The NATIONAL LIBRARY of CANADA Ro Microfilm Rhis Thesis and to Lend Or Sell Copies of the Film, and University MICROFILMS to Publish an Abstracr of This Thesis

COIITACT AND ENL IGETE¡¡BD CO-OPERATION

A EISIìORY OF TIE FTR TRADE IN TEE ARCTIC DR.ÀINACE I¡WLANDS 17L7-IA2I

WILLIA}I ALEXAITDER SLOAN

A tlresis sLrl¡¡ìittcd to rJrc FacLrlty ol-Craduate Studies of lhe Ultiversity of Ifanjtoba in partial fulfi¡lnìent of tlìe requirenìents of the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY @ 198 s

Permission has been granted ro the LIBRARY OF THE UNMR- SITY OF MANITOBA to lend or sell copies of this thesis, to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA ro microfilm rhis thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and UNIVERSITy MICROFILMS to publish an abstracr of this thesis.

The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's wrítten permission. ABSTRACT

This manuscript re-examlnes the history of the fur trade Ín the Arctic drainage lowlands from 1717 when the first post was established to setve the Chipewyans of ùhe reg ion to the confirmat ion of the monopoly of the Hudsonrs Bay Company Ín 1821. Throughout the period under study the Indians were act lve particÍpants and at the very lea st , partners in the fur t rade. policies of the t rad ing compa_ nies in the Mackenzie region were assessed and accommodated or rejected accor.ding to the advantage of the IndÍans.

They were a vital agent in influencing the policies, pra c_ t Íces, and the eventual sha pe of trade orga niz at t on which evolved in the Arctic drainage lowlands after 1g21. Pa rt ic ipat ion in the fur t rade led to shÍfts in adapt_ ive emphasis. As these changes accumulated and as customs wh ich had been ada pt ed to a mÍgratory existence were dis_ carded some Athapaskan bands began to follow new seasonal cyclical patterns whlch were concerned primarily with the fur trade. Changes were hu rr ied by epidemics, by popu la _ tion dislocatÍon, and by pressure of the fur companies. The North West Company attempted deployment of bands, turned to intimidatlon of reca Ic it ran t IndÍans and bullied opposltion traders. Indians resisted the pressure by seek_ lnq out the oppo s it Íon, by retalÍating, and by retu rn Íng to traditional hunting putsuibs. By 1820 the combination of IndÍan resistance to their methods and the need for conservative resource poI icy Ied the North West Company to

seek union nith a receptlve Hudson 's Bay Compan y .

To develop these ldeas focus has been placed on a ra nge of themes. The disciplines of history, archaeology, ethnography and Iingulstics have been studied and supple_ mented by nutrltÍonaI and wildlife studies of the region to seek out native relationships wlth their environment, changing beha v iou ral and cycl ical movements, pol icles and manner of operat ion of the fur companies, and soc la I change withÍn the band. ACK NOWL EDGE}|EN TS

This thesis was begun as a research project to supple- men t interpret ive matet ials for the Renewable Resources Program for nat iv e nort herner s, Thebacha ColÌege, Fort Smith, N.\l.T. \{ith the encouragement of the late professor W.L. Morlon candidacy for the Ph,D. was completed and the

dissertation was defined. The task of supervisor was assumed by Professor Jean Friesen. Her patience and support ive commentary trete essent ial Lo its comp let ion.

P ro fes sol Jennifer Brown, ext erna f exam iner, offered crit- ica I insight which has been most oonstr.uctive. I wish to thank the Hudson's Bay Company for permission to guote from their records. In part ioular, help is acknowledged from Mr s. Shirley A. Smith, Alchivist, and

Ass i st ant G aron WeIls. Aid in research was received with apprec iat io n from Victor de Brey ne at the McGiIl University Special Collections and Staff of the Pubt ic Archives in 0ttawâ.

Many than ks also to Virginia Thorimbert for typing and to Selkirk Col-[ege who granted permission for use of their Ìrord pt'ocessing facility. Students in Renewable Resources Technology, Thebacha CoIIege were most appreciated f t¡r their willingness to share stories of the hunL and family experiences. A special t ha nks also to Walter Ba ya of Fort Franklin for re- cou nt ing some of his personal and family experiences and knowledge of the peo ple of Gr.eat Bea r Lake.

Last and most appreciated was the support and many hours of able proofreading done by ElaÍne SIoan,

2 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pa ge

LIST OF CHARTS. 4

ABBREVIATIONS

CHAPIER

I. INTRODUCTION. 6

II. ATHAPASKAN LIFEWAYS f7

III. ADAPTAIIONS TO THE EARLIEST FUR TRADE 86

IV. CONTACT AND DISLOCATION 129

V. COMPËTITION AND TURMOIL 167

VI. HEADOUARTER POLICIES AND RESPONSES 211

VII REST0RED M0N0P0LY: RE0RCANIZATION, DEPLOYMENT AND CONSERVAT]ON 242

VIII. CONCLUS]ON. 26J

BIBLIOGRAPHY 27 1

3 CHARTS

Ma p 1 Vegetation Types 1n Study Area, e. 67

Map 2 Approximate Bounds of Caribou Herds in Area of Study, p. 68.

Map 3 Locatlon of the Athapaskan Bands at the time of Contact, p. 111.

Map 4. Chlpewyan Middleman Route to the Coast , p. 112.

Map 5 Posts tThich had Strateg ic Bearing on the Extension of the Tra de 1717-182'l with the Date of Establishment, p. 197.

Map 6 Locat ion of the Athapaskan Bands dfter 1g2,l, p 270.

4 ABBREVIATIONS

HBC Archives Hudson's Bay Co. Archives

PWF P rince of \{aIesr Fort

PAC Publ ic Archives of Canada

CHJ Cumberland House Journals

F CPJ Fort Churchill Post Journal

PWFPJ Prlnce of Walesr Fort Post Journal

McGill Mss McGilI Univ. Manuscript Collection

BHPJ Buc k in gha m House P ost Journal

NHPJ Nott ingham House Po st Journal

MH PJ l'4ansfield House P ost J ourna I

CBLJ Creat Bea r Lake Journal

FSPJ F ort Simpson Post J our.na I

5 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Although the Arct ic drainage Iowl a nd reglon was con_ sÍdered by t.he North West Company by the 179Ots to be the richest in all of the fur trade, and became the location for a protracted and vltal struggle between the fur trading

g ia nts in the n ineteenth century, I Ítt Ie detailed study and certaÍnly llttle serious considerat ion has been undertaken by historians of the role of the Indians in that struggle until recently. The classic study of the fur trade has been that of HaroId Innis. His lnterest was in the "ef_ fects of a vast new land on European civilizationr"l and noL so much in the details of Indlan response to the

trade. His work touches on the Athabasca and provides a central idea for thls thesis when he argues that "the North West Company Iwasì adapted to expandlng trade over wíder areasrr but that this same organizational approach became a handicap when new te rr it or ies were unavailable.2 It was during the latter stages of the period under. study when un_ tapped fur producing ateas were no more that North West Company polÍcies were challenged by the natlves of the re_ gion. The few early histories whlch address the Eur.opean-In- d ían relat ionsh ip in the reg ion have concluded in general that amicable relations exlsted bet ween the peoples. A.S. Morton's early and deta Í I ed history of the fur trade written one-half century ago asserted about white impact on the Indians in the North that the most marked effects of the rta fur tra de occut'red as great displacement.. , at the begÍn- n ing of the ei ghteenth centuty when the Crees... I became ] the happy possessors of guns.rr3 Change was seen as limited to population relocations. Morton summarized his work with the assertion that 'rthe relatlons of the Nor.thwesters high and low, with the Indians were of the best, I a]though he dld concede the negative effects of excessive Iiquor trade.4 The earlÍest Historv of the North West Companv maÍntains that the pa rt ner sh ip of Nort h west ers and Indians was favourable to bot h. Gordon DavÍdson argued that destruction of animals and overuse of Iiquor occurred Ín t imes of competition a I t hough aga Ín he p rov id ed l itt te de- tail about the Indians.5 \lV. L. Morton pointed out that North West Co mpa ny trade befor e 1821 was an extraordinarily successful union of European and "primitive.',6 rIt was this abiltty of the North West Company to use the manpow er and skills of primitive culture that made it at its height the greatest of all Canadlan--per.haps of aIl--fur trading companies.rrT

7 0ther more recent themat ic studies, indicate an active lnvolvement by nati.ves in accommodating new practlces though these changes tryere not considered to be disruptive. ïhese suggest t hat the fur trade was primarily an institu- tional extension of the Indian al I iance; Karl polanyl establ ished the parameters when he proposed the theory that forms of exchange in trade among early contact cultures Ín Af r ica evolved f rom precontact socfal systems. S Abraham Rotstein continued this theme, asserting that in the

Canadian fur trade the Indians f o I towed soclally embedded practices by bartering for European commodÍties to sattsfy their lmmedÍate needs.9 Competition rrcentered on gift- giving, free dispensation of Iiquor, violence and strong- arm tactics and the manfpulation of the alliance slste¡¡."10 Arthur Ray and Dona ld Freeman have taken Íssue wlth thls idea of t reat y, or admÍnistered t ra de. They suggest that

"th e cons c ious ly political aspects of the trade, bot h on the European and Indian sides, diminished in imp orta nce at an early point in the development of the exchange."11 The rsocÍalIy embeddedr exchanges of traditionôÌ IndÍan society rrwere modified to reflect lncreaslng dominance of economic considerat1ons."12 Ray and Freeman found that by "redis- trlbution¡' the Indian middlemen rTere able to disperse the surplus goods for which they had bargained in a proflt con- sclous manner.13 They call for a return by social scien-

8 tists to the concept of market trade, but by reassess ing nonmarketing concepts of the glft trade, and administered or treaty tra de. The y suggest the link for understanding how Indians used market principles for traditional soclal purposes lies in the concept of rrreciprocityr l and 'rredis- tribution. "14 The former usually "involveId] virtually, simultaneoús givlng and receiving of goods whose values are eq uivalen¡. " 15 Red ist r ibut ion can be interpreted as a means of gaÍníng status and approbat ion in a basically egalitarian soci - ety in which no political or socÍaI hierarchy ex- isted to confer such status, where Ieaders were obeyed voluntarily or as a resu It of indu cements rather than by command, and where wealth êccumu- Iation (hoarding) was a lmo st impossible and was cons idered anti-soc i.aI behaviour.l6 Yet during the period of the middleman trade Ín the Atha- basca a few Ieaders gained in power and material wealthi redistribution of the lr wealth did not a lwa ys occur up on their return to the band.

General histories of the fur trade imply that some change occurred to Indians in the eighteenth century.

E.E. R ich has demonstrated how much the trading middlemen influenced the pattern of Eu ro pean expansion across North

America.lT Their control upset greêtly the traders who worked so hard to displace them.18 It was this constant u rge of Europeans to cut costs by reaching pasb the middlemen that caused rrthe tradlng Indians.,.to dictate....the pattern of trade.... Reactlon agaÍnst the monopoly of the trading Indians had dictated the expansion of the trade from the earliest days. "19 Y"t Rich found "that much that was formal and social rathel than primarily economic found a proper place in such lnterchanges, and trade at the Bay- side posts soon developed the formal and public character of a gr.eat social occasion;rr20 very much a marriage of

Eu lo pea n and native ways. The ideas of E.E. Rich have a.Lso ind lcated how Indians adapted traditional social practices as they ad.iusted to changes brought by the Europeans. Rich asserted that, "in trade with Indlans bhe price mechanism did not work. "21 He drew on the e xper ien ce of Andrew Graham, a t rader who reflected that the annual needs of the I nd ian were sat lsf ied by trading approximately 7O-1OO M8,22 In the 1760's when Graham wrote, an Indian could easily obtaln 100 f4B. Thirty rrwaste MB were then left to spend on and dissipation. "23 Rich concluded that those furs held in excess of what was considered optimum needs were traded for I igu or. It was pointed out that 'rthere was only one commodity of which t hey wanted unlimÍted qua nt it ies, spirits. "24 He al so provided a penetrat ing analysis showÍng how invigoraÈed and Iengthened transportat ion routes ted to specialization, lessened mobility and resource depletion. The invigorat ion of the transport system led to emphasis on pemmican and on canoe building by both North \]Vesters and the Hudson' s Bay Company, and when goods and liquor could be got by these

10 means IndÍans hunted Iess for furs. Those who kept the hunt did so more ruthlessly, how_ ev er ,25^t-o

He also suggested that as the trade became more complex with specialized transport the beaver were gi ven no respite and theÍr numbers rapidly decllned. Th is analysis hÍnges on the idea that liquor was used to obtain these beaver and transport necessities, but in the Athabasca many of the In_ dian provÍsÍoners prior to 1821 were not hea vy consumers of IÍquor, With the exception of the Beaver Indlans of the Peace River, acknowledged by fur traders to be addlcted to alcohol, the Yellowkntfe food hunters around Great Sla ve

La ke, and the Car i bo u- eat er Ch ipewyan trading tnto Fort

Resolution were not excessively rega I ed w ith I iqu or. 0ther means appear to have been used with some native groups to extract f urs. There is Iitt te doubt about the ability of the North_ westers to accommodate native lifeways beneficlal to their t ra de. But whether their te.lationship with the Indians was always amiable is questionable. A recent study by Cornelius Jaenen addresses varying rel¿tlonships of Engl ish and French w ith the Indians in the St. Lawrence reg i on. He concluded that rrFrench att itudes towards nôt i ve society were generally more positive than were I A n g I o _ Am e r i c a n ]

English att itudes of the same period. "26 Al th ough J aenen r s research. was based on the St, Lawrence cluring an earlier

11 per Iod his ideas have applicatÍon because man y of the North West Company servants 1n the Athabasca were of French ori- gin. It was against many of these francophones who had taken Athapasl

12 serted that Iittle change occurred to the Slavey economlc base before 1870.29 Rend Fumoleau also uses oral tradition and historical documentation to argue that little occurred to people of the Mackenzie Va I ley until the transportation lnnovations tn the period 1869-94.3O D.M. Smtth cites native informants, and though aided by the extensive knowl_ edge of the region of Father Lou Menez, long-time resident of Ëort Resolutionr31 does not see great change occur.rlng until the last decade of the nineteenth century and the f irst gua rt er of the twentieth, June HeIm is the best known proponent of the positton that cond it ions in the environment of the Arct 1c drainage Iowlands enviro.nment were associated with bilateral social organization, that there was I itt le change in bas ic eco_ nomic strategies and soc ia I organlzat ion bet ween precontact and fur trade periods.32 J.G.E. Smlth also argues that dependence on the caribou, migratory though not always pre_ dictable in its behaviour, led to ftuid band composltion, bilateral kinship, the absence of territorial ownership, characteristics which were stlll ln evidence in the twentieth century.33 Although he cÍtes few nineteenth century documentary sources are use d, J.S. Savishinsky belteves that traditional klnshÍp and socÌal organlzation, bilateral in natu re, persisted to as recent ly as the 1970's.34 Henry

S. Sharp ta kes the pos lt ion tha t "s i nce bilateralitv is the

13 kinship type now in use, it is simplest to regard bitater_ ality as the pa st means of structuring groups until conclu_ sive evidence to the contrary is presente6. 35 0ther observers see nlneteenth century settlement changes ds either lnsignlfÍcant, or when evident, easÍ1y

absorbed within the existing framework thus controlled by the native hosts. CornelÍus 0sgood has inferred that only

very Iimlted change had occu rr ed to Northern At ha pa ska ns by the late nÍneteenth century, maintainlng that ¡there has been a tremendous upheaval, but at the same tlme there re_ mains a whole psychological outlook which is intensely native."36 Honigmann relied mafnly on native informants and IimiEed document ar y sources to clalm that changes to the Slave Indians occurring earlier than the mid-twentieth rrwere centu ry not abrupt and appear to ha ve been accompa _

,' nied by llttle catastrophlc d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , J 7 Simllarly changes noted by Slobodin among the peel River Kutchin, were not dlsluptive.3S As welt, the Athapaskans of the Snowdrift region accordÍng to J. VanStone were tnot... affected by rapid or drastic change.r TheÍr rrresidence patterns... Ihad shifted] to a mone centraIÍzed and sett led. type, a process that...[¡ra¿] been going on more or less steadily slnce the time of initial contact. " 39 Helm and Leacock too suggested that in the period 1|gZO-1940 cultural contact' in the Mackenzie Basin was not disruptive and

