• 29

Contested Landscapes of Navajo Sacred Mountains

Kevin S. Blake

Sacred mountains are integral to the Navajo worldview, yet their land use is often incongruous with their spiritual significance. Nearly all of the land of the six massifs that are deeply symbolic within Navajo ori­ gin stories is located beyond the Navajo Reservation on federal land. This paper compares Navajo symbolism to land use at Blanca Peak (CO), Mount Taylor (NM), San Francisco Peaks (AZ), Hesperus Moun­ tain (CO), Huerfano Mountain (NM), and Gobernador Knob (NM). Each mountain has mullicul/ural symbolism and land use that imprints several layers of meaning upon the peaks. Non-Navajo uses include transmission towers, ski areas, mineral development, and moun­ taineering, whereas Navajo use includes visits to collect plants and soil for ceremonies and to connect with spiritual powers. Public land management allempts to balance contrasting environmental percep­ tions, but competing resource demands and mountain aesthetics often create contested landscapes. Keywords: Navajo (Dine), moun­ tains, sacred places, contested landscapes, public land management, American Southwest, environmental ethics.

On the way down the sacred Francisco Peaks, I stop to pass mountain I meet a group of Nava­ time with one of the adult leaders. jo schoolchildren, chattering their His first words, "How far to way along the steep and forested heaven?" strike a chord with my path. Weary from the icy and purpose of climbing that day: to snowy stretches of trail that took gain a beller understanding of the me to the summit of the San landscape character and Navajo

The Nonh American Geograph~r. ;\ (1). PI'. 29-62. ~ 200/1Jy Tilt' North American Gt'ogmpher. 30 The North Americun Geographer

symbolism associated with the different visions expressed in the mountain and to compare its land landscape of what constitutes use with its cultural meaning. walking in beauty. His name is Norman Jensen, and Among the most ecologically he is leading this group from diverse landscapes on Earth, Tuba City, Arizona, to visit each mountains evoke emotions rang­ of the Navajo sacred mountains. ing from sheer terror to glorious He says ,ost kids are unaware inspiration. Billions connect to that there are sacred mountains, peaks in a spiritual way, finding so they' are starting with the them integral to their worldview basics of where the mountains and daily lives (Bernbaum 1990). are, how they deserve respect, High peaks also serve as multi­ and how people can connect to faceted cultural symbols, repre­ and appreciate their spiritual senting everything from mineral power. Their goal that day is not resources to sacred beliefs, from to reach the top, but rather to recreation to community identity reach a point with a view toward (Blake 1999a). Norman Jensen's Agassiz Peak, second-highest group illustrates the potential summit in the massif, and the ski individual. and cultural signifi­ area facilities that snake their cance of mountains to the Navajo way up the mountain. Here they or Dine, the People, the most will see first-hand the scale of populous reserv;Jtion-based development that is possible on a American Indian nation in the sacred mountain, yet still feel for United States, who also occupy themselves the spiritual power the reservation with the largest that remains. Norman and J fin­ land area (Griffin-Pierce 2000). ish chatting about the interpreta­ Within the Navajo homeland tions that are possible of a sacred nearly all aspects of the natural mountain, and depart with mutu­ world have cultural meaning, but al wishes to "walk in beauty," the mountains are especially signifi­ Navajo phrase implying a com­ cant in oral traditions and cere­ plete and harmonious spiritual monies, forming the cornerstone connection with the environment. of a Navajo sacred geography But before each of us leaves the (Reichard 1950; Jett 1992; Jett mountain that day we will see far 200 l). Navajo landforms are Blake 31

deeply embedded in the image of by the Bureau of Land Manage­ the American Southwest, result­ ment or the U.S. Forest Service, ing in an increasing appreciation resulting in a distinctive set of and awareness of sacred place multi-cultural symbols for these symbolism (Byrkit 1992; Lloyd places and offering a case study 1995), yet the land use of the for the power of sacred symbol­ Navajo sacred mountains is often ism and mountain iconography to incongruous with their symbol­ cross borders in the Southwest. A Ism. FurthemlOre, little under­ review of secondary literature standing exists of the syncretic sources explains Navajo symbol­ processes that bind people to the ism, but fieldwork forms the cen­ sacred peaks and how land use tnll element of this study. The ret1ects the divergent attitudes sacred mountain landscapes were that achieve landscape expression intimately explored several times This article examines the con­ by foot over the past ten years. tested landscapes of six Navajo The land use information on pub­ sacred mountains by describing lic land maps was compared with the Navajo symbolism, compar­ first-hand observations, and dis­ ing secular and sacred land uses, cussions were held with land and exploring several dimensions managers and the Navajo. While ofland use cont1icts. Concluding public visitation could be inter­ the article are visions of what the preted to diminish the perceived future could hold for the Navajo power of holy places, an under­ sacred mountains. By examining standing beyond the Navajo cul­ the six most deeply symbolic ture of the sacred mountains is Navajo sacred mountains, rather necessary to ensure their proper than only the four that symbolize respect and protection. Further­ the outer limits of the Navajo more, specific and vulnerable homeland (e.g., Goodman 1982), sacred sites should be kept secret, a more complete and integrati ve but little objection exists to the view is possible of land use and discussion and knowledge of landscape symbolism. Almost all major sacred landmarks (Jett of the land of the six mountains is 1995). located beyond the Navajo Reser­ The implications of this study vation on federal land managed run deep for southwestern land- 32 The North American Geographer

scape images, Navajo cultural 1995). To harm sacred land is a identity, and the management of violation causing the loss of heal­ sacred mountains. The American ing power and the ability of a Indian Religious Freedom Act of mountain to restore harmony to 1978 mandates access to sacred Navajo lives (Michaelson 1995). places and the consideration of such sites in federal land-use Navajo Sacred Mountains directives (Kelley and Francis More than repositories of spiritu­ 1994; lett 1995). A May 24, al power, mountains are elemen­ 1996 Presidential Executive tal in Navajo prayers and chants Order further charges each feder­ (O'Bryan 1993) as well as the al agency with accommodating ceremonial Blessingway (Wyman American Indian access to and 1970), Beautyway (Wyman ceremonial use of sacred sites 1957), and Mountainway and preserving the physical (Wyman 1975). Mountains also integrity of the sites. Seemingly create symbolic boundaries, clear directives may nevertheless repeat a favorable pattern of pro­ be widely interpreted. Contested tection and well-being through­ landscapes evolve when differing out Dine Bikeyah, the land of the environmental ethics and cultural Navajo, and embody powerful identities collide in places with mnemonic devices to conjure the deep meaning. Although the atti­ thoughts and lessons associated tudes of anyone culture may not with places (McPherson 1992). be stereotyped into neatly defined Some Nav ajo places have a packages, such as Navajos greater sanctity according to their always supporting the option of prominence in Navajo events and least development or non-Indians the importance of their associated always favoring mineral develop­ supernatural beings (Jett 1992). ment, this article is mostly con­ Mountains were the first places cerned with the relationship of created in this world; thus here sacred places to Navajo cultural the Holy People are most evident identity, for the believers in or accessible to mortal pilgrims, Navajo religion perceive the and mountains connect people greatest risk of loss in the spiritu­ with their origin and anchor the al power of these places (Jett correct pursuit of the Navajo Blake 33

