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The Influence of Olive Schreiner on Vera Brittain's Experience of The Title It mocked my love: the influence of Olive Schreiner on Vera Brittain's experience of the Great War Sub Title ヴェラ・ブリテンと第一次世界大戦 : オリヴ・シュライナーとの影響関係からみる Author 上田, 敦子(Ueda, Atsuko) Publisher 慶應義塾大学藝文学会 Publication year 2007 Jtitle 藝文研究 (The geibun-kenkyu : journal of arts and letters). Vol.93, (2007. 12) ,p.172(51)- 189(34) Abstract Notes Genre Journal Article URL https://koara.lib.keio.ac.jp/xoonips/modules/xoonips/detail.php?koara_id=AN00072643-0093000 1-0189 慶應義塾大学学術情報リポジトリ(KOARA)に掲載されているコンテンツの著作権は、それぞれの著作者、学会または出版社/発行者に帰属し、その権利は著作権法によって 保護されています。引用にあたっては、著作権法を遵守してご利用ください。 The copyrights of content available on the KeiO Associated Repository of Academic resources (KOARA) belong to the respective authors, academic societies, or publishers/issuers, and these rights are protected by the Japanese Copyright Act. When quoting the content, please follow the Japanese copyright act. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org) It Mocked My Love: The Influence of Olive Schreiner on Vera Brittain's Experience of the Great War Atsuko Ueda Introduction During the First World War, British government propaganda encour­ aged women of all classes to do their share of work for their country. Among the many women thus mobilised was Vera Brittain (1893-1970), who would later become a prolific writer, and active feminist and pacifist. In the summer of 1915, after experiencing war work at a local hospital, Brittain interrupted her studies at Somerville College, Oxford to become a fulltime V AD (Voluntary Aid Detachment). A few months later, she signed up to work at a military hospital. Her diary records that she decided to take up nursing upon reading an appeal in the papers for women to offer their services (3 April 1915; Chronicle 176). But for Brittain, war work was also a means of expressing her love for Roland Leighton, her lover who was already in the battlefield. She confesses in her diary of the next day that "[t]he more I have to do the better I shall be able to endure life, especially if I am able to do work direct! y useful in the War" (4 April 1915; Chronicle 177). In an entry nine days later, she exclaims emotionally that the difficulty to endure "must somehow be overcome-by very love itself-shall!"(13 April 1915; (34) - 189- Chronicle 180). She found hospital work to be unpleasant, and her love for Leighton was what compensated for its hardships. She told him that she would not go back to Oxford until the end of the war. She kept her word and contin­ ued nursing even after his death in December, 1915. The war had tested her love, and though at the expense of her education, it would seem as if she had passed with flying colours. Years later, however, in Testament of Youth: An Autobiographical Study of the Years 1900-1925 (1933), her bestselling memoir of the war, she reflects bitterly that it had "mocked my love" (290). As we shall see Brittain's love for Leighton was based on a philosophy introduced by the feminist, Olive Schreiner (1855-1920).' In this paper some suggestions will be made as to how warfare came between their love, and conclude that during wartime, women had experienced a standstill in the history of their advancement. Separate Spheres Brittain and Leighton met in April, 1914, less than four months before Britain declared war against Germany. He was a friend of Brittain's brother and had come to stay with the Brittains for the Easter holidays. He had won a scholarship to Merton College, Oxford and was to enrol the coming August. His mother was a well-known author of popular fiction on whose earnings along with his father's, the family's living expenses and Leighton' s education had depended. Leighton professed to be a feminist because of this. Only a week after they met, he sent Brittain a gift of a copy of Olive Schreiner's novel, The Story of an African Farm (1883). Its pro­ tagonist, Lyndall, is often regarded to be the first perfect model of the turn­ of-the-century "New Woman." In the letter he enclosed with the novel, Leighton remarked that there was a resemblance between Brittain and Lyn­ dall and hinted that he hoped she would agree with him (22 April 1914, - 188- (35) Bishop and Bostridge 14 ). The war would, however, make him change his mind. Brittain was fascinated with the book. "During the next few weeks," she recalls, "I spent a good many troubled, speculative, exciting hours with the little volume clasped in my hands" (Testament 84). She continues by quoting Lyndall concerning her view on the nature of love between the two sexes: "It is for love's sake yet more than for any other," I [Brittain] read with sudden