14 t'lackIed] the drômatlc upheavals that characterize the pre_ cedtng and following er¡5.rr40 Robert Janes in his study developed the thests from archaeological wor.k in the Mackenzie Valley and from documentary and ethnolog ical sources that Athapaskan Indians did not congregate around fur trading posts ln the nineteen Lh century. The demands of trapping and the need to supply foods on a regular basis to posts Ied to wider dispersal of native groups. rIn es sence the modiflcations lntroduced by Euro_Canadians Ín the n ineteenth century added some new dimensions to esta_ bI Íshed native sett lement and subsistence activit ies, but not gua l itat ive chan ge per se."41 Studies done 1n the rush of work before the proposed Mackenzie Va I ley pipeline have tended to see a Iow IeveL of disruptlon to native lifeways untll as late as the early nineteenth century. The fur trade was seen as reducÍng migrat ory ways among the Beaver Indians and encouraging w Ínt er sett Iements.42 M. W. Mor.rls in 1t973 in hlstorÍcal, ecological and demographic study of the Great Bear Lake Indians in the nineteenth century, saw the fur trade as effecting the depletion of animals by causing large groups of Indians to congregate around the posts.4l Jacques

Cinq-Mars, an archaeologist, suggested that there was a shift f rom inland sett Iements and the seasonal migration cycle of the nlneteenth centu ry to a more settled ri verine

15 exlstence near establÍshed trading posts in wÍnter.44 However, the concúrrent study by J.F.V. MilIar and G.J. Fed irchu k does suggest that earlÍest signiflcant changes

may have "occurred w ith the trad ing posts from 1790 to 1g10

when Eu ro -Ca na d ian foods became available, lnitiating a

chan ge in basic adaptation as we ll as economlcs. "45 0ther surveys of Athapaskan history suggest with

qualifications t hat change began w ith the earl iest fur trade. Van Stone has established the fact that the Athapaskan spirftual wor ld was dlsrupted by the shift of emphasis; the total envÍronment was now of greater

importance th an similar knowledge of lalge game animals and

fish.46 Yet Van Stone quallfies these remarks when he suggests that until well into the twentieth century Europeans 'rto a Iarge extent, Iwere involved in] sharing

their Ithe Athapaskans,J way of Iife."47 "0 n]y Ín the past few deca des have Canadian and American economic activities

intrucled."48 Impl icit 1n all of these ínt erp retat ions was that marked or continuous changes did not occur in the eighteenth centu ry. In very recent years a few analysts have argued that vital changes to the At ha pa ska ns of Èhe Arct ic drainage lowlands began to occut before 1870. Beryl Gi.llespie, arguing flom documentary and ethnographic sou rces, has shown that by 1810 epidemic diseases and fur trade induced

16 relationships led to mortality, territorial changes and loss of group identities.49 3.C. yerbury has propo sed thab fur trade induced wars led to Iarge-scale displacements of indigenous Athapaskans and that this Ied to a resttucturing of th eir matrilineal organizat ion to accommodaLe to popu _ lat ion Iosses.50 These dislocations were beliel,ed to be pronounced in the period 1694-'t7 15, in the mid 1720rs and again in the 1760's. There is disagreement about the degree to which t hese con fl ict s led to permanent disloca_ t ion though it is cert a in that traditionôI patterns were disturbed,5l

Shepard Krech III in a detailed stu dy of Fort SÍmpson in the 1820's suggests thdt while dependence was not great, the adaptations of natives mu st be considered in relation to the fur trade context which included diseases brought by traders, and -lncreased interethnic tensions caused by mid_ dlemen.52 Krech argues that epidemic diseases led to an eighty percent re duct i on in Kutchin popu.lation which had repercussions on the nature of regiclnal bands. Charles Bi sho p recent ly has sensÍbly and practically s ug gest ed that the longer t erm and dy nam ic qua I it ies of the trade should be examined. We should not expect to see eithet' radical departures or simplistic persistence of native cultures. Sh ift s in adaptive empha s is in Indian societies which result in part from their own decisions

17 eventua 11y become cumulative and do lea d to discont inuit fes wÍth the pa st.5l Following this tlne of thinklng Arthur Rayrs recent study concludes that the origins of modern nat i ve welfare societies ha ve a long hlstory of development; early reduction of game anÍmals, scarce fur resources, posLs established in marg inal areas, low-pay.ing sea sona I employment, and the extens lon of cred it comblned

to produce dependency by the late nineteenth centu ry. 14any of these elements of the trade were evident very early.54 Reassessments of the patter.n of changes in the sub-

a rct ic has led S hepard Krech III to propose a new'chrono- Iogical framework. The 'rprotohistoric eraI brought the first knowledge of Eu ro pea ns and Iasted until estabt ishment of a post to d irect ly serve the Athapaskans; the "early fur trade era of 1717 to 1821 , the period of the first direct trade; the I'fur and mission,r era from 1821 to approx. 1900; the 'rweIf are-commercial't period from 1900 to 1950; and the g overnment - indu st r ia I perlod, 1g5O to date.55 Some examples which prov i de model s for historical research in the Arctic drainage lowlands are based on a re- g iona I approach. Robin F i sher in a history of Indian Eur.o_ pean relations on bhe Northwest Coast found that in the early contact period Indians were active participants, and at the very least, partners in the fur t ra de.56 Art hu r Ray demonstrated that the Cree and Assiniboine Indians early

18 in the contact per iod ma de a series of "adaptive responses to the changing demands of the fur trade in the region to the southwest of Hudson Ba y. 57 Charles Bishop's study of the Norther'n 0Jibwa and the fur trade identifies the de-

cline of large mammal populations and the sw it ch to fish and hare subsistence as the cause of a basic dislocatÍon in 0j Íbway life.58 Another recent study by Bish op of the region inhabited by western James Bay Cree indicates that among the homeguard especially, trade goods were used to increase p rest ige whlch Ied to social inegual ity,59 the production of fur for French and English markets altered la bou r patterns,60 and that resource dep I et fon led to aI- tered seasonal cycles.61 The region of the eastern James Bay Cree was examined by Toby Morôntz and Daniel Francis

who question that the Indians were rrutterly dependent"62 on European suppl ies. Although they note the decline of animal resources and changes in reorientation and they ac_ knowledge that I'events in the nineteenth century altered

the Crees relationships to the tradersr, Morântz and Franc is bel ieve "t hey did not rad tca lly change .or destroy thelr relationship to the land. "63 They found in thls re- gional study that rrthere were a number of fun trades, differ in g over time depen d in g on geognaphy, ecology, and rela_ tionships with the Indian people."64 Their v fews that the fur trader and Indians operated in a "partnershlp"65 are

19 shared by Arthur. Ray,66 Blshop,67 ancl Fisher.68 The idea thât there are a number of 'rfur tradesr, but that these must be assessed from the point of view of the respective commerclal companles and their dlffering poti_ cies has been proposed by Jennifer Brown. She added in_ sight to the relationship between Company and native which is conflrmed in the fut trade hfstory of the Mackenzie re_ gion. The fur trade ts vlewed as a 'rsemi_autonomous social f iel.dtt69 rather than a society per se and this model car_

rled further by establ ishing that the rHudsonrs Bay Company and North West Company constituteldl two major sub_ fields. "70 Brotln poslts that Hudson's Bay Company servants commonly ignoled dlrectives forbidding liaisons with Indian women ; permanent relationships increaslngly occu rred. The greater mobllity of the North West Company men meant that thelr domestÍc unfons were often more tenuous than those of the Hudsonrs Bay Company. SyIvla Van Kirk hôs examined the role of women, IndÍan and mfxed btood, in the development of fur trade society. Like 3ennÍfer Brown, Van Kirk saw the Hudson's Bay Company and the North ì{est Company as two distinct en t lt ies with dÍfferent social pract lces . She also contended that ',the Indfans themselves played an important role in ensuring that the usual patterns for sexual relat Íons between thelr women and the white traders took the form of sanctioned marital unÍons.,'71 Conflicts often

20 resultcd from the whitesr failure to respect the ir arrange_

ments. Changing concerns on the part of both Indian and wh ite such as rising expenses, the availability of whÍte and mixed descent wiv es, fading NWC/HgC needs for Indian

aÌliances in man y area s, and rising racial sent Í ment s wer e the broader causes of a decline in marriages to Indian woren.72 A number of studies have recent ly been undertaken of cl imate conditions in the Hudson's Bay lowlands re g Íon by

Tim Ball. In the period from approximately 1 7g0 to 1820

extreme weather c o n d Í t i o n s - - e x c e s s i v e hot , cold, wet and dry years occurred due initially in the first 20 years to

the 100 year sunspot cycle (Gleissberq cycl e ) whi le the Iatter years appear directly related to the erupt ion of

Tambora in 1815. These weather conditions may ha ve inten_ sified the effects of fur tlade depletion of resou rces by fu rt her reducinq wildl ife and therefore the food supply.73 The focus of this thesis will be on the region of the

Arctic drainage lowlands,74 The tÍme period exam in e d wilÌ be from the first contact with Europeans to the union of the fur trading companies in 1821. The Athapaskan groups who inhabited th is physiographic-ecological zone included the Beaver, Chipewyan, Doqrib, Hare, Slavey and some Kutchin.T5

21 During the perÍod under st udy some Athapôskan groups moved away from a primary concern wÍth subsÍstence.

Marshall Sahlins has suggested tha t when the primary con - cern with production for use is replaced by the concern with production for exchange a maJor step Ís marked in the

transition to ent rep reneu r 1a I values.76 By thls measure some Chipewyans departed early from subsistence concerns.

Ch ipewyan middlemen remov ed themselves f or. mu ch of the year from the traditional round of actÍvibies in order to carry

fu rs and goods to and from Huds on Ba y. C h lpewy an trappers relocated in the 1780rs and 17901s permanently in the boreal forest region vacated by the Cree who had been dev-

astat e d by smallpox. The Beaver Indians became separated from some of their traditional activities ôs t hey became

specialized hunters for the fur tra de in the 1790t s, ado pt - ed the heavy drinking practices of some Cree and whites, and were forced to relocate from their depleted lands by 1820. Ihe invofvement of some Yellowknife bands in s pec ia 1i zed trapping, mfddleman traffic, and provisloning between approximately 1790 and 1B'1 0 separated them ln occu- pat iona I interest, seasonal patterns, soclal forms, and quite IikeIy led to their d ispersal by the Dogribs in the 1820rs.

The same dy nam ic qual it les which led some Athapaskan groups eôrly to acqu ire a fur trade or Íentat fon led al so to

?2 the rejection of practices whlch were not perce I ved to be Ín their interests. The North I{est Company, Iadapted to expanding trade over wider areast,77, was an expansÍve

organization w ith h igh overhead costs which demanded that

only the most valuable furs be transported at maxÍmum

efflciency. These demands were not a 1wa ys perceived to be ln the interests of the Indians. When the Company turned to intimidation of those Indians who were reluctant to trade or traded with competitors, when pressute was applled to prevent IndÍans f rom returning to traditional huntlng

techniques, or when deployment to unfamiliar areas was attempted, the Athapaskans sometimes resisted. Some of the

Indians sought out the opposition, others retaliated, and some returned to t nad it ional hunting pursuits. By l B20 the combination of In d ian resistance to their methods and bhe need for conservative resource policies led the North West

Company to seek union with a I'eceptive Hudson's Bay Company. To develop these ideas a reassessment of some traditional sources will be undertaken. A baseline picture of the Athapaskan groups ôt the time of contact wlt h Europeans will be established f rom et h nograph ic, docum ent ar y, archaeological and IinquÍstic sources. Nutritional and wildlife studies of the region wÍIl be examined to review native seasonal patterns of movement. Hudson's Bay Compan y jour-

23 naIs, published and manuscript, wiII be the prlncipal sources betneen 1717 to 1775 when the predecessors of the North lVest Company traders began arriving on the Upper

Churchill. North West Company sources, published and manu - script, wfII be intensively scrutinized to att empt a îeas- sessment of the company I s cr it ical ro le as the sole Euro-

Cana d lan trading concern operat i ng continuously among the

Athapaskans between 1775 and 1821 .

J ourna Is kept by Nort h \{est Company servants though scattered, are more comprehensive tharì often assumed and provide an insight to the company poI icy. Peter. Pond's comments on the earllesb trade between 1778 and 1780 are found in the published version by InnisTS and in the Henry Memorandum published by L.J. Burpee.79 The account of the Frobishersr trade on the upper Churchlll River is found in the Cumberland House Journals published by the Hudson's Bay Company Record Society, S0 and in the pubtished journal of A.lexander Henry the elder.81 Thu Ietters of RoderÍc McKenzieS2 from La ke Athabasca, both publ ished and manu- scrlpt, are excellent sources of the North West Company perspectÍve and ôre a part icularly valuable resource on I ifeways and activities of the natives of the reg lon83. It was the collectlon of Roderic 14cKenzle that became the basls for the book of his son-in-law, L.F.R. Masson, Les

Borrro eoÍs de la Com nie du Nord-0uest,84 this collection

?4 is housed at McGitl Universlty Special Collection with copies at the p.A.C.85 The letters of Sir Alexander

Mackenzie to his cousin Roderic are located at McGilI and

in Kaye Lambe ed, The Journals and Letters of Slr A ander 14ackenzie.86 The Ietters of WtllÍam McGiltivray were written from the ChurchiII Rtver between 17g0 and 1909.87 The ethnographic comments under the signature of John Macdonell ,l79) dated and 17g5r88 tïere written as a response to the caII by Roderlc McKenzie in 180689 for ethnographic data, and natural history of the various reglons of the fur trade. Slnce Macdonell did not visit the Athabasca untll 180490 it ts likely he compiled the bulk of these comments from earlier visitors, possibly from the collection of Roder ic McKenz t e.91 A view of the proceedings on the peace River in the Iate 1790rs are provided 1n John Thompson I s Jou rna l, in the journal of Simon Fraser for 1805 to 1g06, and in the Jour_ nal of an unknown correspondent at pine River post in 1g07 and 1808. Journals were kept at Hay River post in 1g07 and at the f orks of the Llard by l,Ventzel 1OO5 to jB11192 and in the same region by George Keith in 1912.93 A picture of proceedings on the Lower Mackenz ie was kept by Alexander McKenzle, nephew of SÍr A.Iexander MacKenzie in 1gO5_06,94 and intermittent Iy by Geor.ge Keith between the years 1g07 and 1815.95

25 Some Hudsonrs Bay Company traders kept flrsthand accounts of theLr brief sorties into the region. These

were the Journals of Greenwich, Ch i swic k, Mansfield, and Nott ingham Houses, and Ft. Wedderbu rn in the years 1g00 to 1804,96 Philip Tu rnor and Malchom Ross provide interestlng inslghts of a trtp to the Athabasca in 1791-92.97 The most

revealing journals kept by a Hu dson' s Bay Company servant were those of Pet er Fidler, partlcularly his sojou rn with Chipewyan groups in the wintel of '1791 to 1792 r98 but also hÍs account of the North West Company trade at Lake Atha- ba sca in 'l 802 to 1804 . 99

26 I NOTES

1Ha roI d A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada ( Toronto l Univ. of Toronto Press, 1m

2lnid. , p. 262 lR.s. Morton, or of the an West to 187 7'l (1939 i rpt. ï oron o: n oron o ress, 7Z r P.

4R.s. Morton, ed. Th nal of Duncan llivra of the West Com an or or e e ôs atc oronto: cm âñr 92 pp XX and 4 5C.C. Davidson, The North t Com an (BerkeIey: Univ. of Californla Press, r P. 6

6!l.L. rrThe Morton, North West Compa ny: Pedlars Extra - ordinaryrr t n Aspects of the Fur Trade êd. Russell llt. ( , FridÌey St PauI: Minnesota Histõriiã-FSociety, 1967), p

7l¡ia. , þ. i4

SKarl PoIanyi, I'The Economy as Instituted ProcessÍ in Trade n rket in Ëarl ires, eds. KarI Polanyi, C.M. rens ut9r an earson en coe: Free Press, 1957), pp. 243-70 .

9Abraham I'T Rotstein, he F uf Trade and Emp i re, an In- st itut iona I Ana ly si s ,rl Diss. U niv. of Toront o 1967 pp. 13-16. , ,

26 a- loroi¿

11A"thr. Ray and Dona I d Freeman, G ive Us easure an Economi l sis of ReÌ ons be ween n ans an t oron o: n oron o ress, r PP.

121¡id.

13rbi¿.

14t¡i4,, p. 243.

15r¡i¿., p.244.

l6Ini¿.r pp. 244-!+5.

'17 t .t Rlch, "Trade Habits and Economlc Motivation among the Indi.ans of N orth America rrl Ca nad ian Jou rna I of Economl s and Pol it Ícal Scie nce , 26 (196

_- - .18E.E. Rlch., 'rThe Indian Tradersrrl ïhe Beaver 0utflt 301 ( winter 1970) , t+-20.

19Ricn, 'rTrade Habits r,, p. 42. 2oroid.

21Rich, rrlndian Traders r, p. 17.