ways of life (Kelley and Francis can only imagine the long-range 1994). vistas possible in the days before The significance of mountains fossil fuel emissions - even in to the Navajo is even more tangi­ recent years I have seen land­ bly evident in the views of and marks 125 miles distant on the from mountains as well as the Colorado Plateau. collection of soil, stones, herbs, Six earthly mountains mani­ and water (lett 1995). Mountain fest the most significant places in soil symbolizes the Earth's flesh the Navajo origin and worldview (lett 2001) and the mountain soil (O'Bryan 1993; Kelley and Fran­ bundle (dah nfdiilyeeh) carried cis 1994; Frey 1998; Linford by traditional Navajos represents 2000). Additionally, the Blessing­ the medicine bundle of First way ceremony, the backbone of Man, out of which came all life Navajo religion and most revered (Gill 1981). Mountain products ritual, has six important peaks are collected by Navajo singers (Wyman 1970). Four of these (medicine men) for ceremonial sacred mountains are aligned in and healing use (Mayes and Lacy cardinal directions on the bound­ 1989); the spiritual power of aries of the historic core of Nava­ stones from the sacred mountains jo settlement in the Southwest was recognized in their use for (Dinetah), supporting the Navajo the altar in the Crownpoint, New sky and serving as the energy Mexico Catholic Mission (Guter­ source for animate beings (Farel­ son 1997). Singers make regular la 1984). Two other sacred moun­ pilgrimages to the sacred moun­ tains, Huerfano Mountain and tains to rejuvenate the Blessing­ Gobernador Knob, are at the cen­ way prayers (lett 1992) and to ter of the homeland in New Mex­ pray for relief from drought ico (Figure 1). The four cardinal (Marston 1996). Sacred moun­ mountains and their associated tains are not isolated places in the colors are Blanca Peak, Col­ Navajo worldview; they draw orado, representing the white sky additional significance from of sunrise to the east; Mount Tay­ interrelations that are manifest in lor, New Mexico, deep blue as intervisibilitie.s, the view of one the midday sky in the south; San sacred place from another. One Francisco Peaks, Arizona, suffuse 34 The North American Geographer

Navajo Sacred Mountains

•I North ~ ~

Figure 1: Navajo sacred moulllains. Cartography by aUlhor. with the yellow western sunset; today among the Navajo Nation and Hesperus Mountain, Col­ and scholars of the Navajo orado, black in the dark northern regarding the six Navajo sacred sky. Icons of the four cardinal mountains (Wyman 1970; Bing­ mountains are widely projected ham and Bingham 1982; Brugge on the Navajo seal and flag (Fig­ 1999a), other mountains are also ure 2), yet the importance of the accorded sacred status and some two central sacred mountains was texts ascribe great symbolic sta­ also recently confirmed when the tus to a seventh peak, typically 1997 first edition of the "Dine Hosta Butte in northwestern New Bikeyah" map failed to include Mexico (Matthews 1897; 20J­ them and Navajos urged their brad J 994; Frey 1998). It is like­ placement on the I998 second ly that interpretations of the edition (Lister 2000). earthly mountains that manifest Although a consensus exists the mountains of Navajo origin Blake 35

Figure 2: NQI'ojo Nation seal with representations offifty arrowheads for the jifty states. protective rainhow. sun rising in the east, horse, cow, sheep, corn, and the four sacred mOllntains. Clockwise from the top (east) the mounwins are Blanca Peak, Mount Taylor, San Francisco Peaks, and Hesperus MOllntain. Photo b" the allthor, Ramah, Ne,1' Mexiro, August 1997. stories could have shifted over as recently as 1950 a standard time with Navajo migrations (lett reference on the Navajo was only 1992). As the pressure of sure of the mountains in the west Spaniards and other American and south, noting that "Blanca Indians moved the Navajo west Peak seems much too far north" and south from Dinetah, the (Reichard 1950: 453). This argu­ greatest debate has focused on ment holds little water since rela­ the sacred mountains of the east tive cardinal distances make no and north. Competing with BIan­ difference in the identification of ca Peak as the sacred mountain of the western and southern peaks: the east are several New Mexico Mount Taylor is only a few miles mountains, including Pelado farther south than the San Fran­ Peak, Wheeler Peak, Abiquiu cisco Peaks. The logic of Blanca Peak, and Pedemal Peak. Even Peak as the eastern mountain is 36 The North American Geof?rapher

also apparent in the observation (Kelley and Francis 1994). A that Dinetah is well northeast of brief description of the land own­ the center of today's Navajo ership and landscape character of Reservation and that the great each peak precedes a discussion elevation and winter snow cover of how the Navajo place names of Blanca Peak result in long­ are associated with the landform range visibility. Hesperus Moun­ and the Navajo symbolic charac­ tain holds the same advantages teristics for each mountain (Fig­ over Perins Peak, a much lower ure 3). The Navajo names are summit in the La Plata Range that provided as repositories of sym­ has been suggested as the sacred bolism in their own right. The mountain of the north (Farella Navajo enjoy using the names for 1984). pJaces since speaking them brings goodness and the names Navajo Mountain Symbolism are highly descriptive in a pictori­ The Navajo symbolism asso­ al sense (Wilson 1995). Wide ciated with each of the six moun­ disparity exists in spelling Nava­ tains is described in the ceremo­ jo names since the language is nial sunwise order of the Navajo, still rapidly evolving in its recent moving from east to south to west written form and has been subject to north, and then into the center to extensive bastardizat10n by

COMIoION NAME IOVAJO rJAVIoJO LOC"'" tlON /lND Ol;SCRIPltVe CER€"'ONI~L COLOR A F'-$ THIER eLeVA TION NJo,"E N_M€/SI DIRECTION TO eARTH OECOR~TIOH$ -SUI.l4111I"JlRD $PIRlrU.AlDwEu.eR$

el,nea P,.10 SI,n.'jlnl Yoolgall Ollli whlte IIghllllng wh," ,1'1,11,. H.~bldl Roc~ ely",'" Girl IS.nlil" d. Cd .. lO (Mounleln e.lI..d (WI'III. SI'I ..l1 {Iun,l••}. ....1'111. co,n. Ott" (pIOlon) ~aGll;, CI)'~l" Boy Min•. CO) wlt1'l BI'ct) Moun,.;,,). 111'1 clou",I', mil' '.Iln 14.345' JOl'lon••·lI O~Ill (Sun Mounl,ln)

UI.T • ."lo, l'oOdtll 0001l'il1'l110dlt blul ItJ.quo" •• (ll1k 001.1 Yollo,,", Co,n Gill lSJn )olJI"O Mlns NM) !Tongu. lTulquol•• (mldOIl'l' mlsl.l,m,l. ,.,n, (mounllill fUfquolU 60y 11,'0' Mountain) ",lin ): Nllt" ....,.1. I.OU 11'1 Inlm,.lS blu,bud) O~lil (Rlin MIn.)