amazed understanding, "that we [women] look for that new time .... Then when that time comes ... when love is no more bought or sold, when it is not a means of making bread, when each woman's life is filled with earnest, independent labour, then love will come to her, a strange sudden sweetness breaking in upon her earnest work; not sought for, but found." (84) Here Lyndall is protesting against conventional marriage in which men go out to work and women are expected to remain passively in the house. "[T]he world makes men and women," she says in a different part of the novel, and exclaims powerfully that "[t]o you [men] it says-Work! and to us [women] it says-Seem/" (italics original; Story 188). Conventional love is merchandise that promises shelter for one and submission for the other. True love can only be obtained when women are given equal oppor­ tunities in the workforce. The Story of an African Farm was not the first Schreiner book that Brittain had read. She had been introduced to Schreiner' s advocate for equal labour opportunities, Woman and Labour, by one of the two princi­ pals at the school she attended, briefly after its publication in 1911. Her encounter with the words "We take all labour for our province/"2 in (36) -187- Schreiner' s later book had induced the young school girl to prepare herself for college education and an independent life (italics original; Testament 41). In Woman and Labour Schreiner repeatedly protests against women having continuously been deprived of their fields of labour, and men valu­ ing them only for their sexuality. As a result, women become "sex para­ sites." She accepts that in the past, the field of labour was divided, for practical reasons, according to the physical difference of the sexes. She, however, believes that there is not in fact enough scientific evidence to allow the difference to interfere with an individual's choice of labour, espe­ cially in the field of intellectual labour (Woman 57-64). Brittain made a connection between the two texts. She got the impression that Woman and Labour was "very much an expanded version of Lyndall's remarks on the position of women" ("To Roland Leighton," 3 May 1914). Brittain, it can be assumed, felt a sensation in reading Lyndall's phi­ losophy on love because it planted in her the idea that love could be the ultimate reason for her to pursue her studies and career. Like Lyndall, she longed for a "sympathetic companionship" and what Lyndall described as "something [perfect enough] to worship" (Testament 85). Yet, Brittain did not need to wait for long, for she had found in Leighton a potential partner. She was to become his Lyndall. Thus, it was as Leighton' s equal that Brittain abandoned her studies to become a VAD. Nursing was accordingly in Brittain's words, "another division of the same strife that you [Leighton] are in now" (26 May 1915, Bishop and Bostridge 113). Brittain abandons her studies and devotes her­ self to physical labour as a means of getting closer to Leighton, who had grown a sudden contempt for academic work compared with war work. It had become nothing but "scholastic vegetation" to him ("To Vera Brit­ tain," 29 Sept. 1914). Many letters later Brittain agrees with him and exclaims that she wants "physical endurance" and "bodily toil." College -186- (37) had become for her, "too soft a job" (25 April 1915, Bishop and Bostridge 88). Brittain's emphasis on the physicality of her labour is important in that she is not agreeing with Schreiner concerning her ideas on the value of women's labour during wartime. For Schreiner, it is not through nursing and endurance that women can do their equal share of physical labour dur­ ing wartime. They can do it through giving birth to men, "the primal muni­ tion of war," as they have done so in past times (Woman 64). Thus, by insisting to Roland that she was enduring physical toil, Brittain was per­ haps trying to let him know that she was enduring the limit of her strength, the way he was in the battlefields. Thus, she wanted to believe that she was in a different division of the same battlefield and was fighting with him. 3 Leighton did not appreciate Brittain's efforts as much as she wished him to. His failure to acknowledge what a big step it was for Brittain to be transferred to a military hospital upset her. He offended her deeply by wrongly assuming that she was "in a world of long wards and silent footed nurses and bitter, clean smells and an appalling whiteness in everything" ("To Vera Brittain," 3 Nov. 1915, Bishop and Bostridge 182). Brittain was consoled by a letter asking for forgiveness from Leighton. His death, how­ ever, created a gulf between them.
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