22Mad" Beaver, the value of a prime bea ver skin

23Rich, rrrndian Traders r,, p. ,17.

24r¡i¿., p. 18.

27 252.8 Rich, The of the Hudsonl Co an 1670-1870, II (Lon n: U son s v ecor oc p. 189. v

26Cornelius Jaenen, rrFrench Attitudes toward Native Soclety,rt in 0Id Trall New Directions: P of the Third North UT ta n r n aro an r ur v oronto¡ n v. o oronto, 1980), p. 70,

2TColnel ius J aenen, Frlend and Fo cts of French- Amerindían C ontac n e x an even een ent r oron o: an an ewar r P. ee a so ibid., e. 92.

28See J une Helm ed,, Subarctic, Vo1. VI of Handbook of North American Indians , ed. lriJ-lfam C. SturtevanE-lWã3ñTl¡: ffi I n st itut ion , 1981), p. 148 .

29Mic hae l I. Asch, " The Impact of Chang in g Fur Prac- tices on the Economy of the SIavey Indlans'r in ProceedÍn Second Con Cana d ian Ethnolo I ociet ree ma n, an r ow r ercury r €s r ian Ethno- Iogy Service Paper No. 28, (0ttawa: National Museum of Canada, 1977 ) , 647-57, loR"nd Fumoleau, As Th is L and Shall a H of Treat I an oron o e an an ewart, pp.

310.¡,t rrD . smÍth, Í f f erent ia I Ada pt at ion s Among the Chlpewyans of the Great Slave Lake Area ln the Early Twentieth Centuryrl in J.W. Helmer, S. Van Dyke, F.J. Kense, eds. Probl the PrehÍsto f ort h American S b- arc a gary! a gary rc aeo og ca ssoc ô oñ r r PP. 184-9 1.

32June rrLong-term HeLm, Research Among the Dog r fb and other Denerrr Ín on -Term F leld R in Social Anthro logy, ed. C. M, oster e a ew or a.dem ress, 1979) , P, 157,

28 33see J. c, E. Smith, rrThe Ch i p ewyan HuntÍng Group in a Village Context,rl Western Canadian Jou rna I of A nthropoloqv rrThe 2, No. 1 (1970) , 60-66 and his Emergence of the Micro- Urban Village Among the Carlbou-Eater ChÍpewyan," !g¡j!_E ganlzation, 37, No. 1 ( Spring 1978) , 38-49 ,

34J.S. Savishinsky, "Mobillty as an Aspect of Stress Ín an Arctic Community,rr American Anthropologist, 73 (197 1) , 604-18. See also his The Trail of the Hare: Life and Stress in an Arctic Community (New York: Gordon and Breac|r, 1974).

l5Henry S. Sharp, rrThe Carlbou-Eater Chipewyan: Bilat- era l it y, Strateqies of Caribou Huntlng and the Fur Trader" A rct lc Anthropoloqv , 14, No 2 (1977), p. 37.

36Cornelius 0sgood, Contributions to the Ethnography of the KutchÍn , YaIe UnÍverslly PubI icat ions in Anthropology, No. l4 ( New Ha ven: Ya le Univ. Press, 1970), p. 171

37John J. Honlgmann, Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort NeI son SIave Yale University Publì.cations in An- t ropo o9Yr o. Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1946) , p. a-7

38n. Slobodln, Band 0rganization of the Peel River Kutchin, Mercury Series, Canadian Et hno I ogy Service Paper No. 179 (0ttawa: Nat i ona I Museums of Canada, 1962), pp. 83- 84.

39James Vy'. VanStone, The Cha ng i ng Cu ltu re of the Snow- drift Chinewvan. Bulletin No. 209, Anthropolog ical Series 74 (0ttawa: National Mu seums of Canada, 1965) ¡ p. 1'12.

40June H elm and Eleanor L ea coc k, " The Hunt Íng Tribes of SubarctÍc Canadarrr North American Indians ln Hlstorlcal Per- spective, eds. Eleanor Burke Leacock and Na ncy 0. LurÍe ( New York: Random House, 197 1), p. 351. See also June Helm, rrThe Dogrib Indians" in Hunters ônd Gathers Today, ed. M. G. Bicchieri ( New York¡ Ho1t, Rinehart and \Vinston, 1972), pp. 51-89 .

29 4lRobert R. Janes, "Dispersion and Nu cl eat i on amono Nineteenth. Century Mackenz Íe BasÍn Athapaskans: Archaeologl ic a h n o H l , Et - i st o r i ca 1 , Et h no g ra p h i c I nt er p ret a t l o n s I " Microfiche, Diss. Univ. of Calgary, '1975, p. 344. See alÁo his rrCuf ture Contact Ín the Nineteenth Century Mackenzie Canada,rr Current Anthropology, 17 (June 1976), !9sin,th h ù Ê,

42R. l{. Ridington, rrThe Environmental Context of Beaver Indian Behaviour,r' Diss. Harvard Univ., 1 968 (Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Microfilms, 1968), p. 35.

43N.w . Morrls, 'rThe Situation after European Contact rrl Part II of rrGreat Bear Lake IndÍans: A HÍstorical Demography and Human EcoIogy, r' The Musk-0x, '12 (197)), 58-80.

44Jacgu es Cinq-Mars, elimina Archaeol Stud Mackenzie Co rrÍdor , Report o t NV ronmen a oc a om mitt e e Northern P ÍpeI l nes, Task Force on Northern 0il DeveI- opment, No. 73-10 (0ttawa: Information Cana da , 1973), pp. l0-31, See also ibid., Second Report, No. 74-11.

453. f .v. Mitlar and G.J. Fedirchuk, Re rt on Inv ons: Ma ckenz i e Ri aeofo ical urve epor o e NV tonmen a oc a omm tee, or ern pel ines , Task Force on Nort her n 0il Development, No. 74-47 (0 ttawa: Infor- mat ion Canada, 1975), p. 33.

46James VanStone, a askan Ada ation t ers and Fishermen ubarc c orests cago 3 fl€ pp. r

471¡i¿., þ.91

48roia

49BeryI C. GÍlIespÍe, "Terri.torlal Expansion of the ChÍpewyan ln the Eighteenth Century,,r in ed. A .M. Cl ar k, P tn s: Northern kan Conference 19 , 11, Mer- cury er €s r âna an no ogy erv ce aper, 17 (0ttawa: No. Nationa.l Museums of Canada, 1975), pp. 35 'l , 374- 75, See a lso her 'rChanges in Territory and Techno logy of

30 the Chipewyan, " 4rct ic Anthropology, 13, No. 1 (,l976), 6_11.

50See Chapter 3 of J.C. yerbur v. 'rThe Socia I 0rganiza- t lon of the Subarct ic Athapaskan In¿iãn s; on Ethnohlstorical R e c o n s t r u c o n rr t I , DÍss. Símon Fraser U niv., 198 0 Differ- ences of opinion about the effects o f the Cree Athapaskan warfare and the broader I mpact of contact ar.e the subJect of a serles of artlcles ¡ Ro bert R. Janes, the Nineteenth 'rCulture( Contact in Century Mackenzie Ba s tn, Canada r led to a review art 1c le by J,C. Yerbul'y "0n Culture Contact in the Mackenz fe Basfnr" in C Anthro I 18 (1977), l5O- 52; a resp on se b ture Contact ln the Mackenz ie Basinrrl '1 8 11977), 544-56i by J une HeIm, "0n p on Culture Contact in the Mackenzie Ba sinrrr Curren! Anthropoloqv 1e (1978), 160-62, then fu a rt her res ponse b v Yerbury, 'f ur ther Notes on the Ethnohlstor y of the Mackenz te Basinrrr Current Anthro- pology, 19 (1978) , 458-59

51t,c . Yerbury¡ r'The post-Contact Chipewy an: Trade Rivalrles ald Changing Terri torlal Bounclaries,,i Ethnohis- i!-u.' No. I ( Summer 1976), 237.

52Shepard Krech III, Star vat lon and Northern Athapa "Disease, skan Soclal 0rganizatlon r " American Ethnolooist. 5 (1978), 7'.tO-)2. See a.lso Krech, "o@ra_ tion of the Kutchin," Arctic Anthropology, 15, (1i78), 89-104. ño, 1

53charles A. Bishop, "The F i r st C e n t u r y : Adaptive Changes among the l{estern James Bay Cree between the EarIy Seventeenth and Ea rly Eighteenth Centuries rrr The ctic Fur e ! Nativ cial and nomlc Ad ons epar rec ancouver: n r t s o UM e84) pp. 24, 41-4. See also ibid 54Arthur rrPeríodic J. Ray, Shortages, Native lVel f are, and the Hudson's Bay Company 1670-j930," ibid., pp. 16_17. 55Krech, S uba rct ic Fur Trade , p. xvl 56See Fisherrs preface Ín Robin Flsher, ct and f i ct In uro ean ons in Brl o um a

31 1774-1890 (Vancouver: Univ. of BritÍsh Columbia Press, 7g17fl-p . x í.

5TArthur Ra y, Indians in the ade : Their RoIe a Tra ers an u n a oron o: n v. o oron o ress, 4 , Þp. 46, 48, 89, and 228.

5SCharIes A. Bishop, Jhe Northern 0.jibwa and the Fur de: An Historical lo ical Stud (T¡ r o n1õl---FõlE; ne rt an ns oñ r r PP an 7 59Charles A. Bishop, "The F irst Century: Ada ptive Changes amon g the Western J ames Bay Cree between the Early Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth CenturÍesrrr in Krech , The Subarctic Fur Trade, pp. 46-8.

6oIui¿,, p, 42,

61rnia. , p. 43-45,

62t .e. R ich a s cited in Daniel Francis and Toby fulorantz, Partners in F r stor of the Fur Tr Eastern James a ngs on a n rea c ueen S n reSs, r Þp. 1 67 -68.

6lrbid., p. 17 1.

64rbid., p. 167

65rbid., pp. 167 -68

66A"thr" R"y, Indlans in the F e: Their RoIe as rS Hunters an son oron o: n o oron o ress, p. x

6TBishop, Northern 0.jibwa.

32 68F Í she", Contact and Conflict.

69Jennifer Brown, Company Men and Native Families: Fur Trade Society and Domestic Relat ion s 1n Canada' s 0Id North- westrrr Diss. Uni.v. of Chicago, 1976. See also her Strangers in Blood. The ldea that rhe fur trade has given iIìã-iã-a uÏJiie-ãuf ture and society rrThe is a major contention of John E. Foster, Country-Born in the Red River Set t Iement : 1g20- 50, " Diss. Univ. of Alberta, 1972, Frltz pannekoek, rThe Churches and the Social Structute in the Red River. Area, 1818-70rrr Diss. Queen' s [lniversity, 1973 and Sylvfa VaÅ Kirk, "The Role of Women in the Fui Trade Socieiy of the Canadian \{est, 1700-1850,rr Diss. Univ. of London, 1975.

70B"own , p. 16'l TlsyIuiu Van Kirk, Tender Ties Wom n r Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winn Pe9r n son an wyer, p. 40. See also p. 93.

T2Jennlfer Brown, Strangers in Blood

73P ro f. Iim Ball, P ers ona I Communicatlon.

74See per lmeters of Arct ic Drainage Lowlands region as they col'respond wit h native groups and cultures in HeIm , Subarctic, p. 1 and James S. Galdner, rrGeneral Environment, ibid., pp. 5-14.

75The t-ime period as def in ed by Krech in a chronology proposed ln ïhe Subarct lc Fur T rade, p. xvi The Athapaskan groups as outlined by C. McCIellan, rIn- troduct ion to Special Issue: At habasca n Studies rÍ l{estern CanadÍan Journal of Anthropology, 2, No. 1 (j970), V IJ-TXI- 76"Primit j.ve - peoples lemain constant in theÍr pursult of use va lu es, related always to exchange w ith an interest in consumpt.ion, so to production with an interest in provisloning. And in this respect the historical opposite of both ls the bourgeoís entrepreneur with an interest in exchange value.rr Marshall Sahlins, Ston nomics, (Chicago: AIdine/Atherton, 1972), p: I -33- 77rnnis, Fur T¡ade, p. 383

TSHanold A. Innls, er Pond F r r and Advent r- ( er Toronto I Irwin and or otr r

79t.1, Burpee, The Search for the l{estern Sea ( Toronto: Musson, 1908).

80f. f. Rlch and A. M. Johnson, eds., Cumberland House Journals and (F Inland Journal 1775-gz irst 9er ies , 1715-19 , ïhe Hudsonrs Bay Record Society, 1951-52) ,

SlAlexander Henry, Travels n entures in and th an Territor an e ames a n i rp mon on ¡ r 9r S2Roderic McKenzle, An Account of the Atha bas ca Indians by a Partner of the North We st Compan V¡ 1795. Montreal, McGilI Mss., CH23, s59,2J52-2355, No 4. See aI so Roderic McKenzie, Letters, Athabasca, 2 Dec. 1787. 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , YoI. 32, No. 15.

83Much of what McKenz ie collected was acqulred with a vlew to becoming the basis of a fur trade library at Fort Chipewyan. Eventually he planned to write a history of the fur trade. See n. 89.

84L.r.n Masson, OU eois de I a nie d d-0uest: Rlc I o es t a or s r es ana en s ; rp ew OT guar n ress,

85 see n. 82.

861,v. Kaye Lamb , ed., The Journal n etters of Sir A Ma ( lexander ckenz ie Toronto: acm ôñ r

STwiIliam McGllIivray, Journal, Rat River For.t near Rivlere MaIlgne, 9 Sept. 1789, Otta wdr MG19, C1, Vol. 5.

34 See also his entrÌes in Trade of the posts on the EngJ. ish River, Rat River Fort Journal, Sept . 1789, 0ttawa, PAC, MC19, C1 , VoI. 4 and Trading Expedition to the English River, 22 Xan.-14 June 1809, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, No. 5.

88Su" John Macdonell, An Account of the Athdbasca Indians; 0rigln, Manners and Customs of the Athabasca Indians, Montreal, McGilI Mss., CHZZ, S5O, Nos. 4-7; Lake Athabasca, An Account of the Chipewyans in 'l|793, Montreal, McGill Mss., No. 5, CH22-CH23, 558-559 , Zj52-24j4. See also 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 52 as well as An Account of the Athabasca Indians by a Partner of the North West Company, 1795, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 55.

89R. M"Ken.ie sent a circufar letter, dated ApriI l g06 to several wintering partners and clerks of the North West Company requestfng material. He received a number of con- temporary journals most of whÍch are a part of the Masson papers in McGiII University Library, with copÍes in the PAC. See McGill Mss., and Charles f4. Gates and Grace Lee Nute eds., Five Fur Traders of the Northwest ( St . Pa u I : Minnesota Hlstorical Society, Ti¿ lf, pp. ¿¡' ana tgSn.

9otni¿,, ?. 64

91See Chapter 11, n. 27.

92W.F. Wentzel, Grand River Journal, 13 Jan. 1g05, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , VoI. 8. See a.Iso Forks of the Mackenzie River, 9 Sept. T8õ'ET9 June 1809. l4ontreal, McGiIl Mss., CH176, 5158 ; and Jou rna l. The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 6 Apr. 1806-9 Feb. 1907 . 0ttawa, PAC, MC19, C'l , Vol. 24. 9fGuo"ge Keith, Letters, Mackenziers River, 7 Jan. 1807-4 Feb. 1815,0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol.51. See aI so B is kaga River JournaI, 13 May 1807-4 Ju ne 1807, 0ttawa, PAC, MG'19, E'| , Y oI. 24.

94Alexander McKenzie, Creat Bea r Lake Journal , 26 Oct. 1805-16 June 1806, Þlontreal, McGill Mss., cH180, S162.

35 95see n. 93

96See Bi¡l iog ra ph y, Prlmary Sou rces, Unpublished.

97 1.8. TyrreIl, ed. , Journals of Samuel Hearne and Philip Turnor ( Toront o: The Champlaln Soclet y , '19J4). 98rnta.

99Pet"r Fidler , Journal , 27 3an . 1800-4 Au q. '1 8 07, M is- celfaneous Papers, Winnipeg, Man , HBC Arch Í ves , E3 /2-E3 l5 .