S.nF,."c.",.:>P••lu Ooo""o'oo,llId DitchilldIl1I ."l1ow "b.lone ,1'1,11, r •• c!III1.ool >I I:"", CO'" e,,1 (IIoZ) {N,v.' lfl..wl on (Abtlon. SI'I.II (,unn' ,nlm,", dll'~ (yellow "Vhd,' COIn eoy 12.G))' Topl LUn.); ow claull.) clOuO'., m". ...~rblef) (ih.·"lIl,·11l11 ..,,,, , .. 11'1. y.lio·... CO'I\ (Faulll,.. Min.)

Heeperu. Wounl.ln Dlb.. Nt,e. IU".h{hlnll bl.C~ JI" dirk ml'L Ct,',gll G'lIuhopper Glfl Il' Piela Jolin, COl (BIg Mounill" 01111 jJe, MIn I: In·onl). pl,nll, ,nlm,". (r.d·.... ,ng.d Pollen 80y 1l.2)2 5".,p) DIll Bini' no·lh r.r. gem. bl.ck.blrd) HOIOnonll ("'In wll1'l. Mind)

HuedtjlO Mount,ln OrlllU·oOlllllI Y(ldl O~ltI lna color). puclOu'goocl$, ,umml'lli'll C;OOo;l" 01 V,lu.e ChI (:-1M) (Mounl.ln (V.lu.tlle c<'"Me, d,rlr,clou15•. Imply Gooll: 01 V,IUol 80y r.!7.4· ""'Quna WI\icn GQQllt m,lI" r'il'l People Move) /,lou"I,ln)

GOb"..,dor It ... ob Ch'6ol'l'l "'WLt Ozlll (no colo.) .acrlel Ilw"I,. ChOOthgh.UII. (';1', WI'O P'Odu'I' Jeweh (NY.) (Spru,. Tr..... lH:ud GOOd. el:"lo' poll.n. ,brk ml.l, (Bullock'. 0.:>)" \'0'1'1.:> P'odue... J

Figure 3: Symholism ofsix major Navajo sacred mountains. SOl/ree: Compiled by the alllhor based UpOI1 a cOl1sensm ji-Ortl various texts 011 the symholism. of Navajo sacred mOl/l1.l0 ins. Blake 37

outsiders (Lister 2000). Never­ highest in the entire Rocky theless, place names are impor­ Mountains (Borneman and Lam­ tant indicators of cultural values pert 1998), an understandable (Jett 1997). Landforn1 shapes, error given its local relief exceed­ vegetation patterns, snow cover, ing 6,400 feet and the summit's wildlife, folklore, and intervisi­ primacy in the airy and jagged bilities each have a role in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains that place name symbolism of sacred extend through south-central mountains of the Navajo. Colorado and north-central New Mexico. Blanca is the meeting Blanca Peak point of the private Sangre de The highest point of the dom­ Cristo Land Grant, San Isabel inant massif at the northern end National Forest (of the Arkansas of Colorado's vast San Luis Val­ River watershed), and Rio ley, Blanca Peak (14,345 feet) is Grande National Forest (of the composed of sharp Precambrian Rio Grande watershed) (Smith granite ridges (Chronic 1980). 1999). Blanca refers to the white One hundred years ago many covering of snow that covers the observers thought Blanca the summit through much of the year

Figure 4: Blanca Peak massif in a northerly view from south of Furt Garland, Col­ oradu. Left to right the three highest sllmmits at the center of the massif are Little Bear Peak (14,037 feet), Blanca Peak (14,345 feet), and Hamilton Peak (13,658 feet). On the far right is MOllllt Lindsey (14,042 feet). Photo by author, August 1995. 3S The North American Geographer

(Bright 1993). The Navajo ly fitting symbolism given the descriptive name, Sisnaajini, violent summer thunderstorms means dark horizontal belt or atop this massif. Pigeons and the mountain belted with black deities Rock Crystal Girl and (Matthews 1897), likely a refer­ Rock Crystal Boy inhabit the ence to the darker forested area summit (Reichard 1950; Wyman between the upper and lower 1967; Locke 1992). treeline (Figure 4). Also sacred to the Jicarilla Apache, the peak is Mount Taylor positioned at the dawn of each Mount Taylor (11,30 I feet) day where it symbolizes Navajo crowns the San Mateo Moun­ reproduction and was the first tains, the highest range in north­ sacred mountain created by First western New Mexico. The peaks Man and First Woman in this of the massif outline the eroded world (Van Valkenburgh ] 999). rim of a tremendous volcanic A bolt of lightning fastens the caldera that fonned between four peak to earth, and the summit is and two million years ago decorated with white shells, (Chronic 1987). Within Cibola white com, dark clouds, and male National Forest, the mountain rain (a heavy downpour), certain- towers 5,600 feet above the much

Figure 5: Moullt Taylor (I1,301 feet) alld the San Mateo Mountains in a northeast­ erly view from McCartys, New Mexico. Interstate 40 passes through the foreground. Photo hy the author, February 1994. Blake 39

more recent lava flows of EI Mal­ the home of Ye'iitsoh, the wicked pais (Figure 5). Tsoodzil, the big monster chief of the Enemy Navajo descriptive name, has Gods, who terrified the Navajo been interpreted to mean big, tall homeland by eating the Dine. mountain (Pearce 1965; Julyan The Hero Twins, Monster Slayer 1996) or great mountain and Born for Water, killed the (Matthews 1897), but more often monster on the summit, the blood to mean tongue mountain (Lin­ flowing down to coagulate as the ford 2000), possibly deriving lava flows and the decapitated from the Blessingway portrayal head thrown to the northeast to of the mountain as the tongue of become Cabezon Peak (Reichard the inner form of earth (Wyman 1950; Linford 2000). 1970). Alternatively, the tongue reference could be to the shape of San Francisco Peaks timberline on the west side of the Similar to the San Mateo peak (Wilson 1995) or, more Mountains, the San Francisco plausibly when viewed from Peaks are the remains of a com­ above, to how the EI Malpais lava posite volcano that erupted from flows extend outward from the 1.8 to .4 million years ago (Breed massif like a tongue (Levy 1998). 1985) that were then sculpted by Also sacred to several Pueblo glaciation and later erosion into Indian cultures, the English name individual peaks (Chronic 1983). commemorates President The tallest is Humphreys Peak Zachary Taylor of Mexican­ (12,633 feet), highest in Arizona, American War fame (Blake followed by Agassiz Peak and 1999b). Fremont Peak (Figure 6). The As the sacred mountain of the 5,600 feet local relief of the mas­ south, the peak is fastened to the sif assisted C. Hart Merriam in earth with a stone knife, decorat­ developing the life zone concept ed with turquoise, dark mist, during his 1889 biological sur­ female (light) rain, and various vey. In local lore and Coconino animals (Wyman 1967). Blue­ National Forest literature the birds, Turquoise Boy, and Yellow mountain is strongly associated Corn Girl dwell on the summit. with the Hopi, even more so than In the past the mountain was also with the Navajo. To the Hopi this 40 The North American Geographer

