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The Three Jerusalems: Planning and Colonial Control Jeff Halper

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The Three Jerusalems: Planning and Colonial Control Jeff Halper The Three Jerusalems: Planning and Colonial Control Jeff Halper Whether in negotiations or in the public mind, the issue of Jerusalem is usually framed as a contest for control of the holy places in and around the Old City and in the context of the Palestinian demand to establish their capital in the eastern part of the city. Although these are important and difficult issues, they mask another vital element of Jerusalem's role in perpetuating the Israeli Occupation: its ongoing transformation from an Israeli-controlled city into a region that occupies and controls the entire central portion of the West Bank. Quietly and without attracting much public attention, Jerusalem-the- region has become a central element in preventing the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. To understand Jerusalem's role in 6 Winter15.p65 6 08/04/23, 08:46 ã perpetuating the Occupation, we must look the city (with the exception of part of Beit at three concentric Jerusalems: "municipal Safafa) was the product of the 1948 war - Jerusalem," as defined by the city's not urban development. Before the war, boundaries unilaterally imposed by Israel around 40 percent of the land of West in 1967; "Greater Jerusalem," which seeks Jerusalem belonged to Palestinians, to incorporate the "outer ring" of West including residential, commercial, and Bank settlements surrounding Jerusalem village areas, and almost half of the city's into an expanded municipality; and 65,000 Christians and Muslims lived "Metropolitan Jerusalem," a regional there (Habash and Rempel 1999:184-185; conception that seeks not the annexation of Davis 1999:52). Furthermore, while Israel large areas of the West Bank to Jerusalem goes to great pains to stress the centrality (including Bethlehem and Ramallah), but of the Old City to Jewish life and identity, their transformation into hinterlands by 1948, 98 percent of the 100,000 Jews dependent upon an Israeli-controlled urban lived in the western part of the city. To area. strengthen its territorial control of tiny In addition to its importance as a "fact on Arab "East Jerusalem" (6 sq. km., the ground" for future negotiations, the compared to the 38 sq. km. of West case of Jerusalem highlights the use of Jerusalem), Israel appended another 64 planning, administration, and construction sq. km. of West Bank land to the city in as means of both perpetuating the order to embed it in a thick ring of Israeli Occupation (de facto, if not de jure) and settlements. In other words, almost 93 foreclosing the emergence of a viable percent of East Jerusalem was added to Palestinian state. the city after 1967 for purposes of domination. Overall, 60 percent of Municipal Jerusalem municipal Jerusalem was appended in In purely urban terms, "municipal" order to encircle Palestinian parts of the Jerusalem is easy to define: it is a city of city and isolate them from the wider some 630,000 people (430,000 Jews and Palestinian society of the West Bank. 200,000 Palestinians) living within the Political considerations based on Israel's municipal boundaries drawn by Israel demographic and geo-political concerns following the 1967 war. But "municipal" have thus determined the form and nature Jerusalem is an artificial entity that of municipal Jerusalem far more than embodies less a real urban entity than urban processes. Israel seeks to bolster its Israel's desire to assert its claim over the claim to exclusive "ownership" of historic Old City and the "Holy Basin" Jerusalem by attempting to maintain the surrounding it. There is little connection 72 percent/28 percent majority of Jews between contemporary municipal form of over Palestinians that it found in the Jerusalem and its organic growth as a city. "reunited" city of 1967. (It has only been (An example of this can be found in a moderately successful: the Israeli comparison of the Old City in the 19th majority in Jerusalem currently stands at century and its expansion until 1948.) about 68 percent.) In fact, the very consolidation of "West One method for achieving this is Jerusalem" as an exclusively Jewish part of gerrymandering: in 1967, the new borders of "municipal" Jerusalem were drawn by 7 Winter15.p65 7 08/04/23, 08:46 ã Israeli generals (Shlomo Lahat and the Planners with the city engineer's notorious late Rechavam Ze'evi) in office, when drawing the zoning accordance with two principles: boundaries for the Arab z The incorporation of the maximum neighborhoods, limited them to amount of undeveloped Palestinian land already built-up areas. Adjoining for Israeli construction (thereby open areas were either zoned foreclosing the urgently needed "green," to signify they were off- construction of 30,000 housing units and limits to development, or left new industrial areas of Arab Jerusalem), unzoned until they were needed for and the construction of Jewish housing z The exclusion of large concentrations