)6 CHAPTER II

ATHAPASKAN LIFEWAYS

The Athapaskan people of the Arctic Iowlands occupieri a region dominated by the basin of the Mackenzie River, Iived in a climate where winters lryere long and severe and summers were short and hot. Vegetation was predomÍnantly wooded; conifers were found throughout the Mackenzle Basin, whiIe 1,ì the northeastern borders of the region, trees were limited to sh el tered valJ.eys and glaclal eskers projecting into the barrens. Berries were plentÍful in summer and a variety of fauna were of economÍc significance to the Indians.l The vast reglon inhabited by the people of the Atha- paskan languages st retc h ed from AI a ska to Hudson Bay and from the mouth of the Mackenzie River to the edge of the plains with a fragment of Athapaskan-speaking people along the southern Rocky Mountain states. The divergence into two or more segments of the main Northern Athapaskan Iinguistic body, consisting today of a grouping of Zj languages, occurred approximately six hundred to one thousand years ago.2 Salmon was the natural resource most vitally a ss oc iat ed w ith the Western Athapaskans of interior

AIa s ka, part s of the Yukon, and northern BriLish Col umb ia. ïhe At ha paskan s of the eastetn subarctic, borea I forest,

and Mackenzie River lowlands were d ist ingu ished by theÍr migratory hunting exi st ence following the Iarge mammal s, - important ly the ba r ren -g rou nd caribou. J

Northeastern Athapaskans of the barrens and Mac ken zie lowlands ha ve been accepted by ethnographers as being dtvi- ded int o seven groups: Chipewyan, Yellowknives, Beaver,

Slavey, Dogrib, Ha re, and the Loucheux or Kutchin. June

Helm defines Athapaskan bands as I a set of peoples Islc] living in physÍcal continguity (but not together) speaklng a mut ua I Iy intellfgible tongue ( t hough often with regÍonal dialectfcal variations), sharing a common culture (though not necessariJ.y one dístinct in essentials from neighbouríng tribes), and having at least a vague sense of common identlty which may be based in whole or in part on the foregoing conditions.4_ From thÍs definition and the opinions of some Athapas- karì specialists a sense of Eastern Athapaskan cultural cont inu Íty is d iscernabl e. VanStone saw that Ím any aspects of Athapaskan socÍa1 Iife.. .extended across the entire range of environmentaL zones. . .. The same is also true for virtually aIl subsistence techniques."5 His major work, Athapaskan Ada ptat ions rr emphasizes the essent ia1 cultural homogeneity throughout the area."6 Cycles of abundance and scarcity in th is relatively simple ecosystem ha ve been seen as leadÍng to a hi gh degree of mobility and hence fluidity of cultu re.7 Catharine McCl eL l an has suggested that the

38 Eastern Athapaskans may be consldered analogous to the Eskimo in that dialect and culture in the prehistorlc per i od wer e more fluid and uniform than unigue,S Some Eastel'n Athapaska ns had more affinÍty to neigh- bourÍng groups than others. Dialects differ considerably although the Ch lpewya n, Beaver, Kutchin and Slave are not so lfnguistÍcalÌy dissimllar as once thought.9 Hare and Dog r ib comprÍse pa rt of another group which refLects Ian- rr.Ioose cientÍ t houg h groupings.', 10 E ven the Kutchin whom 0sgood and others suggested rrstood out"11 from normal alignment have been found in recent studies to ha ve a hÍgh percentage of shared cognates wlth Beaver, Slave and Chipe- wYan Ianguages.l2 ïhe common quest for the major and most bountiful big gàme resource, the carlbou, led to the sharing of traits between Northeastern Athapaskans and al so Ied to trade links between Kutchins, Yellowknives, Hare, Dogribs and Eskimos who met at the west end of Creat Bear Lake.13

Chipewyans met Y ell owkn i ves and somet imes Esk imos in the summer on the Thel on and Du baw nt Rivers.14 In w int er Chipe- wyans, Beavers, and Slaveys meb at Lake Athabasca.l5 Kut- chins alternatively fought and traded with the Esl

0ther logical meeting places wer e bhe confluences of ma jor river s: the confluence of the Athabasca-peace, the outlet of the SIave, and the juncture of the Liard, Keele, and

39 Great Bear Rivers with the l4ackenzie.17 Caribou migration

constrlctions such as those at the east end of Great Sla ve Lake, at each end of Lake Athabasca, near the headwaters of the Coppermine RÍver and a rou nd Poi.nt Lake provÍded fa vou r- íte places for faII meetings.lS Thomas Simpson related in

18)6 t From some of the Chipewyans I learned that they had, in the course of the preceding summer ...met with a party of Esquimaux at the confLuence of the hoble Thelew or Thelon River with the Doo- bawnt of Hearne...IhÍs meeting was of the most amicable character, and they spent the great part of the summer together..,.They also lnformed me that , in 1812, some of the Athabasca Chipewyans accompanied the Churchill branch of their tribe on their annua I meet ing wÍth other Esq u Ímau x at Yat h Kyed, or Wh ite Snow La ke of Hearne.19

B ir ket -Sm it h relates that the ChÍpewyans bartered dogs and soapstone with the Eskimo in r.etutn for mocca s i ns and snowshoes.20 0sgood suggests that canoe routes rlere "good" and saw regular use between the north arm of Great SIave

La ke and McTa v ish Bay.21 The ba nren -g rou nd caribou dictated the Athapaskan seasonal cycIe, rrdetermlned the hunting and territorial organ- izatlon of the group, was centraÌ to their material cultu re and became the focus of theÍr rellgious belief and oral lÍterature. ¡r22 Many Athapaskans came ln contact with other hunting bands as they congregated at seasonaf hunting loca- t ions in wait for Lhe caribou mig rat 1on. The Bathurst and Bluenose Helds regularly wintered near each other on the

40 north and east shores of Great Bear Lake and between the

I att er and Great Slave Lake, The Yellowknife and Ha re In- dians, and possibly also the Loucheux regu la rl y hunted those herds. The eastern range of the Beverty Herd lay

close to the western range of the K am in uria k Herd lea d ing them to wÍnter close to each ot h er. Calving grounds of the Beverly Herd were not far lemoved from the wintering grounds of the Bathurst Herd and bands of hunters conceiv- ably exploited both herds wít hout following the full migratory range of efther.23 The caribou usually mÍgrated in Iate wint er or early spring from wintel ranges on the edge of the forest to the tundra where calving occurred in early to mid-June. Trav- ell ing ln large gtoups on the barrens in July and August, foraging on theÍr main source of food, the lichens, the carlbou r.eversed direction by late August. In early September they approached Ehe woodlands. By early fall their winter coat was replenished and free from warble hoIes, and thu s suitable for mak i ng winter cIothing.24 The fat of the Iarge mammals was essentlal to northern survlval.25 Caribou, very high in protein but low in fat, would leave those who had feasted on their lean frame starving from a lack of calories for much of the year. rrThe grease of the back fat rrr latel' calLed "depouiIlez" by the Ca na dian s whlch was found between the ribs and the skin

41 was prized for its flavour and especially for its fat content.26 It was collected and rendered in the fall, becoming

vital to the diet in tlmes of want. An important use was to preserve meat; it was poured over the dried pounded meat thus keeping it through damp periods. "fn times of scarcity they lose nothing of the anÍmal, even the blood is blought home and ls boiled with grease.,,27 Fat, a vital trade item in the p re- conta ct and early contact periods, was traded from the Beaver and Cree Indians. They often had a surplus of depouÍllez from the many buffato and eIk who fattened Ín the upper Athabasca and peace Rlver u"uu".28 Caribou meat was sun dried or suspended over a rco.ldrl or rrsf onrr flame, especially in winter. Fresh meat and in particular marron and fish were eaten raw.29 Meat and fish were sometimes roasted fresh over an open fire although most often were boiled using hot stones placed in bark re- ceptacles or in a tied-off animal stomach.30 Some Athapas- kans depended on Iarge mammals other than caribou: Beaver

IndÍans in the southwest on b is on, elk and moo se, and the

SIave and Hare on moose.31 But al1 turned to fish as a secondary food staple.32 Meat supplies wer e norma I Iy supplemented in the early wÍnter and spring by fish. The Athapaskans preferred to make Lheir fishing nets of woven wiIIow bark, but sometimes

42 u sed rawhÍ de, Net s were dyed . various colours I red, yellow and bronze.33 Those made rrof the fine bark of the willow, Iwere] twlsted and plaited about the slze Iof] Holland twine; tt is stronger and preferable to net threadr particularly when prepared in winter."34 Hooks were made from a rrknot of the pine tree invertedr"35 "bones...and sometimes birds claws. " Set under the ice and baited wfth red carp, they were visÍted each morning. In winter I'the stomach of the whÍt ef i sh I was used ] for bait which must be kept very clean.''36 An unknown North West Company partner observed that the great Lakes of their country yield the finest fish, and when the Deer fa 1l they readily take to angling, althor it affords them no clothing. They are in possession of many secrets of making baÍts for taking the dífferent kinds of fish; which they would not lmpart to me; but belng in their company somethi.ng was seen. The bait for the Trout, the Iargest fish of the Lakes, was the head half of the White Fish, well rubbed with Eagles fat, for want of lt, other raw fati but not greäse that had been melted by the fire: The Pike and Pickerel ta ke a lmo st anything, ev en a red rag; but the plide of these people is to angle the White Fish, an art known to only a few of the men; they would not inform me of Íts com- position, the few baits I exam i ned appeared to be alI the same, and the castoreum of the Beaver, rTorked into a thick paste, was the princÍpaI Item; around were the fine red feathers of the Woodpecker, a grain of Eagles fat lryas on top of the bait, and the hook was treII hld in it; the bait had a neat appearance. The art of angling White Fish is to them of such Ímportance, a young man offeled a gun for the secret and tryas refused.37 Prepared ln rrwattap kettIes"SS or roasted over the fire for

43 lmmediate use, the fish were also dried and stored for winter consumption. rrWhether fish or meat, whatever ls not reguired is carefully put by for the next meaI.'r39 (They are in general very industrious and excelLent econo- mists."40 Those peoples who had flsh as their main protein source were poor in neither their nutrit ional state nor in their food supply. The lr general heat th was observed in later years as being better than that of the meat eaters.41

In mosb seôsons fish were available and for the many profÍcient At ha pas kan s fishing was seasonally bountiful.

In late fall to Iate sprlng the lakes were prolific and 'bhrough the summer months streams were successfully fÍshed. Fowl also was a protein source and was available for short petiods from spring to falI. Ducks, loons, swans, and geese were hunted in the spring when fish were fewer; rr d u c k s . . . I w e r e ] by far the most lmportant. "42 M inor birds lncluded snipes, semi-palmated plovers, spru ce hens, prai- rie chickens, ptarmigan and owl s. Gulls were said to be thrown to the old women. "43 Birds' eggs were much sought and eaten in sprÍng. Fruits and berries were aÌso available for short per- Íods.

The fruits of this soI itary re g ion are the poire Iservice berry, Amelanchier cãnadensis], gäose- berry, rasberry I sic] , strawberry, moose berry, rose buttons, red and black currants, thimble- berry, hukleberry, bearberry, choakberry and -44- another berry, the name of which I do not know except in the Indian Ianguage, which they call ouh-kachwa. They bud about the latter end of Ma y, f Iower about the 15 th of Ju ne and rÍpen near the 20th August, when they are deemed wholesome to the body and del-icious io the taste.44 Berr-[es and fruÍts tTere consumed fresh in season and ]arge amou nts were dried and added to the dry meat. The shape and manner of construct ion of their shelters were d ictat ed by the availability of food. Mo st Northern Athapaskans I lved in tenporary shelters. For those who had access to plentiiul supplies of Iarge mammals for hides, shelters consisted of rrcircular lodges or tents, covered a rou nd about w ith dressed animal sklns to screen t hem f rom the inclemencies of the weather....The fire. . . Iwas situ- atedl in the middIe. "45 0ther peop I es, often more sedentary and unable to obtain hides since they subsisted on fish or smafl mammals lived in brush shelters, or, in the one ca se of the L oucheu x, semÍ-subterranean pit houses which were probably copied f rom the Inu it.46 A so-called cabln .lodge was common along the Mackenzle River, among the Mackenzie l"lountain people as well as south and west on the L iar d. It was rectangular in shape tike a cabin with the sides sloped slightly inward, and a roof consLructed of poles covered with sod. A square hole was left Ín the roof as a chimney.4T These cablns apparently were seldom used by peopte who were dependent on caribou.

They were s ituated near reliable fall flshing places.48

45 Hunt in g methods demonstrated the considerable manual

dexberity and invent ivene s s of the Athapaskans. Early

Northwest Company ob ser ver s were particularly ob ser vant of their sophisticated methods of taking beaver: by setting nets under the ice made of line cut from the skin of the caribou I sic] in Íts green state about the thickness of Stu rgeon tw i ne: it extends qu lte ac ro ss the riveri one man attends while the others proceed to beat thIough its house, vaults etc., so as to drive hlm out whereby he may run I swim ] and entangle himself in the net rvhich is immed iately drawn out otherwise he would soon cut his way with his teeth. Another method is by cutting a hole in the ice of 4-1lZ feet long by )-112 broad; when thÍs I is] done they proceed to drlve stakes of dry wood around the hole in an oval form excepting a place for bhe door whfch slldes up and down Ít being finely smoothed so that the Beaver cannot get-hold of it with his teeth; it is dratvn up for some days to let him go out and a large weight is put above the door which fixes it down as soon as he... Itrtggers it]. A plece of poplar branch which ls put through at a lÍttIe distance from the door whlch no sooner faIIs down than he is almost dead by the shock and is shortly drowned as the ice is too thÍck above hÍm whereby he might force his way through.49 Large mammal huntlng techniques were similarly íngeni- ous. The months of greatest success for the chase are those of ApriI, August and the beglnning of September, the former on accou nt of the quant ity of snow upon the ground whlch enab- Ies the Natives to fatlgue them by pursuit; the latter being the month in which the horsefly is most prevalent, drov es of reindeer are forced to take shelter in the lakes in order to avoid that an noy ing insect.50

In other seasons ln the wooded parts of Ehe co unt r y, gam e was cha s ed lnto enc lo su r es w ith o pen ings 51 in which snares were PIaced.52

46 In summer and .wlnter, they pursue them wlth dogs into snares; these are ropes about three f athoris long made of Iarge babiche well twisted with a spring knot at each end. These they tle upon a small tree on the tracks of the antmals wntch, when take n, carry off the stlng until the littlé tree to which it is fastened happens to catch against or between two large trees. The animal flnding lt sel f st opp e d, makes su ch efforts as to put an end to lts llfe. The flesh ls then very bad belng overheated and full of blood Fall hunting also reguired care in taklng the anlmals wlthout taintlng the meat. In thõ rutt l ng season, which a lwa ys happens in autumn, the natives rub the shouider ùia¿e of an elk against a tree, at the same time imftating the cry of ôn elki this brings the animal quite c1ose, when they are easily kiIIed with bows and arrows; The chace Isic] of the caribou tn rutting season ls quÍte different. When a man kills ã female, he raises the skln off the head frorn the thickest part of the neck to the extremftv of the nose, this is stuffed with straw or ratñer with hay and put to dry. lVhen _perfectly dry they fix the horns, which had Istc] been severed from the hea d, in thelr proper place and then go- hunting. They run their arm in this skin which Ís so weil arranged t hat it per fect ly lmiùates the anlmal ltself. lvhen they see a drove of caribous in the distance they wave thls skin and fmitate the cties and trlcks of the anlmal and bring males close to them.53 Tools were simple though expertly used. The men... Iwere] possessed of great patienceÍ and perseverance. rrtooLs...Iwere] Principal the axe, the file, and the crooked knlfe. Wtth these they. .. Imade items so neatly fabricatedl as might make one believe that they had been made by the hands of a professed mechan1c."54 Tools and ut ens l ls were "varnishIed] with a substance composed of castoreum and grease which... Igave] them a deep, glossy coIour.rr55 The same observer asserted tha.t "the whole bent

47 of theÍr genius seemed to. be centered in that art.,.of mechanlcal powers and causes."56 After contact "thelr anv1l...Iwas] a stone and the hammer of the same substance; with these alone t h e y . . . r e d u c e I d ] both old axes and chlsels lnto thln plates of lron which they convertIed] into vart- ous uses."57 Other weapons lncluded axes, daggers, spears, bows and ar rons.