Figure 6: The Sail Francisco Peaks in a westerly view from Sunset Crater National Monument. From left to right the highest visihle summits are Doyle Peak (11,460 feet), Agassiz Peak (]2,356 feet), Hwnphreys Peak (72,633 feet), and Rees Peak (11 ,474 feet). Fremont Peak ( II,969 feet) is hidden from view behind Doyle, and Aubineau Peak ( 11.83R feet) is hidden behilld Rees. The White Vulcan Pumice Mille is the white slash visible in the centerforegroulld. Photo by the author, June 1999. is the home of the kachinas, who as early as 1539 with Fray Mar­ take the form of rain to visit the cos de Niza (Linford 2000), Hopi cornfields. The Kachina although alternative theories sug­ Peaks Wilderness at the heart of gest that Franciscan missionaries the caldera takes its name from at Hopi in the early seventeenth association with the Hopi, likely century named the massif in due to the proximity of the Hopi honor of the founder of their Reservation, the visibility of the order (Granger 1960). Geologist Hopi Buttes and Hopi Reserva­ G.K. Gilbert named the highest tion from the summit, and the summit in 1873 for his one-time popularity of kachina doll icons, superior officer, Brig. Gen. A.A. all of which may seem more con­ Humphreys (Granger 1960). The crete to olltsiders than the Navajo Navajo descriptive name, symbolism of the sacred moun­ Dook'o'oslffd, has been translat­ tain of the west. ed as light shines from it, a refer­ The Spanish name for the ence to the symbolic abalone mountain could have originated shell decorations (Wyman 1970), Bloke 41

but more often it is said to mean Platas take their name from Span­ never thaws on top, a reference to ish silver discoveries in the the perennial snows near the region, and Hesperus is named summit (Wilson 1995; Linford for the western evening star 2000). In vernacular use the mas­ (Bright 1993). Dibri Nrsaa, the sif is most frequently called San Navajo descriptive name, may Francisco Peaks, rather than refer to an abundance of Rocky using the individual summit Mountain bighorn sheep (Wyman names, and in Flagstaff it may 1970) or the mountain range's simply be called "the mountain" snow-covered resemblance to a (Cline 1985). Fastened to earth flock of sheep when viewed from with a sunbeam, the sacred afar (Wilson 1995). The name mountain of the west is adorned could also refer to the physical with abalone shells, black clouds, form of the peak as the broad hor­ yellow corn, male rain, and ani­ izontal bands of igneous rock are mals, and inhabited by yellow fractured and ribbed in a manner warblers, White Corn Boy, and reminiscent of curving sheep Yellow Corn Girl (Wyman 1967). horns (Figure 7). As the dark sacred mountain Hesperus Mountain of the north, Hesperus has an On the southwestern margins association with fear or evil of Colorado's San Juan Moun­ (Baars 1995). In the northern La tains, the La Plata Range was Platas is Island Lake, thought to formed when sedimentary rocks be the place of emergence of the of late Paleozoic and Mesozoic people into this world and the age were intruded by irregularly place where spirits of the dead shaped laccolithic masses of Ter­ pass down to a lower world (Van tiary igneous rocks (Baars 1992). Valkenburgh 1999). If a Navajo At the northwestern margin of the singer seeks for evil to befall any­ La Platas, Hesperus Mountain one, the death of an enemy for (13,232 feet) is the highest point exampJe, Ihis is the place to go of the range, rising 6,200 feet (Brugge 1999a). The peak is fas­ above the nearby community of tened to Earth with a rainbow; the Mancos, Colorado. Within the curving bands of rock on the peak Sail Juan National Forest, the La may also symbolize a rainbow. 42 The North American Geographer

Figure 7: Hesperus Mountain (13.232 jeet) in {/ southeasterly view from the West Mancos Overlook in San Juan National Fores/. Photo by the aUlhor, September 2000.

Hesperus is decorated with jet, The lowest of the six sacred dark mist, plants, and rare game, mountains at 7,474 feet, Huer­ and is inhabited by blackbirds, fano Mountain is a crumbling Grasshopper Girl, and Pollen mesa of Tertiary sandstone Boy (Wyman 1967). (Baars 1995), yet its cupola-like crags and steep walls dominate Huerfallo MounTain the country south of Bloomfield, Dinetah, representing the New Mexico and the San Juan powerful symbolic concept of a River (Van Valkenbllrgh 1999). sacred original homeland, Taking a Spanish name for its accords great significance to isolation like an orphan, Hller­ Gobernador Knob and Huerfano fano has one long arm extending Mountain, even though they are east and another south, with dis­ less well known than the higher tinctive horizontal bands of uni­ cardinal sacred mountains and form color that cause it to appear are absent from the Navajo seal. roughly similar on all sides (Fig- Blake 43

Figure 8: Huerjano MOltn/ain (7,474feel) in a northerly view from the Navajo com­ lI1unity ofDzil Nu'oodi/ii along New Mexico highway 44. Transmission towers crown tile mesa (lnd oilfield equipment dots tile sagebrush plains. Photo by the author, Sep­ tember 2000. ure 8). The Navajo descriptive Navajo, then the restoration of name, Dzil Nd'oodilii, or moun­ some land to the public domain, tain around which people move, then later land exchanges (Trim­ refers either to this similar ble 1993). Huerfano is the only appearance from all sides (Julyan one of the six peaks to have any 1996) or to the movement of peo­ portion of its massif, the north­ ple around this sacred central ernmost and highest summit in summit (Wyman 1970; Wilson this case, located on the Navajo 1995). This sacred place is with­ Reservation, a fact omitted from in the checkerboard portion of the a definitive work on Navajo Navajo Reservation, a patchwork sacred places (Kelley and Francis of federal, state, Navajo, and pri­ 1994: 114). The Bureau of Land vate land ownership on the east­ Management oversees the south­ ern rim of the reservation result­ ern portion of the mesa. ing from the granting of alternate As the home of First Man and sections of land to railroads, then First Woman, Huerfano once har­ the allotment of some lands to the bored an old hogan and fence 44 The North American Geographer

occupied by these deities (Brugge form of hogan, the traditional 1999b). Eventually this was also Navajo house type that is fre­ the home of Changing Woman, quently observed today on the the most trusted Navajo deity. reservation. The path she ran during the first Navajo puberty ceremony has Gobernador Knob been visible at Huerfano, along Gobernador Knob rises as a with the place where she con­ sandstone knob-like protrusion ducted the first wedding ceremo­ from Laguna Seca Mesa on the ny and the potholes atop the Bureau of Land Management sandstone where she bathed her land located just west of Carson Hero Twin offspring (Kelley and National Forest and the Jicarilla Francis 1994). Fastened to earth Apache Indian Reservation. The with sunbeams and decorated elevation is 7,585 feet, and the with precious goods, dark clouds, local relief ranges from about 200 and male rain, this is also the feet above the mesa to 900 feet home of Goods of Value Boy and above the surrounding plain (Fig­ Goods of Value Girl (Locke ure 9). The Spanish name for 1992). The shape of the mesa governor may have been trans­ inspired the female or round-roof ferred in association with Gober-

