of the Essential Question: “How has our KEY QUESTION Why do some individual rights need special protection in 220-year-old Constitution remained a living the Constitution? zone document?” A MENDMENT 1. Religious and Political Freedom 1791 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or 2 Focus & Motivate The Five Freedoms prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Living Commerce Clause: Federalism in Progressive Political Theory and the Commerce Clause After Lopez and Morrison
    William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 11 (2002-2003) Issue 1 Article 12 December 2002 The Living Commerce Clause: Federalism in Progressive Political Theory and the Commerce Clause After Lopez and Morrison Eric R. Claeys Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Economics Commons Repository Citation Eric R. Claeys, The Living Commerce Clause: Federalism in Progressive Political Theory and the Commerce Clause After Lopez and Morrison, 11 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 403 (2002), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol11/iss1/12 Copyright c 2002 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE LIVING COMMERCE CLAUSE: FEDERALISM IN PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL THEORY AND THE COMMERCE CLAUSE AFTER LOPEZ AND MORRISON Eric R. Claeys* "Living Constitution" ideas are most often associated with individual-rights guarantees like equal protection and due process, but they were originally developed in the early twentieth century to revolutionize the law of the structural Constitution - including the Commerce Clause. In this Article, ProfessorClaeys interpretsProgressive political theory, which played a crucialrole in legitimating the expansion of the nationalgovernment. As applied to federalism, Progressive living-Constitution theory required that the Commerce Clause be interpretedas a constitutional transmitter letting the national government regulate whatever the American people deem to be a nationalproblem. He suggests that this notion of the "living Commerce Clause" played an important role in the development of Commerce Clause constitutionaldoctrine duringthe New Deal, and that it informs the hostility to recent narrow readings of the Commerce Clause like United States v.
    [Show full text]