Their axes were of stone shaped tn the form of a pfckaxe, the middle of which was scalloped in order to fit to the end of ô stick, which when well fastened answered the purpose of a handle; thus arranged they could hew or rather hack down the largest tree. A pole of about nlne feet long with a bone blade at one end, furnished with ã row of ba rb s, composed their spears ; these bones ale arranged and pol ished wfth beaver teeth , of which they also make use in making their bows and arrows. TheÍr bows are rnade of dried wilIow at the end of which ls fixed a small pointed bone furnished also wlth a barb on each sÍde, as also at the ext!.emity of their atrows, which Ínflict a mortal wound, being somethlng slmi.lar to chewed baIl. With these they are dextrous, belnq able to shoot an elk almost as fär as wlth a gun-.58

Stone tlps were obtalned in numerous locatlons, but a favourite was about a day's travel west of Fort Llard on rrthe Bis-Kag-ha river or Sharp Edge Rlver,...so calLed from the fllnt stones very common in that place, and whlch Dhe lnhabitônts the Na ha ne tribe, made use of as knives and axes.tt59 TooIs were adapted to the forest or tundra conditions fn whlch they trere to be used. Chtpewyan snowshoes were straight down one side, long, with an upturned end;60 rran"

48 design shows a g.eater dexterity than the crees or Beaver lndians and women the a-lso perform the pa rt of matting t hem Ìn d neat manner.,'61 Iabout Sl.eds wele eight feet long, one in brea dt h, made of birch or pine boards of half an inch in thickness made with the axe and croaked Isic] knlfe.r, Very stur dy in construct ion, "they... IcouldJ bring good loads as it. . . I slid] pretty well over the snow.,'62 Chipewyans had a unique manner of using the bow. "Al_[ the Natives of North Amelica. . . hold the Bow in a vert ica l, or upright position, ...but the tDinnaer , or Chlpewyans,... Ihold] the Bow in a cont raÌy, or horizontal position.... "6J The material cu.lture of the Northeastern Athapaskans had developed in sensiti,r,e I,esponse to their environment. Comments that they were povet,ty stricken centered upon their lack of material possessions. LittIe or no consider_ ation was g iven Lo ¿he great range of travel necessary to obtd in food supplies and the fact Lhat consequently mate_ rial possessions were conf ined to those indispensable Ítems which were 1ight, easily packed, and t,hus transpottable.

In their band societ y the Eastern At ha pa skans pos_ sessed a foose social orgdnization. Lines of authority were not rigidly defined out si de the family of the f unda_ menta.l un it.64 Hunting and trapping relat ionships were genera l ly ba sed on af f inaJ., and consanguineal relation_ ships, though la rger congregations gdthered, part icularly

49 during the caribou hu nt .65 Athapaskans were concerned that the spirits of the hunted animals were not offended. The bones of the caribou were never allowed to Iie where dogs could devour them.66 ïhe remains of other an imals, ln particular the wolf and the bea r, were treated with a special kfnd of reverence. Informants related to Richard Kin g that in precontact times wofves were not hunted. Although bears were hunted they were accorded great respect not only because of their f ero_ city but because their spirit was considered to have close affinity with the Dene.67 After the kill certain parts of the a n imal we re eaten fÍrst, some because of their gourmet appea I, and others to sati.sf y religious spirits. Athapas_ kans believed that the rrman and animal world are linked to_ gether in some mysterious wðyr and that an imal s possess special powers which they may grant to man if he seeks them in the proper manner. "68 The supernatural relationship of men and animals, but apparently not for women was usually sought in boyhood when the animal reafm sent power or medicine in the form of dreams69 and was maintaÍned through observance of certaln eating taboos which could not be revealed.T0 'rEvery man stood Ín special relationship to some animal. "7î Emile pet it ot found the medicine-animal relationship among the Mackenz ie Iowland tribes had three ch aract er i st ics:

first a relic animal which has been revealed in a -50- dream, is carried on the person; secondly the man performs some secret practice that is meant to please med the ic ine animal wh ich has shown in a dream that it wishes to po ssess the individual; thirdly, there. Ís a taboo against injuring, kii: lino. and r)ärticularly eating, the medicine mal.72 ani_

Fish-eaters rece i ved med ic ine from that source whÍle those who lived by Lhe chase received hunting medicins.T3 ,,Tr.r revea Ì the details of the 'hunt ing mediciner , or to use it o ft en, destroyed the force. "74

ïhough formal lines of authority were not rÌgidIy de_ fined among the Athapaskans, major discussions relating to hunt ing, trade, and war were resolved in lengthy council sessions usualty dominated by the male elders. ,,They have no regula. governmentr as every man is rord in his own family, they are influenced more or less, by certain princi_ ples which con duce to theit general benefit. "75 Ihese gen_ eral principLes involved a loosely constructed prooess of governing whioh did include all members of the camp. When rraf crÍses or f airs of consequence,r presented themselves, rrthe 01d Men of the whole camp IwouldJ assembÌe, and delib_ erdte on the subjects which...Ina¿] caused their meet_ ing.tt76 When conselìsus was imminent after hours and some_ t imes day s of deliberatlon, a ceremoniaf pipe was brought out and passed around. A generar discussion to whÍch the y oung men, women and children were party then took pla ce. The decision was made in a fashion which rrresembLes that of

5'l the Patriarchs of old, each family making a dist inct commu_ nity, and theil El der s have on ly the right of adv ising but not dictat ing."77 In these final discussions

the Sage Councils of these old pat ria rc hs would act as a Courterpoise to the impetuosity of y out h. Some of. them are great 0 r a t o r, . . . p u i i _ larly Iwhen] t hey apply theÍr " ", the passions speeches more to than to tte u n d e r s t a n d i n g , . . . t h e y make a fixed poÍnt of_^never interrupting on" unl other while speaking. TS Respect for rules of conduct outlined by the male elders was the riorm. ',f n general Itne] young respect the dged."79

D e ference came to t hose who had acqu i red the lespect of others. 'rThe Ieader was not elected but assumed leader_ ship by virtue of general abi_LÍty and knowledge plus strength of character and supernatural power.rrB0 The two categories of feaders were klrown as the fibekabanthdelir,, and the 'rinkonze."81 ln secular matters .leadership was pì.o_ v ided by the "bekabanthderi, * the bo ssman or best hunter. g2 I¿ has been suggested that refractory men were kept in or der by the Iat t er chief claiming the wife of a miscreant who usually came to the conc.rusion that submission was the best policy.83 The elders of the Athapaskan bônds who filled the pri_ mary role in their people's religious tife, and in the spiritual edu cat ion of the young we re r.eferred to by Chipe_ rrinkonzer.S4 ,,Inkor,zer wyans as dispensed spiritual soLôce,

52 and were the guardians of bot h religious life and physical rr0rnamented well being. with Ioon necks, stripes of mink and otter skins, ônd claws of the Eagle, and d variety of rare and e.legant birds Feathers...' the shaman undertook rrsinging, suckÌng...and performing mystical gestures,

mixing a littre reprimand in song aL the concfusion of each a v owed offence against mora l rectitude. "85 A respected Chipewyan chief who was a.Iso a shaman explained to Roderic McKenzie, who lived seventeen years among them at Folt Chipewyan, Lhe common view held by Athapaskans in the region of creat ion. ln the process he gave an impression of the integral r.ole of the shaman in educàt ion. For him first animals and th en man emerged from the r'f ocean: rom Dogs came Chipeweans lsic].r This, he rrthe asserted, was reason we never eat the flesh of that anÍma1."86 The creator was a great bird,,who came from the sky 'rall on fire, eyes llke light.ning, its wings sounded I ike t hu nde r, -- it t ou ched the ocean and the earth Ias it] emerged from the deep, it touched the earth and It¡rus] appeared animals.',87 The gteat bird then made an arrow, wh ich was not to be us ed. The Chipewyans disobeyed and bhe great bÍrd was lost as the eternal friend. The oId man explained the betief that prior to their migration to their northern homeland the Athapaskans had troubled times. ,,f n ancient times theÍr ancest ors llved until their feet were

53 worn out with walking and thetr throats with eatlng.'r88 They speak of the Deluge, by which lhey saved themselves by ascending to the summits of the highest MountaÍns and add that they originally came from another continent whlch was lnhab ited by wicked people-that they tra ver sed the great Lake the same as the Rein Deer, where Ít wds nar- row and shallow, fuII of I rocks ] and Islands--.89 They underwent great hardships, experlenced 'rno summer, and the snow whlch was perpetual, overtopped the tallest trees r " and "when they first came to the Copper Mine Coun- try they found the Copper on rocks above the surface -- but now thl'ough length of t ime, it has sunk a man's length into the ground. "90 To guard against evil each man has a smaII Ieather bag in which he deposits some things for which he has reg ard, and ever afterwards it is Iooked upon as sacred.... The women must not touch it; for were they to touch it, they think_ that it would immediately lo se aIl its virtue.91 AI th ough the Inkonze were a source of information in sp ir itual matters and the afterl ife, aII of the Athapaskan people believed in the concept of social good and evil, at the center of which was concern with the importance of an egalltarian ethic.

After death. .. there is a state of rewards and punishments.. .. The ideas t hey annex to good are activlty and dexterity at hu nt ing, a charitable dispositlon in regard to worldly effects, and not destroying of any of their nation. Those that possess tho se qual ifications are accou nted right- eous, and after death they bel ieve them con veyed across a River in a Canoe made of stone into a f i n e co u n t r y ,9 2 1f possessed by good, the indiv j.dual stayed on this island

54 of happiness; if by evil, the stone canoe sank with its oc_ cupa nt and eternal struggling took place. Exaggerated dis_ plays of emotfon and self-mutilation by Athapaskans were a means to rrrecommend the deceased to the Otter and Loon, huard IospreyJ, to conduct him over the Creat Lake that Ieads to the other world.',93 When a death occurred, close relatives, particularly

the female sex reLated to the deceased will be - wail and howl Ifor] him for more than a year every morn i ng at dawn, and aga in as the sun goes down. The Relations cut, bit e and scarify the flesh of the body ln a shockin g manner, and destroy all the occôsiona.l , Isic J property Ii n al . . . parade of sorrow.94 All personal property accompanied the deceased to the grave. The dea d were placed on scaffolding, or were buried in shallow graves.

Laws and social controls were not formally set down t hou gh patterns of conduct indicated a means of resolving conflict 'and ability to maintain a form of stability.

ïhough seldom known to steal from fe l Iow. bands, they wou ld readily steal anything from the Eu ropea n s and would pillage from other bands.95 Moral stricture agatnst the spillage of the blood of a tribesman checked murder and aided in resolving differences. Yet the Athapaskans woulri cruelly klll th ose from outside their soc ia I circIe.96 \|hen murder did occur vengeance was sometimes staved off by wrestl ing or by buying off the victim's relatÍves. pride and

55 saving-of-face d ictate d that some form of penalty be exact - ed. \vrestling served as an effective means of resolving potentÍal conflict, The Athapaskan was observed as nalways preferring to have his body beaten bLack and blue, rather than have his face marked. "97 Individual bands varied fn the degree to which they were concerned wÍth thei r physical appeararrce. Factors at Churchill considered the dlstinctive mark of all Athapaskan tribes as three black or bI ue bands tatooed on each cheek, more often occurring on the men than on the women or children. trThey are tatooed when young as a lasting mark to distlnguish and recognlze them among strangers, shou 1d they by accident go astray.rr9S Some "pIuck their beardsl for the sake of appearancei others 'tcut their hair" not for appearance but rrto hear better when they hunt."99 The foI- lowing descriptíon of a Beaver Ind ian by W.F. Wentzel gives a European percept ion in 1807. The men äre commonly of the middle size, have we II proportioned ì.imbs, regular featu res and are fairer in complexion than any other Indian natÍon I have seen. They wear thelr hair long behind, and short before I fke the Canadians i those who desire to appear greater bucks than the rest ; tie thelr hair, wear ornaments such as feathers, beads in their ears, and paint or tatoo thelr faces.. . . Around their head they wear a piece of beaver, otter or martln skin decorated with a bunch of feathers bef or.e and behind. The rest of their dress consists of a beaver robe, a capot, a brayet, and legg ings of dressed moose deer skin. The lr robes and capots are ornamented with several bunches of leather strings garnished with

56 porcup ine guills of different colours, the ends of whlch are hung wlth beaver claws. About their neck_ they have a weIJ. polished piece of carribou Isic] horn, which ls whlte and bent around the n eck; on theÍr arms and wrists the y tie bracelets and arm bands made also of porcupine quills; around their waist they have also a porcupine quill belt curiously wrought and varieqated with guills of different colours.100 A common item of clothing among Northeastern Athapaskans was a traditlonal one-piece lower garment with footwear attached and was rrcharacteristic of the Alaska_yukon Atha_ paskan area.'r101 Usually the summer shirt was made of caribou skln, somebimes tanned 'rbeautifutly whiterl secured to a waistband around the middIe.102 The Kutchin shirts were pointed ín front.103 5¡i¡¡s r.ïorn by nomen were Ionger, and t heir skirts, reaching from waist afmost to the knee, often were decora¡ s¡.104 In wÍnter hooded carlbou skin coats tanned wlth the hair inside were ìorn,105 Wolverine fur may have been used as trim on ¡¡s ¡66¿.106 Winter moccasins were similar to summer ones , but Ílarger, to permit the in_ sertion of the duffel, which was commonly the whole skin of the rabbit turned inside out. '' 107 Mitts were made of tanned moose hide, without the hair and trimmed with beaver or 6¡f¡s¡ ¡¡¡s.108 The women are in general of a lower stature than the men, wear their hair and ornaments like them, and are reckoned handsome. Their dr.ess in wint er is a cotillon, woven like a mat, of thongs of hare skln and a robe of the same...; on thefr heads they have a cap shaped...of the same stuff. Their leggings are long and made tike t rou sers except in the front where an apperture Isic] ls Ieft to attend the calls of nature. The ir summer dre ss con s i sts of a leather cotil- -57 - lon, l-e,a^ther nobe, leqgings, & c, as in wÍnter 109

Bea ver Indians were not unI ike other Athapaskans in genera 1 appearance.'l 10 T¡ui¡ use of the beaver fon clothing distin- gui shed them from other Athapaskans and indlcated their southerly and westerly range. When in relatÍvely dire stralts the Hares used the skÍn of tha I animal for cloth_ ing.111 But the Chipewyans, yellowknives, Dogrtbs and

Loucheux dressed prlmarily in caribou 5¡1¡s.112 The Slaveys, mote dlstant from the barren-ground carlbou, dressed Ín moose or woodland caribou s¡i¡.113 Dressing sl

ïhe dyes made use o f by the IndÍans to stain porcupine quÍIls and feathers, which are the on 1y th ings they stain, are the roots of a plant which the Canadians call Savoyan; its colour Ís of an

58 orange cast. This root, boÍ1ed wit h cranberry, dyes a beautiful light red; the dy es for yellow are another_ _s_Iìall root which they gather shy plaÌns.118 in mar-

Life of Athapaskan women varied with the manner. of subs i st ence and extent of band nomad i sm. Especia lIy diff i_ cult was the life of a Chipewyan woman who did all of the campwork, packing and prepa ra t ion of food and clothing. David Thompson, a mora I iz ing fur tDade observer, related after his trip to Athabasca Ìn 1796_97: The women are vety heavily loaded; the men Iittle efse than with _ their ôrn and their fisÀi;g ta ckl e, even a girl of eight years will have hei share.to cdrryi^ while the- Boyi have some trifle, or only their Bows and Arrows....By girl the time å is twelve years of age, qhe is given as a Ì|Íf e to a man of Lwice her ãgã.ltg This division of labour arose from a Iife of continuous migratory pursuit of the barr.en-ground caribou. Men ranged a l ongs ide the route while women proceeded dÍrect_ty to the next campsiLe,120 Women of the more sedentary Kutchin, Dog_ rib, Beaver, and Slavey bands had an easier lot.121 Other aspect s of Athapaskan culture showed a clear tendency to male supremacy as George Keith t elat ed in 1g12. The women...are very often upon lean and short aL-lowance. Bearrs fLesh is scarce and conseguen- Lly reckoned de t icat e. The women dare not touch this, otherwise a s they are told t hey wou ld d ie. 0ther' kinds of meat suc h as the nose of a moose Deer & c. are forbidden. 122 women in many Athapaskan commu n it ies nere considered a burden in difficult t imes as Samuel Hearne observed; Íin times

59 of sca'city it is frequentry their rot to be reft without a single morseÌ.rr123 T¡sy were the first to starve and the last to eat in times of pIenty.l24 A number of taboos about menstr.uation and parturÍtion made life ext rem eIy dif_ flcult for women when they were not allowed to break new traiLs or tread on paths in camp for fear of o ffend ing the animal spirits.125 ¡¡ lived ", apart in specially built huts du lin g t hese perio¿".126 Marriage for the Nort h ea st ern Athapaskans was ba sed on very pra grou IThe ct ica l nd s. N ort her n Indian considered in ma rr iag e only the material chatacteristics of the woman, her apt itude for work and pot ent ia I it y for bearing chil_ dren, competence, and e rì d u r a n c e . rr 1 2 7 Wives were dragged away after being won 12I 6y the stronger males in wrestling. contests.129 Potygyny was readily accepted, and possession of many wives was considered a mea su re of a manrs success as a hunter.l30 polyandry was rare though a few instances were noted among the Beaverrl3l Kutchin,132 un¿ 51uu.133 where brothers were known to share a wife. Marvin Harris argues that the practÍce of infanticide was a favourite means of birth control among hunting peo _ ples;134 the custom was wl desp rea d among the Northeastern Athapaskansl35 ¿¡¿ maÍnry concer,ìed femare chirdren. This was an effect,ive means of population control and of en su r_ ing the requisite number of ma-les for wartare and hunt_

60 rng 136 Accordingly, the Beaver Indians often destroyed the female children when ju st born. The onJ.y reason they give is that it is a great deal of trouble to brlng up girIs, and th women ate on ly an encumbrance, useless in t ime of war and exceedingly volacious in time of want.l 37 Among the Hare and Dogrib, children were not given nourish_

ment for the first four days, a practice designed t.o make them hardy. No doubt the weak died in thÍs intervul13B, thus ensuring a more hardy populace as well as helping to check overpopulat ion. Northeastern Athapaskan soc ia I Iife at the tlme of contact was based in the family. They lived in sma.ll groups for much of the year which were composed of a man, one or more wives depend in g upon his hu nt ing abÍlity, and pelhaps some of his other immediate relatives. Larger groups of famil ies would congregate at key hunting places in the autumn or somet imes bands would gat,her. at fishing spot s in the spring. At t hese times different bands some_ t imes met to share resources, trade and intermarry. Lea d_ ership was loose although usuatly responslbil ity fell on the best hunter or the male e.lder who possessed religious rrpowers.rr knowledge or population tryas contro-lIed mainly by female infanticide and to a lesser extent, senilicide. ÌVarring also worked to limit population. Labour of male f and emal-e was sharply d iv Íded and reflected the impera _ tives of a band society.