of projects. The 1970 Kollek plan Palestinians from the municipal area (al- contains the principles upon which Azarariyyeh, Abu Dis, and al-Ram in Israeli housing policy is based to particular) in order to reduce the number of this day - expropriation of Arab- Palestinian residents (Campbell 1998). owned land, development of large Israel then adopted a policy of "partisan" Jewish neighborhoods in east (or "hostile") planning in order to ensure Jerusalem, and limitations on its demographic domination. In the period development in Arab following 1967, it expropriated a third of neighborhoods." (Cheshin 1999:37) the land of East Jerusalem for the construction of its massive settlements and Palestinians remaining within the their required infrastructure. On 80 percent gerrymandered borders of Jerusalem were of the remaining land (39 of 46 sq. km.), thereby confined to small, disconnected Palestinians were denied the right to build, islands, each accessible only through either because the land fell outside the Israeli neighborhoods. Although they restricted "master plans" of Arab East comprise a third of the Jerusalem Jerusalem (where there were master plans) population today, Palestinians have access or because the land was designated for to less than 10 percent of the urban land "public use" or zoned as "open landscape for residential use - and most of that has areas." The public purposes for which already been built upon. "green space" was intended - parks, Even where they are permitted to build, playgrounds, schools, community centers it is important to note that Palestinians are and the like - were, of course, never restricted to far lower densities than actualized. (Ironically, East Jerusalem Israelis are. For instance, while the possesses more "open green space" per residents of the Palestinian village of person than any city in the world, Issawiyyeh cannot build houses higher suggesting a Garden of Eden - at least on than two stories, the Israeli residents of paper.) nearby French Hill, which is built on land According to Amir Cheshin, the long- expropriated from Issawiyyeh, live in serving Advisor on Arab Affairs for the eight-story buildings. Discriminatory Jerusalem municipality under Kollek and, zoning also prevents the development of for a time, Olmert: commercial and industrial areas common to the Israeli sector, as well as accessible, 8 Winter15.p65 8 08/04/23, 08:46 ã well-maintained roads and infrastructure. housing policy in east Jerusalem The Palestinian areas of Jerusalem receive was all about this numbers game only eight percent of the annual municipal (Cheshin et al. 10, 31-32) budget (Meir Margalit, personal communication). Cheshin summarizes the While Palestinian construction has been municipality's approach as follows: severely restricted, Israel has built an "inner ring" of new suburban settlements -- [In 1967], Israel's leaders adopted Ramot, Ramat Shlomo, Neveh Ya'akov, two basic principles in their rule of Pisgat Ze'ev, French Hill, Ramat Eshkol, east Jerusalem. The first was to East Talpiot, Har Homa, and Gilo, as well rapidly increase the Jewish as the nuclei of settlements in the Muslim population in east Jerusalem. The Quarter and around the Old City -- that second was to hinder growth of the both defines the expanded municipal Arab population and to force Arab borders and preserves Israeli domination. residents to make their homes The effects are stark and far-reaching. elsewhere. It is a policy that has Since 1967, while only 9,000 housing units translated into a miserable life for have been approved for Palestinians, the majority of east Jerusalem 85,000 housing units have been built for Arabs…. Jews in East Jerusalem alone. And while Palestinians must build with their own In Jerusalem, Israel turned urban private funds (the cost of merely securing a planning into a tool of the building permit and connecting to the government, to be used to help municipal services can cost a Palestinian prevent the expansion of the city's family $20,000-60,000), Israeli non-Jewish population. It was a construction enjoys a wide range of incentives - subsidies, tax breaks, low- ruthless policy, if only for the fact interest loans, and other economic that the needs (to say nothing of the incentives - intended to attract large rights) of Palestinian residents numbers of Israelis into the affordable but were ignored. Israel saw the high-quality settlements. (The settlements adoption of strict zoning plans as a are called "neighborhoods" to sanitize way of limiting the number of new them of political connotations and homes built in Arab neighborhoods, minimize their size.) Today, around and thereby ensuring that the Arab 200,000 Israelis live in the eastern part of percentage of the city's population - Jerusalem that was annexed in 1967, 28.8 percent in 1967 - did not grow surpassing the Palestinian population. beyond this level. Allowing "too Israel also employs a number of many" new homes in Arab administrative policies to keep the neighborhoods would mean "too Palestinian population artificially low.
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