Figure 9: Gobernador Knob (7,585 feet) 011 Laguna Seal Mesa in a southeasterly view from near U.s. highway 64. Natural gas wellhead facilities are visible in the right j()regroulld. Photo by the author, September 2000. Blake 45

nador Canyon or could have been Contested Peaks given in reference to its com­ Contrasting land uses eVI­ manding position at the head of dence the underlying environ­ the canyon (Julyan 1996). The mental ethics, those attitudes Navajo descriptive name, about appropriate human-envi­ Chuo!ff, is also subject to various ronment interactions that shape interpretations. It may refer in everything from the landscapes pan to spruce trees or to a look­ of oil and gas well drilling to out. The vantage point associa­ sacred places. Although not aJJ tion is fitting given the com­ Navajo sacred mountains manding view north, west, and embody incongruities between south. The spruce reference is at Navajo symbolism and the land first puzzling given the absence use by others, each has the poten­ of such conifers in this pi6n­ tial because of the land owner­ juniper woodland, but it could ship pattern and the sharply dif­ refer to the intervisibility with the fering attitudes toward mountains Chuska Mountains on the west­ that exist among today's society. ern edge of the state, that have a Blanca Peak and Mount Taylor descriptive name meaning white have featured the least conflict in spruce (Wyman 1970). As the recent times, but each of the con­ binhplace of Changing Woman tested landscapes is examined and the Hero Twins, Gobernador below in sunwise order. At times, Knob is symbolic of goodness for such as in the case of the San the Navajo (Gill 1981; Farella Francisco Peaks, land lise con­ 1984). The summit is symboli­ flicts may actually result in cally decorated with jewels, improved relationships between pollen, dark mist, and female Navajos and non-Indians, but in rain; orioles, GirJ Who Produces many cases they lead to adverse Jewels. and Boy Who Produces relationships (Brugge J999b). Jewels live at the top. The shape Under the American Indian Reli­ of the knob inspired an earlier gious Freedom Act, Navajos have form of the hogan, the male or complained of too many interro­ forked-stick style (Wyman 1970). gations over herb gathering, rudeness toward medicine men, lack of access to sacred sites, ski 46 ... The North American Geographer

and mineral resource develop­ and secu lar-sacred conflicts at a m nts, non-Indian drinking and mll1lmum. carousing, and the use of exotic Mount Taylor, conversely, plant materials in fire re-seeding affords far better access on a net­ efforts. Yet it is a misconception work of well maintained gravel to equate Navajo values with roads and hiking trails. Hunting, complete preservation. Wilder­ hiking, wildlife viewing, scenic ness designations, for example, driving, and the gathering of fire­ do not appeal to many Navajos wood, spring water, pion nuts, because the rules prohibit the and Christmas trees result in motorized access that many older year-round visitation by people Navajos need; thus wilderness of all cultures (Parent 1992). can be seen as favoring certain These uses are, however, relative­ recreationists over traditional ly infrequent, low-elevation, and users (Kelley and Francis 1994). dispersed, thus they cause little Infamous for its poor access connict with Navajo prayer pil­ by vehicle or foot and remotely grimages or gathering activities. located with respect to the Nava­ Evidence of ceremonial use by jo Reservation, Blanca Peak American Indians exists near the receives Less visitation by Nava­ summtt, but Pueblo visitation is jos than any of the six sacred more frequent than Navajo. The mountains. On the other hand, Mount Taylor Winter for climbing enthusiasts of Col­ Quadrathalon has the potential to orado's Fourteeners, those sum­ engender far greater concerns, mits exceeding 14,000 feet, the yet few contentious issues have Blanca massif is a mecca for arisen. Run each February since access to Little Bear Peak 1984, the quadrathalon has (14,037 feet), Ellingwood Peak become one of the premier winter (14,042 feet), and Blanca Peak extreme sports events in the (Borneman and Lampert 1998). West. Over 500 contestants race Nearby Mount Lindsey (14,042 from Grants (6,420 feet) to the feet) also qual ifies as a Fourteen­ summit ( II ,30 I feet) and back by er, yet the rugged nature and Long bicycle, foot, cross-country skis, distance for climbing any of these and snowshoes. But with few summits keeps public visitation structures placed on the mountain Blake 47

and the intense use limited to a of the massif. short period in winter when the The secular uses of the peaks fragile alpine environment is cov­ historically focused on grazing, ered with snow, Cibola National logging, and mining for cinder Forest has received no com­ and pumice. The proximity of plaints of inappropriate use. At the high summits to rapidly Mount Taylor, while non-Indian growing Flagstaff has resulted in and Navajo uses are by no means accelerated demands for moun­ identical, they bear enough tain water. The creeks do not resemblance to each other to normally run in the high Inner result in a smooth integration of Basin, even when surrounded environmental ethics, with the with melting snowcapped peaks. Navajo b liefs clearly of great Flagstaff mines over 400 million significance in the management gallons of water each year from (Blake 1999b). the Inner Basin with a complex The San Francisco Peaks have system of deep wells and experienced the greatest land use pipelines (Breed 1985). The controversies of any of the six 1876 fire in the Inner Basin that Navajo sacred mountains. For burned many Englemann spruce American Indians, not just the may have reduced the natural summit is sacred; the Coconino streamflow and compounded the National Forest (1999) recog­ shortage of surface water exiting nizes the entire slopes of the mas­ the basin (Granger 1960). Merri­ sif, including the cinder hills, am's work on vertical zonation water seeps, and sinkholes, have still inspires other research as extremely significant religious tracts of the mountain are fre­ and cultural values to native peo­ quently set aside for study per­ ples. American Indians visit the mits on paleobotany and vegeta­ peaks in conjunction with cere­ tion ecology, especially fire suc­ monial activities for spruce cession. Scenic driving, com­ bough and woodcutting, herb mercial filming, weddings, trans­ gathering, and blessings; the mission towers (e.g., for cell Navajo even hold a grazing per­ phones), and hiking constitute mit, unused in the last few years, additional land use (Sandusky for a tract at the northeastern base 1999). 48 The North American Geographer

The ascent of Humphreys is late 1970s, bringing the project to popular for its state high-point a total of two lodges, 32 trails, elevation, biome transitions, and and five lifts, the highest of outstanding views of such fea­ which reaches 11,500 feet on tures as the Painted Desert, Nava­ Agassiz Peak. In 1997 the Snow­ jo Mountain, Echo Cliffs, Kaibab bowI proposed a revision to their Plateau, Grand Canyon, and Oak operating permit from Coconino Creek Canyon. Humphreys was National Forest to add another highlighted in the August 1999 sixty-six acres of trails and a issue of Backpacker magazine as major chairlift, but this time one of eight great U.S. hikes opposition comments from (Harlin 1999) and further fea­ American Indians and environ­ tured for its high altitude chal­ mentalists resulted in a ruling lenge to flatlanders (Morris requiring a new Environmental 1999). A consequence of the hik­ Impact Statement at the resort's ing popularity has been the clo­ expense. As yet, this has not sure of the route up Agassiz from been completed, but the existing May to October to protect the operations still leave an indelible endemic and endangered San imprint on the peaks throughout Francisco Peaks groundsel, and the year (Figure 10). The longest also to avoid disturbing American chair/ift operates throughout the Indian ceremonial shrines. In summer to carry sightseers and terms of controversy, however, hikers high on Agassiz, contribut­ these activities pale in compari­ ing to the ski area's sense of son to skiing and mining. incongruity compared with the The Arizona Snowbowl ski solitude and spiritual aspects of operations on the west slope of Navajo symbolism. the peaks commenced in 1938, A glaring mining scar at the long before consultations with eastern foot of the San Francisco American Indians on sacred Peaks generated the greatest out­ mountain land use were contem­ cry in recent years over sacred plated. Arizona's population mountain land use decisions. boom and the popularity of out­ Tufflite operated the 90-acre door recreation resulted in a White Vulcan Pumice Mine major expansion project in the (7,500 feet) for over fifty years Blake 49