61 In summary, Northeastern At hapaskan life at the time

of ear 1y contdct was rooted in mi g rat ory hu nt lng ex istence and heavily influenced by family based social organiza_ tion. They lived in small groups much of the yearr p€t_ forming their hunting and gathering tasks. At selected t imes of the year t hey would expand their primary groups in response to certàin externaf needs such as sharing of re_ sources, t rade, and intermarriage. The seðsonàl cycle of acùivities of the prehistol'ic Athapaskans of the eastern subarct ic and Mackenz ie rowlands was dictated by Èhe reguirement of t.he hunt. Activities were closefy regulated by the mi g rat ory patterns of game and fish. Var ia t ion s in these patterns occurred because of weàther Írregulari.ties and other naturar cond rt ions su ch as animal migrations, and cycles of scarcity and abundance. Subs i st en ce on caribou, b ison, moose, el k, migratory flsh, birds, and other game in some years was unpredictable due to these seasona L, annua L, or g eog ra ph ic changes.

Spring was the season of consÍderable mobility among Athapaskans. As days grew Ionger the family or groups of families packed thelr. gear on toboggan s and left the sites near to the w int er hunt or the la te winter. caribou migra- ti<¡n. After the begÍnning of the fur trade this phase in_ vol ve d the widespread pract i ce of the killíng and skinning of mu skrat s. In prehistoric times only a few were ta ken.

62 ïhe meat was bo i led or roasted and eaten and the sÍnew from the tail nas used for making clothing.139 Bark was col_ lected from the bi rch tree in the peace, Athabasca, Slave, and Liard Riv er s. Used in canoes, baskets, house construc_ t ion oÌ fish drying sheds, it was al so produced for tradÍng wit h people tiving along the edge of the barrens, beyond available birch ¿rees. Spruce and cottontrood bark were co I lect ed by the SIave IndÍans.

Spring fishing camps were next attended where assembly of temporary shelters, fish traps and ongoing activÍtÍes such as preparation <.¡ f caribou hides for clothing took plac e. Whitefish were avaifable in abundance at this time of year'. Fish were firreted -reaving the heads and tairs dttdchedr hung on drying racks, t hen either bundred for movingr stored in birch bark containers or praced in ra r sed caches for the Iean months. It was also in this season that men and women, paI'ticularly in regions a.long the Mackenzie, and probabry the peace and LÍard Rivers buirt canoes from spruce, cottonwood or birch bark. At this time the canoes were used along Ieads in the ice and open lake shore for hunt ing the migratory |rater fowl on their return flights. Bears were taken at this tÍme soon after hiberna_ tion when sluggish and the meât was particularly palatable. The s ummer seasonal round of activity beg an ðbout mid- June when camps were moved to the vicinity of larger lakes

6J or rivers. Se vera I households were likely to meet at com_ mon 1y frequented junctures to exchange gossip, trade goods, and feasting. Summer fishing camps were ej.ther established at these congtegation points or at favourite rivers, Iakes or str.eams. These were the sites of the more petmdnent Eastern Athapaskan habitatÍons, particularÌy those of the Ku t ch in, Slavey, Dog rib, and some Beaver peopLe. Chipe_ wyan, Yellowknife and some Beaver people tended to prefer more mobile skin dwellings for flexibitity of movement after large mammaf p.purations. Fish storage caches were refilled or built, wi I low bark or rawhide gill nets were made, and fish traps were manufactured and set Ín preferred locat,ions. Sinew net s wete assembled and used to obtain water fowl durlng their moult and employed in Iate summer rabbit drives. Men not empJ.oyed in these tasks hunted locally or made a variety of new weapons or implements. Women aided in drying and storing fish and were employed throughout the summer in the p re parat ion and decoration of clothing for both sexes, making babiche for snares, and utilitarían obj ect s such as quivers, game bags, dog packs, tumplines and baby carriers. Near the end of summer and wit h the first frosts, the sweetened and ripened berries were picked and eaten or dr ied for storage. In autumn the Eastern Athapaskans moved to hunting or fishing sites close to large mammaf passageways. Women

64 often tended fish traps or nets while the men hunted, Caribou were hunted while on their autumn migration at or near fording areas, at geographic constrictions, or along

dry, dra ined upland r i dges or e sker s. Most often caribou and a.lso moose were ca ug ht in special fences or surrounds. In lat e autumn as the caribou began t heir southward migra_ j.on t fam i I ies moved to fences or good hunting locat ions and

filled their meat and h ide reguirements. Th is pattern was repeated just before spring. In some area! west of the Mackenzie and s out hwe st of Great Slave Lake, Eastern Atha_ paskans exp.Ioited small herds of Lhe less gregar'ious wood_ lan d caribou, or moose, elk and bison,

The winter season began with the end of the fall mig_ ratory hunt. Merì continued to hunt lalge game: moose, car_ ibou, and bears which were killed while in hibernation. Smaller mammals and ptarmigans were taken by all family members in snales, deadf al-ls and nets. Fishing was under_ taken through the ice using spears, Iu res, trdps, and when the grew ice thick an ingenious jig was used which linked a net through two hol es under the ice. Semi_permanent hablt_ at ions including log - pol e todges and brush and sk in shel_ ters were employed near good fishing or hunting sites. Those people who wer e dr iven by necessity to be mor e mobile used dou b le walled tents.140

Athapaskans of the barrens and Mackenzie Iowlands wer e

65 exclusively huntets and gatherers, although there were dif_ ferences in the emphasis praced on various natural resources by people in different regions. Basically these natural resources Ín vol ved huntlng or fishÍng. The cari_ bou was the chief resource for Chipewyans, yellowknives, Dogribs and possibly the Hares. Moose, bison or elk were of primary importance to the Srave, Beaver and L oucheu x or Kut ch i n, a I though the ratter a-rso took many woodl a nd and barren-ground caribou. FishÍng and hunting small game were a Iway s important to the Athapaskans and provided support especially in per iod s of scarcity when princlpal foo d sup_ pl ies declined. In the Mackenzie Basin and Arct ic -towlands su cces s in hunting and fishÍng depended on det a Í red speciarized knowr_ edge of the land and its resoutces. This range of ecological adaptations was achieved through familiarity with a complex of variations in topography, season, animal habits and cl imat e. These adaptations involved a high degree of community mobility so material cultute was therefore simple and highry portabre. rhe yearry cycle in quest of food emphasizes how dependent the locat Íon and concentrat Íon of popu lat lon was upon its availability. MAP ]

/fT#tuåÁ l^\-å ,/- â å Þ \ÞÈ ì L Þ L L Þ Þ \ ÞÞ Þ oþ Þ Þ \ Þ È Þ Þ' L ! -ì b 6 J¡ ù ù .\' ì ! + ? I + À l + ì

Þ /* tt I l( Il Þ ;t .1 / Þ s

b b I + Þ + i\ rr-rr- =o-lÀ¡f ?:- - - .tl-]fd i: Þlrlr d + ô Elrl*ù " ¡l< ilél< É - t¿t è.Y b' f¡ mfif, ll :-rjãlo l t] +

+ .1

- õl - LegenÉ: Approxinìate Bounds of Caribou Herds in Area of Study. For references , see Jacobson ( 1974 ) , Kel sa l I B flerd (196B), fhonas (1969) ðnd Banfìeld (1954) in û bìbliography. {Môp adapted from John Mclean, Notes of a Iwenty-f ive Yeqr5l iellilr-i _H!dsan3 Bay Territory. ed. by S, llallôce. (Toronto: The Chafiplain Society, 1932). See folder n¡ap in cover-l I He rd (

.? (\ ô \o@ ô- (aminurtðk = ueras) K I{ UD 5

(\ II N 0 T E s

1w.E.o. HalIlday, rrA Forest C.Lassif icaIion f or Canada,rl Forest Service BuIletin No.89 (0ttawa: Canada Depa rt ment of Mlnes and Resources, '1937 ) 'l l gives summar I r P. a v of the reglon s flora. See also Eleanor B. Leacock and N ancy 0. Lur ie, eds., North Am Indlans in H Íst ri Pers ect- lve ( New York n ouse, r PP.

2It has been va r ious ly estimated by linguists and ar- chaeologists that the Athapaskans sp Itt fi ftèen hundred to two thousand years ago. A.M. Clark fiNorthern Athap askan Preh istory, " The Athapaskans: Strangers of the North i 0t,ta - wa: NatÍonal . Kraus and V ict or K. GoIla "Northet n At hapaskan Languagesrr in Helm Handbook..Vol rctic, p. 67 f or breakdown of North- r n L apas an anguages to No rth East, Nolth West , Pacl- f i.c and Apachean f rom the South West Southern Athapaskans diverged from Northern Athapaskans les s than one thousand years ago and as recent 1y as slx hundred years ago. rrsummary rbid., p. 18. See âIso D.W. Clark, of Northern Ath a paskan Prehistory," ibid.r Þp. 19-20. See àlso J. Van Stone Atha- a da tations Hunter F ishermen on the c c ores s cago: ne n9r r PP T11.

CorneI iu s 0s qoo d, one of the few ethnograp hers to study both Eastern and \Testern Athapaskans provided the Ewo-fold cultural divlsion: western people of the Paclfic drainage culture, and ea st ern ones of the Arctlc drainage cultu r.e. He went on to say: I'There is generdlly among the groups of the Pac ific drainage a dependence on salmon, which is en- t ire Iy lacl<Íng among those of the Arctic drainage. \{ith salmon ftshing goes an elaborate comp le x of traits connected with the catch ing and use of this f ish,rl The same attach- ment to large game could be said of the cultu re of the Arc- tic dra i nag e. See he Distributlon t hern Atha askan Indians Yale n , vers ty ca ons n nt ropo o9Y r No. 7 ( New Haven: YaLe Univ. press, 1936 ) , p. 31.

69 3Caribou "the staff of life of the region'r was vitally important in aboriginal times for food ô nd just as important a S a source of clothing and shelter See J. Alden Mason es on the I s of the t Slave La rea Yale Uni- vers U v ca ons n ropo o9Yr New Ha ven : Ya.le Unlv. Press , 1946), pp. 11-12,'15 and Kaj Birker-Smith ontribution o chi a n nolo (Copenhagen: Glydendal r PP. ee also C.ornelÍus 0sqood tributlon the Ethno r h of the h in, Yale Univ- ers U ca n n ty o oOY r o. w Haven: Ya Ie Univ. Pr.ess, 1970), pp. 33 and rrEthno raphy of the Great Bea r Lake IndÍans ¡ " Ann ort of th ional Muse Canada 1931 . Bu I I e n . o awa 3 ona seums o Canada, 19JZ) r PP. 18, 40, 41 , 44, 47. Also Beryl C. Gil- Iespie, "An Ethnohi story of the Yellowknives Contributions to Chipewy an Ethnoloqv , ed. D. B. CarlÍsJ.e, Me rcury Ser ies, Cana d ian EthnoIõgt--Ser vice Paper No. l1 (0tt a wa: Nat íona I Museums of Canada, .1975), p. 193, J.c.E. Smith, rrThe Ecolog- ÍcaI Basls of Ch Í p ewyan Socio-territorial Or ganizatlonrrl eedin s N rn At ha a Conference ed. A. M. CIark, ercury er es r a an no ogy erv Pa p er No. 27 ( 0ttawa: Nat rrNorthernional Museums of Ca na da, 1971), p. 5 I 9 and D.W CIark, At ha pa s kan prehi story, " pp. 20. ShÍela J. Mlnni, Th historÍc tion s of B Lake Nor Saska n âî r ercury er es r ana n n o ogy e aper o (0ttawa: Nat ional Museums of Ca nada, 1977 shows Black ) Lake was occu pled discontinuousl v since 6000 B. C. by a series of cultures dependent on the b arren-ground caribou herds. E xtenslve study of the barren-gr ound caribou has led to the na ming of four populatlons aftei areas trad i- tlonally used f r calving Banfield identified sixteen mainland populatfons in 1954 , many of which were found to be segment s of four,po pulatÍons: the Bluenose , Bathurst, Bever- I v and KamÍnuriak. See A.W.F. BanfÍetd Prel im i narv Inves- ì t n of the n-Ground ibou Canadian l{ildl if e erv anagemen U n, Series 1, No, 104 ( 0ttawa: f In ormat io n Canada ) 1954) , and G.C. Thomas, o ula- Estimates he Barren- nd Car ibou ch o âna an erv ce eport er es o a wô ! n ormat lon Canada, 1969)

4Suu June Helm, "Leadership among the North-eastern Athapask.ans.," Antlropologlca, 2 (1956\, 1)j. See also June Herm and L lea nor Leacock, " The Hunt ing Tr ibes of Subarctic Canadarrr in Leacock and Lurie, pp. j43-'44.

5VanStone, Athapaskan Adaptat Íons, p. 123.

70 6r¡i¿.

TFor a p ictu re of the linka ges tem, between a simp le eco s ys- cycles of abundance and s carcit anima ls, and v of various subar ct ic cultural mobil i t y, s ee ugene P. 0dum Funda- tals o Ecolo Philadelphia: , \{.B Saunders, 1 97TJ;T ee a o e m and Leacock , rrHuntin g Tribes of tic Canada, " p. J47. Subarc-

8"The I inguist ic and tr ibal classifications thern Athapaskans of the nor- are due for a new look....If widespread cont ÍnuÍty of dialects is d ans, istinctive of Northern Athapask- thelr sltuation become s in some res pects more to that of the Eskimos .rr ana lo gous tacts in Catharine McCl ell âñ r 'rCulture Con- the EarL y Historic perlod i n Northwestern North America rrl Arct!c 4nthropology , 12, No 2 (1e64) , 6. Osg ood also polnt s out that ,,the Ath apaskans do selves as composl not co nsider th em- ng neat political or cultur aI unlts.rl Nor- ern A skan strib on p. 3 and pp. cent ar e re erates 221-22. A r an groups oun aries among Northeln Atha pask- are indistinct in m any ences are tlays, and culturaL di ffer- not nearl y as marked as 0sqo odts map of group ter_ litories might sug gest (19)6b) Dif ferences in women, t hen, ca status of nn ot be attributed to un derly i ng dif f erences Ín traditional cult ure and must ins mo tead have arisen fr om st recent cond it io ns a ssoc iat ed with ences of the groups Í the historic ex peri- involved. Rich ard J. Perry, rrThe Fur Trade and th e Status of Women. I' Ethnoh (FaI). 1979), tor 26, No. 4 365, JoeI S. Savish TNS y po n to Eu s out that priot ropean contact Indian groups I ack ed the kind of unlty that 1s im p lied by rrHa the trt bal names such a s rerr . See Tr of th a res ! e and ress I n Arct Comm ew r r t on an eac r PP. 9w.n. FowIer rrLinguistic Jr , Evldence A P rehÍstoryrrl for thapaskan he Ath s ka n st ion eds. J.W. Helmer e an D yke and , en se a gar v nÍv. of p 1977) 10 Calgary ress PP. 3-04 dr.aws on Ha rny H oij er's rrThe Chronolo the Athapaska' n Lan uagesrrrln s f s natíon Journ I of Ame r n LinquistÍcs. 221 ( 1 956), 2 n g U s -groupings by GIott ochron ology and the Com parðt ua (1962), Ì ve Method, LÍno- 22 1s2-98 and The Ath apa skan Languages in th tha k rrl Stud- Lan ds. Hoijer et aI., Un-Tn: ers ty o a orn Pu cat ons in Lingufst ics, No. 29 Berkeley: Univ. of Ca I if ornia '1963) Dyen , r PP. 1-29 as well as and D.F. Aber Ie, L ca I ruction ïhe he Pr -Atha N KÌ of st on n am r e n

71 Press, 1974 ), p. 12. For an up to date summ ar y see Krauss and GolIa, in Helm, Subarct ic, p. 67.

l0Fo wl er r "Lingulstlc EvldencerÍ p. 103. l10sgoodr'rNorthern Athapaskan DistributÍons , " pp , 21-22 and hin Ethn h , þ. 13. See also Edwin S. Hall, "s pecu ons on ate Prehistory of the Kutchin Athapas- kansr" Ethnohlstqry, 1 6, No.4 (1969),318.

12 FowI er, pp. 103 - 04

1l0sg-ood, Kutchi_n EJhnography, pp. 47-4g, 60-6.1 and A,M," ctark, "TradiTÏõñãI-M-ifiêFå-nt'nãpasr.an' Lifewayi J, in , p-. ?g. "Large game animals'oî primary rmportance to the Indians of the Subarctic are the ba r ren - gro und caribou,..,woodland the rndlans,lÍving ca rlbou, and moose. For -tn the Northwestern Transttion -óf"_ãr the boreal forest lRowe 1972t 551 of Canada and i;"""iron in" teau of Al a ska the Barren-Ground caribou are the subsistänce core, with moose an important subsidiary resource,,. Bervl S:,jttt,:"_o_t1,,r'Maior Fauna in rhe i"ãJiii"^J"Ëãã^årr:;'in MT:, Ha!dbogf,..p_. 15-18. J.S. Rowe Foresr Reqions of t*llldu, canadian Forestry Serv íce publf1ãtf;ñ;--ñ; tuf,tôwa: Department of Environment, 1972) ¡ p, 55.

14 K. B Ir*et - sm i th, p . 36. See R.R. Janes, rrf ndian and Eskimo Contact Ín Sout hern Keewatln 3 an Ethnohlstorical Approach , " Et h noh i st orv 20 (Wtnter 1973) , i9, 48-9, i0, 53, 15RÍchard Glover, €d. r s Hearn ourne the Northern 0cean , .. ( Toronto: I'l 1î1-oT- acm ô1r r PP.

l6Dtamond Jenness, 'rThe Indians of Canadarrl Bulletin No. 65 (0ttawa: National gJZ) luluseums of Canada, l , p. 399 . 17R.R. Janes, ItThe Athapaskans and the Fur lrade n Canad I ournal nthro ol , 5, No. 3-4 (1e7 5

72 the way.to the ,,-''rorrowed ,,180n Coppermlne Hearne and Matonabbee a route di.r-ectly west following a well beaten paiÀ through the 'stony Hil.ls' . r' This was not as Hearne tnoignt a route to the 'mines* but a route followed by i;di;;; around Great Bear Lake to and from hunting -1""J". p.. 121, see_ also p. s5. "ÅU 1]"","^1.:or now {-¡n.9.,the ror ariother carÍbou hunt led dÍverse peoples see Blrket_";;;;i;-åt Smith, p. 10. He also suggests that collective hunts calibou crossings were of giãater importance than indlvidual hunting. GIover, &g¡=, p. ¡.

19Th omas Simpson, rat ive of e Disco es on t North Coast of Amer i ca ondon! ent êY r rP 2oBÍrket-smith, p. j6

210sqood, rrGreat Bear Lake Indiansr,, p. J3

22Dorglas Leonard, _ .",A BÍbtlog,raphy"Sub_a'rctlc on Bilaterali.ty in Band Society for the Northeastern Regfon ada, No.rth of taÃ_ America, The Chipewyanr. Section ff iOttawa: ñà_ t iona I Museum of Man, X ero x, n.a,f, p. z. For ån å_l"ir"^t description of Eastern AtÁapaskaÁ 'band groups I lnks with ;À;i; seasonal caribou movements see" A.l.,i. Cf"^d arf<,' Ip. 20-29 . See also Birket Smith, p. Zg .

2SErnest Burch Jr. a s serts that be cause of enraLic caribou migration and movement of up to 800 kilometers Ín six weeks the hunters were unable t o keep unrel up, thus carlbou were iable sources of food and were fntercepted only at the most dep endable cro ss lng places, Ù 'r The Caribou/Wild Relndeer as a Hu man Resourcer AmerÍca I uit (1972), 3)9 , No. 3 68 . A recent stud v us ra es ow cfose the winter range and summer calv ing of Bathurs t and Beverly herds were See Roy Jacobso n, Wildllfe lryildtif itat ln the Gr an SIave eat NV ronmen a tu o es awa: pa me l- an and Northern Affairs , 1979 ) , Fiqu¡ss 7_ 16 11 - 14 .

z4xa j B irket -Sm i t h, p. 29 and J P. Kelsall. The Miqra- tor B n-Ground r fbou of da Mo n os r a ph ¡t wa: olT-To-iTã-- ana an e rV c€ r pp. 106-07.

73 25,,lÌhen the D eer fa11 they readíly take to angl inq, althor it affords o them clothlng." Richard G lov id Thom I er, €d., n s Narr ive ( Toronto I Cha mp 1a i n Soc i y, rP et

27An Account of the Athabasca Indlans by a Partner the Northrvest Company, of but probably 1795, attr ibut ed to John Macdonnell f rom collection s of Roderic McKenzie , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , Vol. 55, p, 22. John Macdonnell is recorded as the author of m (see two anuscript s on the Athabasca Indians also f .n. 35). Ma cdonnell dld not arri ve ln the West u ntII '1793. He arrÍved at his post on the upper Assiniboine R iver 'rFor at Ieast eÍght years after his arrival in the w est his post remained tn the general Iocality of his fÍrst station. By 1804 he was in the Athabasca country [G.L.N.] 0 ne can co only nclude that MacdonneLl,s 1795 ;1 ss was compile d from the Rod enÍc McKenzie collection Charles |\4. Gates and Grace LeeN ute, eds., I Northwest. Fur Tra of the being the nar rat ive ôf P e er on an a r e5 of John Ma cdonnel l, Archibald N, McLeod, H ugh Furies and Th omas Con nor (St. Paul: Minnesota Histo rical Society, 1965) p. 6 . , Roderic McKenzie, partner Ín charge of F ort Chipewyan re quested that aII clerks and win tering partners describe the natu ral hÍstory and natlves of theÍl' tespecti territories in a circular Ietter ,lg06. ve part in These became a of a v ery extensive I ibrary which he ha d collected at Fort ChÍpew Yân r Íb was hoped they woul for planned d provide the basis his h Istory of the fur trade , and did become the basis of Masson, Bourgqois ,..See Gat es and Lee Nute, eds,, F ive Fur Traders ..,, þ.6j, 63n, 199n.

28"The P eace River Indians are as fond of ì.iquor as any tribe and pa rt w ith their provislon as freely, it consists

74 of Buffalo fresh and cured s uch as beat meat and f att.rl Phil ip Turnor rendereri in J.B. Tyrrel l, ed., Jou rna I s of Sam_ UE earne hirl nor ( Toronto: the Tñ-ffi-['TãTñ--SiE Y¡ 3 p 29Birket-Smfth, p. 31. See also Richard Glover, Davld Th omps on, p. 1,l3

30Davfd Merrill Smtth, torical "Fort Resolut ion People: An His- Study of Ecological Change,'i Diss., Uni v. of Min- nesota, p. 47. Hearne ðuifu¿ Ehe rrbeeateel, "certalnly-1975, the most dlsh delicious...that can be prepared from a deer only.rr See Glover, Hearne, p. gi,

31Joh n J, Honigmann, r a dA at Íon of Fort Nelson Slave, a thg. VETS v U cat ons n Antnropology, No. 33 ( New Hav enr Yale p, 38. See Univ, Press, 1946), also J.V. Wright he Pre or of e Atha - rcury er es r og ca 9 (0ttawa: National Museums ffi:Canada 197 of , 5) , p. 1l7 .

32Some suggest that due to decl ine of the carlbou numbers, fish had become the mosr Ímportant sta ple proteln source by the 20th centu ry. See 0s good, trGreat Indians p. Bear La ke r,, J9 and E.S Rog ers , "Su bsistence Areas of the c ree-0jibwa, the Eastern Subarctic: c A Prelimlnar y Studyr " ibutlo o Anth lo 9 -64 , Bulletin 204, Part awa ! ona useums o ana a 1967), p. B 7,

33Lake Athabasca, An Account 1793, o f t he Chipe wyans. ..l.n attributed to J ohn Macdonnell. 0ttawa, PAC, VoI 52, p,38. MG19, C1,

34Ceorge Keith , Letter to Roderlc McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie RÍver, 7 Jan. 1807, Bour ed. L.R. Masson, Les de la a n le d rd-0u , II (New York: AnE-Ìl quar an ress, r P. l?tu.q¿onnell, 0riq in, Mann ers and basca. lndians, Montreal,'i,4cGill Customs of the Atha- Willard-Ferdinand Mss. , CH22, S58 . See also Wentzel, Lett er to R . McKenzie, The For ks

75 of the Mackenzie River,27 Mar. lg07 in Masson, I, p. g4.

36 J. Macdonnel l, Ch lpewya n Indians, 0ttawa, pAC, MG19, Cl , Vol. 52, pp . 38-39

37See f . n. tl27 for comments on Macdonnell, the author of this mss tDld., MontreaI, McGilI Mss, CHZZ, s58 p. 1. , 2352,

38 r'¡r¿¿xuo,, were trees. the roots of the younq white spruce See Alexander Mackenzie, a es f Mo ntreal ro h Cont inen North A ca ;r n oñ r ta. ! urt 9¡ p

39Glover, Da v id Thomoson p. 106 .

40^1a-c Uo,n.ne I l, Chipewyan Indfans, MontreaI, CH23,^,.^- 559, McGilI Mss, 2414, p, 77. Fish tafeÅ at the Forks of Mac_ kenzie River were "t he Iarge and the .ilron trout, i;"o;;;, white flsh, white a¡d red carp, pic*eref, tolllby, pike,'OfuefisÀi and Loche." til.F. Wentzef,'Zl-t4;;: letter' to R. M;l{;^;;;: The Forks of the Mackenzie River, f eOZ,' ï, p. 84, i^'";,ì;;;;;;

41rr1¿ '. r e m a r k a b I e . . . t h a t the Canadians who...live aI- together on venlson, have a I ess healthy appearance than those whose sustenance is obta ined from the At same t ime waters. the scurv v ls who I ly unknown amon g them.tr I{. Ka ye Lamb, €d., he 3 ourn and Le of s tr (Ca xander kenzÍe r e3 uyt oc Y; rP 420sgood, rrCreat Bear Lake Indiansr,, p. 42. 43rbt¿.

44ì,v.r. Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenzie The Forks of the Mackenz ie R iver, 27 Mar. 1807, Mas son, I, p. 80. See also ibid., p. 4 3 and Sir. John SO pedition... ('185?; Richard , Arct ic Search Íno Ex- rpt. L ondon: Longm ôîr IJrown, Green and fõ;ìsñ'ã;ã, 1 95'l ) , p. 13 5; Sir Sohn Fr anklin, Na r ra tive of a

76 d Ex tion to Shores he Pol ('l 828 ; rpt onton, I a.: rt 9¡ rP

45G._ Keith, Letter to R. McKenzle, Bear Lake Post, 'l 9 Nov. 1812_,- Montreal, McGlll Mss, CHZ|: S59,2414, p.78, A,l so see Birket-Smith, p. 45.

460sgood, I'Great Bear Lake Indians ,,, p. 47

47 w.r . Wentzel, The Forks of the Mac ken z ie River, 27 Ma r. 1807 , Ma sson, I . p. 90. See also G. Keith, Bear Lake, 19 Nov. 1812, ibid., II, pp . 116 & 121 .

480sgood, 'rGreat Bear Lake Indiansr', p.4g.

49Macdonnell, Chipewyan pAC, Indlans, 0ttawa, l,.lci9, C1 , Vol. 52, e , 51-52.

5oc. Keit h, Letter to McKenzle, 'l R. Bear Lake Post, 22 Nov 812, Masson, II, p , 1'.t7-18. 51lbtd.

52Birket-Smith,. , p._Z1i Glover, Hearne, pp. 49 _ 50; 0s_ good, rrGreat Bear Lake IndiansrI p.4Tl-

ttry.t._-WentzeI, Letter to R. McKenzie, Mackenzie River, The Forks of the 27 Mar. 1g07, Masson, I, pp. g1_g2.-Sir;";^, ';:a"" also 0sgood, "Great B_ear. Lake Indians r',, p'. 'i'1 , 208,^Emile_ Petltot, Exploratlon Oe la' Region du Grand 9": 091". (Paris: f"qr-IJ Lac John RÍchardson ' - " in Franklin, Second E x pe d'l t i o n , p .' ZZi-.-

54 Ma c d o n n e I l, Chipewyan pAC, Indians, 0ttawa, MGl g, C1 , Vol. 52, p, 15 .

55tbt¿., p. 16

77 56MacdonnelL, Athabasca Indlans, Môntreal, l"lcGlII Mss, cH22, S58, No. 4.

57luia

58w. r', Wentzel, Lett er to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mac ken z ie River, 27 Ma r. 1807, Masson, I, p. 91.

59c. Keith, Letter to R. McKen z|e, 7 Jan. 1g07, II , p, 66. Masson,

6oBirket -Smith, p 36-38. See also ed s . E . E Rich and A J ohnson, .M. s Ishaml servati and Note 43 -49 ( London: Huds S on v ecor oci Vr r PP.

61 Ma c d o n n e I I Ch , ipewyan Indians, 0ttawa, P AC, Mc19, C1 Vo1, p. 17 . 52, See also ed. W . Kaye Lamb, Mackenz le, p. 't 54; see also Birket Smith, pp. 36-37 , and Si r Sohn Frank- 1In, at ive of ourn t (182 e Shore the Polar 3; rp ew or feenwoo ress, p

62MacdonneIl, Chipewyan f nd ians , 0t tawa , PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 52, p. 22 AI so see SamueI Hearne urne fr Prin f WaIesl in Huds Ba to t h e a n ;r ew or e o ress, , p rket-Smith, p. 38 and 0sgood, reat Bear La ke I ndians, ll p 54.

63C ,129 I ove r, Thompson , p. .

64Osgood, I'Greôt Bear Lake Indiansr,, p.70. 65lbta.

66Athapaskans believed man was descended from a dog. 0t her s that man oriqinated f rom beaver, ott er or muskrat. Petitot, nd Lac 0urs p, 405. 0sgood, rrGreat Bear Lake Indians, pp. an French voyageurs who later came among the Chlp ewya ns wer e feared and despised for their lÍking of dog meat, Lamb, Macken4ie, p. 27. Blrds and ani-

78 mals preyr of e.g., f oxes, wolves , ra vens were not eaten beca u se they scavenged on t, he dea d 0sgood, rrCreat Bear La ke Indiansrrr pp. 79-80,

6TGreat Bea r La ke people would not eat wolf. Ibid., p. 82. Dogribs would not eat the bear. See Richard King, Narr of a Jo to the h of the ic 0cean on n: c r en rrGreat eYr r P. so see s good, Bear Lake IndÍans rrr p 83.

6SJenness, The S Indlan British umbla BuIletÍn No. 84 awa a ona useums o ana pp. 67-68i see also Honigmann, pp. 76-77, 0sgood Kutchin Et h noqraphy, p. rrGreat , 158 and Bear Lake Ind ians rrt pp . 82 -85 as well as Petit of t G Lac de p. Pike, 353 and Warburton ïhe Bar ou n ern C n ( London: Mac- milla n, r0

69Jenness, Sekani Indians p. 68, and Honigmann, p. 77.

T0Honigmann, þ, 77.

710sgoo rrGreat d, Bear Lake Indiansr,, pp, g3 - g4.

72t , petitot, Mono r e des Den Dlnd le (Paris: E. Leroux, 1876), p Indiansr,'p.84. e n sgoo rea ear La ke

733enness, Sekanl Indians ' P. 68. 74t¡i¿.