Figure 10: Humphr!!.\'-\' Peak Fames {he shor{es{ of {he chair lijis at {he Arizona SnmvhOlr/, !he Aspen Double Chairlift. Phoro hy {he au{hor, JUlie 1999.

under the provisions of the 1872 mineral withdrawal of 74,380 Mining Act before their 1998 acres surrounding the Kachina proposal to expand the mine by Peaks Wilderness. Support for an additional thirty acres galva­ the proposal came from diverse nized opposition to the mine, quarters, including Interior Sec­ uniting every American Indian retary Bruce Babbitt, who called nation in Arizona and many the mine "a sacrilege" (McLeod Flagstaff residents in a common 2000), the Sierra Club, who said cause. The pumice had been sold the "mine is like tearing up the for horticultural products and the Sistine Chapel to get at the dirt" manufacturing of stonewashed (Mockler 1999), a student at jeans. The vast majority of the Northern Arizona University, thousands of public comments who said "these mountains trans­ received by the Forest Service form our days. they help us tran­ opposed the mine expansion scend the mundane" (Randazzo (McLeod 2000). The Forest Ser­ 1999), and American Indians, vice responded to Tufflite's who viewed continued mining as request by proposing a 20-year "inappropriate uses that have 50 The North American Geographer

severe impacts on traditional residents. Like Mount Taylor, the practices and beliefs" (Coconino sacredness of the San Francisco 1999). In August 2000 an agree­ Peaks is well known by non-Indi­ ment was reached between the ans, and this has made coopera­ federal government and Tufnite tive management easier to that would relinquish all mining achieve. The Forest Service now claims and guarantee full restora­ routinely contacts all Southwest tion of the mine for a payment to American Indian nations for TufTlite of $1 million. Subse­ input on major forest actions, quently, the federal government such as recreation development approved the mineral withdrawal or timber cuts. Mount Taylor and in October 2000, and the recla­ the San Francisco Peaks receive mation of the White Vulcan Mine attention from more than one began in February 200 I. indigenous nation, but notices In the case of pumice mining pel1aining the La Plata Range pri­ on the San Francisco Peaks, con­ marily interest the Navajo, rather cerns over aesthetics and sacri­ than the closer Ute Mountain or lege were common themes unit­ Southern Ute nations. Within the ing Navajos, other American La Platas, it is Hesperus in pUl1ic­ Indians, and other Arizona resi­ ular that holds interest for the dents. The unique geology of the Navajo. In the late 1990s, the peaks, plus their endangered San Juan National Forest species, wildlife, non-motorized received a request from a Navajo recreation opportunities, and role group that wanted to operate an as a peak of identity for the com­ outfitter service for Navajos who munity of Flagstaff each con­ seek access to the upper reaches tributed to creating an intolerance of Hesperus for ceremonies. This of the mine by broad segments of group wanted to build some high­ society. The quotation that the elevation structures that would Peaks are the "dominant, deeply suppol1 the outfitter service, but meaningful fact in our environ­ the Forest Service turned down ment" (Cline 1985, II) could fit the request since no other outfit­ the Navajo environmental ethics ters are allowed to maintain pri­ of sacred mountains, yet it was vate facilities in this area (Kelly given in reference to Flagstaff 2(00). Blake 51

There is little Navajo vIsIta­ below the rocky summit cone. tion at the actual summit of Hes­ The highest evidence of Navajo perus Mountain because of the ceremonial use on Hesperus is a difficult access. The long dirt rocky shrine site at about 11,600 road from the town of Mancos to feeL in an area of extensive the Sharkstooth Trailhead is easy bighorn sheep scat. driving until the road deteriorates Even though it is the highest in the last one and one-half miles. point of the La Plata Range, Hes­ From the trailhead the northwest perus Mountain still receives rel­ face of Hesperus is stunning in its atively light recreational use height (a sheer 2000 feet face), because of its remote access from and from here the approximately the nearby cities of Cortez and horizontal bands of igneous Durango and its lack of a summit intrusions accentuate the mass trail. This would seem to offer a and beauty of the peak. Ceremo­ quiet place for Navajo visits, but nial visitors would rarely climb the West Mancos hiking trail, to the summit because a person although officially closed to can be on the base of the moun­ motorized vehicles, still shows tain after a relatively easy three­ signs of frequent off-highway quarter mile walk on the West vehicle (OHV) use, probably Mancos Trail, whereas to ascend motorcycles based upon the tire higher involves descending the tracks. Extensive damage to the trail for another mile, then leav­ trail has occurred in wet areas ing the trail for a tedious undulat­ and where obstacles across the ing bushwhack through a dense trail, such as down trees, have forest choked with fallen trees, a been bypassed with new OHV scramble over a loose talus field, routes cut through the forest. The and an extremely steep and long noise from OHVs on this trail at ridge ascent. Being in connec­ the foot of Hesperus is extremely tion with the mountain is most intrusive to any contemplative important to Navajo ceremonial recreation or ceremonial activity. use, not necessarily summiting, OHV use is allowed nearby in the and collecting ceremonial soil or San Juan National Forest on the plants would, of course, typically Aspen Trail, but the proximity of best be done at .Iower elevations this recreation trail to the sacred 52 The North American Geographer

mountain - within a mile - still of the mesa with campground and results in audible OHV noise on picnic facilities set in motion the Hesperus. events that led to an eventual land Even though Huerfano Moun­ transfer (Linford 2000). The tain is a significant landmark on a Navajo requested a study by well-worn traveler's route, by the anthropologist David M. Brugge 1930s it had been climbed by few of the proposed development's white men (Van Valkenburgh impact on the spiritual signifi­ 1999). In recent decades, howev­ cance of the mesa. His report er, and without Navajo consulta­ noted the importance of Huerfano tion, at least twelve major trans­ and the other sacred mountains mission towers have been erected for the mountain soil bundle, in dense clusters on the south Blessingway ceremony, and other extension of the mesa. A Bureau songs and prayers (Brugge of Land Management proposal in 1999b). This report and Navajo 1967 to develop the eastern arm opposition to the development

Figure 11: On the Navajo portion of Huerrano Mountain this arch !rallles 0 soU/h­ easterly view. The eastern arm ofthe mesa horboJ'S 1I1(1l1y disrineti,'(' landj(l/'/lls, <,co­ logicallliches, and Navojo shrines. The opening of this arch is only obout /lvO feet high. Photo by rhe owl/Or. July 1996. Blake 53

led to a land exchange, with the managed to defeat the scheme by Navajo gaining ownership of the emphasizing the importance of northern tip and eastern ann of the intervisibilities between the mesa that contains the high Huerfano and Gobernador K.'1ob point and many distinctive fea­ (Kelley and Francis, 1994; Lin­ tures and shrine sites (Figure 11). ford 2000). The land transfer did no1 per­ The visible imprint of Navajo manently resolve all issues asso­ symbolism on the landscape is ciated with the contested land­ greatest at Gobernador Knob, the scape of I-Iuerlano Mountain. A least known and visited by out­ rough but serviceable road still siders of the six sacred moun­ provides access up the southern tains. Many small caches of pot­ wing of the mesa to the commu­ tery shards dot the top of the nication towers. From here it is knob, and at the exact summit are only a short walk to the highest ceremonially arranged stones, point of the mesa - to Navajo shards, and, recalling the symbol­ land - and its superb 360-degree ic association of the knob with views. On one summer evening the forked-stick hogan style, a visit to the mesa I found a rau­ crooked piece of wood (Figure cous ga hering of non-Indians at 12). Pottery shards and other the high point, gle fully thr wing remains of ancient Navajo and their mpty be r cans off the Pueblo Indian use are found summit. Even without uch throughout the vicinity of the boors, the transmission towers knob (Linford 2000), with an and road are permanent esp cially dense concentration of reminders of secular intrusions shards on the mesa within one­ on a sacred world. The checker­ half mile east from the knob. The board pattern of land ownership knob's remote location and diffi­ around Huerfano constantly cult access result in extremely results in conflicting yet contigu­ infrequent recreational use, and ous land uses. A 1991 proposal to although the Navajo use is light, establish an asbestos dump five the arrangement of the objects at miles ast of Hu rfano in Blanco the summit does nevertheless Canyon resulted in vigorous change from time to time. protest from the Navajo, who Ironically, this remote and rel- S4 The North American Geographer

Figure /2: Summit ofGobernador Knoh with ceremonially arranged pOllery shards) stones, and jiwked stick. The summit henchmark is located in the right center of llhlltu. Photo by authur, Seplemher 2000.

atively small sacred summit is head and pipeline faciliti s, along curr ntly the most threatened with the concomitant noise and with outside interference by new traffic of drilling and production gas well drilling in the San Juan activities. Clearly incompatible Basin. Natural gas wells, booster with the Navajo use of Gober­ stations, and access roads have nador Knob, once again efforts long been visible and audible on were made to emphasize the need the plain below Gobernador to show respect of American Knob, but the latest round of Indian beliefs by not allowing the development significantly gas wells in close proximity to increases the density of develop­ the knob (Brugge 1999b). In ment and encroaches much closer 1999 and 2000, however, new gas to the summit on Laguna Seea w lis were developed within one­ M sa. These new wells result in half mile of Gobernador Knob, the clearing and leveling of the changing the character of the sur­ forest and construction of well- rounding area and bringing Blake 55

Figure 13: Non/llvestcrly view of natural gas booster station. wells, and access roads within one-half lIlile of Gobernador Knoh. Photo by the author. Seplember 2000. incongruous land uses within popular media. The visible close range (Figure 13). imprint of Navajo symbolism may rest lightly on the land, but Contested Visions the sacred meanings are deeply The ideology of the American etched into the regional character. Southwest an Navajo sacred Third, sacred power knows no mountain symbolism are closely borders. The stakeholders in related. First, the location in Col­ decisions affecting these sacred orado of two of the six sacred mountains include Navajos, other mountains in this study further American Indians, and multi­ affirms the inclusion of southern tudes of others who value the Colorado in vernacular defini­ peaks for everything from spiritu­ tions of the region. Second, the al renewal to recreation to miner­ power of the sacred peaks indi­ al resources. The projection of cates that mountains and mesas the symbolism associated with are as much a part of the regional these mountains far beyond their landform iconography as the immediate area is a reminder of deserts, canyons, and buttes that how symbolism transcends polit­ are more frequently touted in ical boundaries and shapes 56 .. The North American Geographer

regional constructs. ti ve location (close to an urban Land use is diagnostic of dif­ area) than respect for Navajo fering environmental percep­ symbolism. tions. Ceremonial use by tradi­ Sacred places derive signifi­ tional Navajos, for example, cance from their position within reflects place-specific attitudes the larger culturally constructed that are deeply interwoven with a landscape, so no sacred mountain worldview, tradition, and cultural should symbolically be severed identity. The preservation of a from the surrounding land (Kel­ mountain in response Lo develop­ ley and Francis 1994). The con­ ment threats, such as at the San troversial pumice mining Low on Francisco Peaks, reflects aesthet­ the flanks of the San Francisco ics and a need for places of spiri­ Peaks, the pottery shards near tual renewal. Re~;ource extrac­ Gobernador Knob, and the tion reflects how distant interests important intervisibilities still control the dominant percep­ between sacred mountains all tions of many public lands. Fed­ argue for sacred power including eral land management pol icy is the entire massif and surrounding typically driven by a multiple use area rather than only the upper ethic, the greatest good for the peak. Strangely, distance from greatest number. Navajo symbol­ the cultural landscape of the ism has at times been considered Navajo Reservation is often in management plans, but with­ inversely related to the degree a out receiving top priority. Devel­ sacred mountain landscape is opment often wins out unless a contested. Gobemador Knob and majority, including non-Indians, the San Francisco Peaks are each asserts an appreciation for the distinctly separated from the special character of sacred moun­ reservation and have experienced tains. But the lack of conver­ land uses incongruous with gence toward a preservation ethic sacred values. Huerfano Moun­ at Huerfano Mountain or Gober­ tain is the closest to the reserva­ nador Knob indicates the multi­ tion, and it has also been a con­ cultural effort to end mining on tested landscape. Mount Taylor the San Francisco Peaks is more a and Hesperus Mountain have had byproduct of aesthetics and rela- lesser degrees of incongruous Blake 57

land uses, whereas Blanca Peak, to development and preservation farthest of all from the reserva­ of the U.S. Forest Service has tion, has experienced the least resulted in mixed success on the controversy. Access seems at San Francisco Peaks and Hespe­ least as reliable a predictor of rus Mountain with regard to con­ contested landscapes as pol itical tested landscape issues. The mul­ boundaries or spatial c rreJa­ ticultural and many-facet d sig­ ti ns. nificance of the four cardinal Although traditional Navajos mountains, however, essentially most closely affiliate themselves mandates a management agency with the sacred mountains, the with a multiple use ethic. Con­ importance of these peaks versely, it seems far more appro­ remains strong throughout 'ava­ priate to transfer the entirety of jo culture. The official Dine edu­ Gob mador Knob and Huerfano cation curriculum has a section Mountain from the Bureau of on Dine Bikeyah/Geography in Land Management to the Navajo which many of the objectives Nation. The spiritual signifi­ rclating to origins, physical envi­ cance of Gobernador and Huer­ ronment, and vocabulary relate to fano is almost solely Navajo; the six sacred mountains. Addi­ therefore, little opposition on aes­ tionally, the impetus for the 1997 thetic or symbolic grounds could production of the comprehensive be expected. Furthermore, one "Dine Bikeyah" map was the less gas well and an official need of Navajo schools for a map buffer around Gobernador Knob, that included sacred places to and the relocation of the commu­ stimulate discussions about these nication towers at Huerfano names and places (Lister 2000). Mountain, seem insignificant Indeed, better awareness of the costs compared to the power of sacred mountains by more Nava­ sacred mountains. The compari­ jos would likely lead to better son of land uses and Navajo sym­ representation of Navajo values bolism indicates that new borders in public land management. Fed­ and land use policies can and eral ownership of sacred moun­ should be created to mediate tains often provides an appropri­ between sacred mountain sym­ ate public land management bolism and contested landscapes. directive. The balanced approach 58 ... The North American Geographer

Acknowledgements Lessons from the Land. Sun I thank David M. Brugge and Tracks: An American Indian Lit­ Stephen C. Jett for sharing their erary Series, Vol. 11. Tucson: understanding of Navajo beliefs, University of Arizona Press. Jeffrey S. Smith for his assistance with the September 2000 photo­ Blake, Kevin S. 1999a. Peaks of graphs and the map, Frank Lister Identity in Colorado's San Juan for providing and discu sing his Mountains. Journal of Cultural "Dine Bikeyah" maps, William Geography 18(2): 29-55. R. Blake for his assistance and companionship on many journeys Blake, Kevin S. 1999b. Secular to the sacred mountains, and and Sacred Landscape Symbol­ Sally E. Blake for helping me ism at Mount Taylor, New Mexi­ understand my American Indian co. Journal. of the Southwest heritage. 41(4): 487-509.

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Byrkit, James W. 1992. Land, Gill, Sam D. 1981. Sacred Sky, and People: The Southwest Words: A Study of Navajo Reli­ Defined. Journal of the South­ gion and Prayer. Contributions in west 34(3): 257-387. lntercultural and Comparative Studies, No.4. Westport, CT: Chronic, Halka. 1980. Roadside Greenwood. Geology of Colorado. Missoula, MT: Mountain Press. Goodman, James M. 1982. The Navajo Atlas: Environments. Chronic, Halka. 1983. Roadside Resources. People. and History Geology of Arizona. Missoula, of the Dine Bikeyah. Norman: MT: Mountain Press. University of Oklahoma Press.

Chronic, Halka. 1987. Roadside Granger, Byrd H. 1960. Will C. Geology of New Mexico. Mis­ Barnes' Arizona Place Names. soula, MT: Mountain Press. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Cline. Platt. 1985. The Mountain. Plateau 56(3): 10-15. Griffin-Pierce, Trudy. 2000. Native Peoples of the Southwest. Coconino National Forest. 1999. Albuquerque: University of New Ideas for Change: Flagstaff/Lake Mexico Press. Mary Ecosystem Analysis. Coconino National Forest. Wash­ Guterson, Ben. 1997. Traditions ington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Merge at Hogan Church. New Agriculture. Mexico Magazine 75(8): 68-71. Farella, John R. 1984. The Main Stalk: A Synthesis ofNavajo Phi­ Harlin, John. 1999. Top of the losophy. Tucson: University of World. Backpacker. August: 58­ Arizona Press. 68.

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Jett, Stephen C. 1995. Navajo lion wilh Ihe aUlhor. Dolores, Sacred Places: Management and CO, 12 July. Interpretation of Mythic History. The Public Historian 17(2): 39­ Levy, Jerrold E. 1998. In Ihe 47. Beginning: The Navajo Genesis. Berkeley: University of Califor­ Jett, Stephen C. 1997. Place­ nia Press. Naming, Environment, and Per­ ception among the Canyon de Linford, Laurance D. 2000. Chelly Navajo of Arizona. Pro­ Navajo Places: History. Legend, fessiona/ Geographer 49(4): 481­ Landscape. Salt Lake City: Uni­ 493. vel'. ity ot Utah Press.

Jett, Stephen. 2001. The Navajo Lister, Frank. 2000. Publisher, Homeland. In Homelands: A Time Traveler Maps. COnl'erso­ Geography of People and Place lion with Ihe aUlhur. Mancos, Across America, ed. Richard L. CO. 12 July. Nostrand and Lawrence E. Estaville, pp. 168- 183. Balti­ Locke, Raymond Friday. 1992. more: Johns Hopkins University The Bouk of Ihe Navajo, 51h edi­ Press. tion. Los Angeles: Mankind.

Julyan, Robert. 1996. The Place Lloyd, Harvey. 1995. Sacred Names of New Mexico. Albu­ Lands of Ihe Soulinvesl. New querque: Univ rsity of N w York: Monacelli. Mexico Press. Marston, Ed. 1996. Prayers Gen­ Kelley, Klara Bonsack, and Fran­ erale Hope and Bring Showers. cis Harris. 1994. Navajo Sacred High Country News. August 5: 5. Places. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Matthews, Washington. 1897. Navaho Legends. New York: Kelly, Toni. 2000. Visitor Infor­ American Folk-Lore Society. mation Specialist, Mancos­ Dolores Ranger District, San Mayes, Vernon 0., and Lacy, Juan National Forest. COl1versa- Barbara Bayless. 1989. Nanise?: Blake 61

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Van Valkenburgh, Richard. 1999. Kevin S. Blake is Assistant Pro­ Navajo Country: Dine Bikeyah: fessor of Geography at Kansas A Geographical Dictionary of State University. His interests Navajo Lands in the 1930s. Man­ span the American West and cos, CO: Time Traveler Maps. Southwest, mountains, culture­ nature interactions, ethnic land­ Wilson, Alan. 1995. Navajo scapes, place identity, and the Place Names: An Observer's symbolism of cultural and envi­ Guide. Guilford, CT: Jeffrey Nor­ ronmentallandscapes. His previ­ ton Publishers. ous publications have appeared in Geographical Review, Land­ Wyman, Leland C., ed. 1957. scape Journal, Journal of the Beautyway: A Navaho Ceremoni­ Southwest, and Journal of Cul­ al. Myth recorded and translated tu.ral Geography. He can be by Father Berard Haile. New reached at Department of Geog­ York: Pantheon Books. raphy; Kansas State University; 118 Seaton Hall; Manhatlan, KS Wyman, Leland C. 1967. The 66506-2904; E-mail: Sacred Mountains ofthe Navajo. . Flagstaff: Northland.

Wyman, Leland C. 1970. Bless­ ingway. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Wyman, Leland C. 1975. The Mountainway ofthe Navajo. Tuc­ son: University of Arizona Press.

Zolbrod, Paul G. 1984. Dine Bahanee: The Navajo Creation Story. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.