75Lamb, Mackenz ie, p. 154. t1Yl"Oo.nnell, Athabasc^a Indians, Montreal, McGill Mss, CH22,^..^^ S58, No.7, n. pag. 0sgood of nu" info"r"d'"t G;;ã H;;e r0ldest2 types of chiefs arong ihe Huru. "The first was the Man'and it rTas unl-ucky not to obey him. Th" ;;";;; was the rBest Hunterr of moose and cariboú, ,0ld_ gave When the est Man' t na deq ua te a dv ice, then the ' Best Hunter' wis

-79 - turned to, but the latter never rr rrG equalled the flrst chief in p owe r. re at Bear Lake Indians r', p, 74. Went zel descrlbes the chiefs of the Beaver or SIave similarly. Masson, I, e.9 ) I!ent zel , in

77l,4acdonnell, Athabaska Indians, Montreal, McGill Mss, cH22, S58, No.7, n ' pa g. 78lni¿.

79røid.

S0Honigmann, e. 65.

810. N. smith, p, 7),

820sgood, rrGreat Bear Lake Indiansr', pp. 40 & 74.

r. Smith, p. 75 and FrankIin, Second p. 258.^ - lto. Expedition

84Honi9Tuln, p. 77, petitot, Etude, 186g, p. Smith,^ ... pp. 73-74 16g and 85c. Ke tth, Letter to R. McKenz Mackenzie ie, The Forks of the Ri ver, 15 Jan. 18'14, Montreal, McGilI Mss, CH23, 559 r 2431, No. 29, p, 114.

S6Roderic McKenzie, An Account of the Athabasca Indlans by a Partner of the North Ìvest Company, 1795, Montreal, McGiIl Mss, CH 2 ), s59 , 2352, p. 8. 87t¡ia, 88lbl¿,, c{zj, s59r 2355, No. 4, p. 13. 89rntd,

_80_ 9orbio

9lMacdonneIl, Athabasca Indians, Mont rea l, McGi ll Mss, cH22 , 558, No. 2.

92tø ia

93c. Keith, Letter to R. McKenzl.e, Mackenzie The Forks of the River, 28 Feb. 1810 in Masson, II, p 89.

94^C-.- Ketttr, Letter to R. McKenzie, Bear Nov. Lake Post, 19 ,18'12,. Montreal, McGlIl Mss, CUZI, S59, 2415, p. 80, See al so GIover, Hearne, p. 213.

9?yg"aonneI l, Chipewyan Ind ians, Mont rea I CH22,^..^^ 558, No. 8. r McGi ll Mss,

96Glover, Hearne, pp. Helm, 98- 108 and Vital Thomas, 3u ne "Tales from the Dogrlbsrrl The Beaver outfiE 297 ( Aut '19 , umn 1966) , p. . AI so see W ed. Kã y---Ia m b , JournaÌs nd Le of 5l n xander kenzfe (Torontor MacmlJ-lan, p

9TMacdonnel^I, Chipewyan Indians, Montreal, cH22 McGill Mss, S58, No. 8. Hearne remarked th at Itmurder is seldom hear d among of Chipewyans Glover, Hearne, p. 69 . 98R, clover, ed. , Andr ahamrs 0 vations Hud- sonfs Ba y, 1767 -9 1 (r on tì: son S ay ecor oc etY' 1969), p. 195.---Tl s-o see Rich and Sohnson, Ishamr tions, p. 312. s 0bserva -

99n. McKen z I e, Athabasca I nd fans, Montreal, McGitl Mss, cH23, 559, 2355, No.4, p. 13

1001ry. ¡ . Wentze I, The Forks of the Môckenzie River, 27 Mar. 1 807, f4asson, I, p. g6 .

1010sgood, rrGreat Bear Lake Indiansr p. 4j. See G

81 Kelth in Masson, II, pp. 109 and 121.

10265gq6¿, 'rGreat Bear Lake Indians,,,p.44 and son , p. 248, Rlchard_

'1 0l0sgood, rrGreat Bea r Lake Indiansr,, p. 44.

'l 0416i6., Richardson, p. 249 and Keith in l4asson, pp. 109 and 121. II,

1050sgood, r,Great Bea r La ke Indians,,' p. 44,

1 0615 i ¿.

1o7rbld., þ. L5.

'1 08151¿.

109!Y.F. llentzel , in Masson, I, p. g7.

1105sç . R. McKenzie, Athabasca Indians, MontreaI, McCiLl Mss, CH23, Si9, 2352, p. 7,

10sgood, rrGreat Bear Lake Mackenzie, Indians,,,-f - pp. 4j_45 and A. Great Bea¡_-La{e JournaI, e jrnu 1S0t, l'i"^i;;uï; McGill Mss, CH18O, S162, No. no.

1 l2osgood, 'rGreat Bear Lake Indiansrr op. 4J-44, R icha rdson, pp. 21'l and 248 and Keith, and 121. in Masson, I, pp . 109

113ry.¡. Wentzel, Ín Masson, I, p. g7.

1 14¡4acdonnell, Chipewyan Indians,¡¡¡v¡e¡rr' Montreal, CH22,- S58, No.5. 'r McCllI Mss .

82 1156" d, 'rCreat Bear La ke Indiansrrl p. Rus 64 and Frank seL l, at i ons I he Far N Beln edlti er e ort of n olra y3 e n vers Y¡

1166snqe6, Kutchin E t hnog raph y, pp. 40_41.

'117y¡ .7. l{entzel in Masson , I, p. 79 . try.t,.l,VentzeI, Letter to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 27 Mar. 1907, in ibÍá,, p. AO.

119Glover, Thompsonrs Narratíve , pp. 105-06.

..-1200rgood found among the G reat Bear Lake rndians that while women bore the cãrp, men ¡,aJ seldom more tf,un -u rif le. 'rGreat Bear Lake Indians ,r, p, 49.

1219s¿ 0sqood, hin Ethn h p. 132, Richardson, 226 , p. an d Michae s on , c Fores (London: Pott er a nd Stoughton, 1924), p 122c. Keith, Letter to R. McKenzie. Bear Lake Post, 19 Nov. 1812, in Masson, II, p, 106.

123c.Lovu", Hearne, p. 57.

124y6i¿., p. 35.

12565gsq6, 'Great Bear Lake IndlanS," p. 77 and pp. 38-39, 69-70. Smith,

1260sgood, rrGreat Bear Lake Indians p, 77 See Sir George Nar r,, aL so Back, VE of th ctic L edlti n o th outh of reat i rp on on: r 9¡ p e o nd c des p. 178 and Russell, p 163 .

83 127osgood, trGreat Bear Lake Indians," p. 78 and petitot, Dene-D i nje, p. j2,

1285"" Matonabbee's comments to Hearne ln Glover, H ea rne, pp 35 and 57.

l29Osgood, 'Greôt Bear Lake Indlans,rt p 78; Keith in Masson, II, p. 107 and Richardson, p . 256. 130,'Polygary is permitted amongst them, and is tntended as a means of sat iat ing the ir pass ions, and'to serve ience m.or.e than to propagat_e tÀe speciás. "oniðÃ_ .l " G. Keith,-M;;;";;-ii, Letter Io R._McKenzie, Bear Lake post, 9 Nov. 1812 in p. 107. See 0sgood, also ,l43"Greãt Bear Lake Indians ,,, p'. iÇ, Kutch!n_lthno.qlgphy¡ p. and MacdonneII, Athabaica' lndl_ ans, 0ttôwô, PAC, l'4G19, C j , Vol. 52, p. 24.

W.F..Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenzle, The Mackenzle gO7, Forks of the River, 27 Mar, 1 in Masson, Í, p. g6 .

132 Osgoo d, Kutchin Ethnography, p, 143, ,rrlat. t{entzel, in^ Masson, I, p. B6i G. Ketth, ibld.,-'' II, p. 69 and 0sgood, rrGreat Bear iaÉe Indians r,, p. i9:

134Mar v in Harris, Cannibals and Klngs (New york: Vintage Books, 1977r, pp. 'l 8-2 ), 59-60,

rrGreat Bear . .,1l5See !¡OooO, Lake Indians,,, 'sirpiån,p. 76; Keith -pp. *l"tu::1n'"111 p?. 1.,07.., 1.1 e; Frankrtn, p. 6a; tót | ¿u¿, t¿ti Lt. \{.H. Hooper, Ten Months in the fents åt l!9 I!!kl, Erc (Lon-don, 1.p.r reiffi :9€=+9_9_9_g-rs' p. 110; W.F. Wenrzet in Masson, Ir p.'86---ãñT WilIÌam L. Har.disty, 'rNotes on the Tinneh r', p. J1'z

136Harrls, rrBoth pp, 55r 5g, >g-60 infantlcide and warfare, as weLl as the sexual hlerarchy that went with these scourges, were caused by the need to disperse popu t ions la - and depress their rates of growth. " Ibld., p. 64.

84 137 y¡ ,g. l{entzel, Letter to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie RÍver, 27 Mar. 1807, ln Masson, I, p. 86.

138 g. p. Ross , 'TheÍGreat Eastern Tinneh rrr in Hardfsty, p, 305 as cited in 0sgood, Bea r Lake lndians,r' p. 75.

139¡ rrNor.thern ' Y. Ctark, Athapaskan Preh ist or y" in Strangers of the North , þ. 25. 1405u" Ibld., pp 25 -27 , and J.F .V. Millar and G.3. Fedirchuk on ort ri atl s ! Mack e R ivei o ical chae- ve por e n ronmen a oc tee, or el]n a o mm t pelines, Task Force on Northern 0il Dev elop- ment No. 74-77 0ttawa: I n format ,1975) ion Canada , , p. 33 for a review of the seasona.l cycle of the eastern At ha paskans.

85 CHAPTER III

,ADÁPTATIONS TO EARLIEST FUR TRADE

The first Athapaskans to come into ext ended contact with the Eurclpeans were thr¡se people commonly referred to by their Cree nei ghbou r' s as Ch ipewyan s.1 Their territoty encompassed an area from the mouth of the Churchill and followed grea¿ a arc around the t reel ine to the va I ley of the Coppermine. Chipewyan influence extended as far west as a Iine drawn south from the headwaters of the Thelorr past the east end of Great Sla ve Lake to the northwest end of La ke Athabasca.2 The cu_lturally related but geographi_ yertowknives cally dÍstinct occupied the area from the east end of Great Slave Lake west to the mouth of the yellow_ knife River a¡ìd north to the eastern tip of Great Bear Lak e.3 ch ipewya n Ínfruence predominated ov er lands as far south as the northern tip of Reindeer Lake, east through Sandspit and the Seal River to the Coast. Access to the coa st for chipewyans had been opened with the estabrishment of Prince ,,717. of Wales' Fort in By 1721 the Eskimos had Ìelocated north of the mouth of the Churchill. Chipewyans increasingly were acgulrÍng European trade goods.4 The Cree, who historically occupied the middle and upper ChurchilL5 wer e persuaded by Hudson's Bay Compan y men to al.low the chlpewyans access to the mouth of the chu.chiII.6 By the 17ZOts the Chipewyans were making regular trad_ Íng e xp ed T it ions to churchirr, overcoming w ith extraordrn- ary effort the distance and the reslstance of the Cree to their admlsslon to the post. By the mid 1720,s severaf chipewyans had taken wÍves from among the cree in order to cement relationships.S There was gru dg ing acceptance by the Cree of the Chipewyan presence at the mouth of the Churchill yet wat' raged on agaÍnst the Athapaskans inland.g By 1760 the Athapaskans, very tikely the Beaver bands10, had been driven from the height of land between the Church_ i1I and the Athabasca Rivers. They were pressed over into the Athabasca drainage, ln tu rn pushing back the SIa ve y, possibly and the Sekani and Dogrib peoples. Sometime in the early 17601s, due in part to counterattack by the Bea_ ver Indians a shaky truce was made between Cree and Athapa_ ska ns at Peace Point on the pea ce River.11 The Chipewyan people at that time were oriented to_ ward the patterns of the ba rren _grou nd caribou herds. The only exceptions were a few bands of ChÍpewyans who lÍved close to the Bayside post, ranging along the edge of the barren lands trapprng areas northwest of the mouth of the Churchfll River. InIand from the Coast more traditional. patterns were followed. 'rspecif ic Iinks between Chipewyan

87 Lerritorial and band group in gs and the migratory and noma_ dic habits of the caribou'r can be made.12 The Chípewyan Indians who .Iatel became known as Caribou_eaters had occu_ pied the region between Hudsonrs Bay, rïest to the head_ waters of Seal River, and north to the valleys of the Dubawnt, Kazan and the Thlew_a_dezza or Thelon Rivers. Archaeological surveys at LÍtt-le, Shethanei, Egenwol f and Nueltin Lakes poss ib Iy indÍcate a related cultural occupa_ tion reaching back to A.D. 100013. At the time of the first visit by a European, SamueL Hearne, as many as six hundred lndians were living seasona.Ily on or near the Dubawnt Lakes, and another two hundred on the Kazan River.l4 These people Iived in the center of the range of the Kaminuriak Her d, and we re close to the calving grounds of the Beverry Herd at Beverry La ke. Hearne ar so encoun_ tered a small band of IndÌans further west on the eastern edge of Great Slave Lakel5 and another. southeast of the lake. They probably hu nt ed the Beverly Herd as it passed by a short distance to the east on its yearly migration.l6 At the t ime of Hea rn e, severar bands were encountered near or among the large herds of caribou at the east end of La ke Athabaska.l T These Ch ipewy a ns, who eventually were labelled by the North \{est Company men as ,rLes Montagnai5 because they spent theÍr winters in the hills north and east of Lake Athabasca, hunted caribou seasonally at pass_

88 ageways near the north end of }{ollaston and Relndeer Lakes.l8 They were excellent fishermen, pôrt icularly adept at taking the whitefish from Lake Athabasca and a variety of flsh from the other waters ln the area.19 This trait was important 1n the earry years of the fur trade as these Chipewyans suppl led fish ín winter to the Europeans. In the taiga tundra lands between Great Stave and Great Bear Lakes lived the Tatsanottlne or yeltowknife bands. Thouqh similar in dia Lect , appearance and customs, t hey we re distinguishable from Chipewyans ma lnly by thelr sepôrate terrltory. Thelr center of population was on the Yellowknife RÍver, whlch was an excellent fishing place, cfose to the caribou hunting that seasonally took place near Point Lake. Other yellowknlfe people congregated seasonally to hunt the carlbou tha.b moved past Ehe east side of the Lockhart River. Caribou hunting in the pas_ sageway near PoÍnt La ke and contwoyto Lake was sha red wit h the Dogribs.20 The yellowknives, much more adept at living and travelling on the barrens than the Dogribs or. the Bear Lake Indians to the north, ra ng ed north across the barrens to the headwaters of the Bear Lake River _ Copper_mÍne dl_ vide. Some of them hunted the Bluenose Herd which ranged lnto thls reg.ion for caIving2l. Seasonal congregations of Chlpewyan people at caribou crossing places were an important means of soclal contact

89 and of facÍlitating trade wi¿h other peoples. For those lmmediately to the west of Hudson Bay, the upper SeaI River, NejanllÍni, Nuertin and Dubawnt lakes areas were favourite places.22 An excellent flshing place and caribou hunting ground made Dubawnt Lake especially attractive for Chipewyans.23 0ccasionally they Imet with a party of Esqulmaux at the confluence of the noble TheIew or Thelon RÍver with OrSunn¡. 'r24 At other times they met ,,with other Esguimaux at Yathkyed or White Snow Lake.,,25 Dogs and sometimes soapstone were battered Ín exchange for moccaslns and snowshoes.26 Considerable contact wlt h the Eskimo oc_ curred in prehisboric times in thÍs region. rMore than ha 1f of the cultur.e elements of the Chipewyan (about 541ð) are common to the Caribou Esl

90 the falt caribou hunt was between point and Contwoyto La ke s. Coppe r, moose hides and tools of various k inds were potential it ems of trade,32 Chipewyan people were able to maintain familiarity with expansive area s, and con¿act with diverse and wide ranglng band groups. rcan This be explained in terms of the winter and summer ranges of the major herds of batren_ ground caribou.r'33 This contact resulted in far_ reach ing exogamous Ìelat ionships whlch bo und the disparate groups lvith affinal ties. By 1750 the majority of Chipewyan people were stiÌl living mainly along the edge of the barrens following the carÍbou. They hunted the migrating animals as moved they through the transitional zone about mid-June when wint er range in the borear forest was âbân_ doned for the tundra where I ichens flourished and spring ca.lving occurred awa y f rom the flies of the forest.34 AgaÍn in late August the carlbou were intercepted as they moved back to the forest shelter. Thus centers of population were focated within easy access of major caribou passage_ waY5.35 Technigues for hunt Íng and preservation of caribou meat were criticar to chipewyan survivar.. FÍrst mention of a process for making a speciaJ.ly prepared dry meat , a vital element Ín nÌneteent h century wi l derness travel Ín northwest cânada, appeared to come from contact wit h chipewyans.

91 Prepared by cuttÍng into long thin strlps, the Ipemmicanr,, was rcoLcl'r dried by the sun over a fire and pounded Ín mortars to a powder. Rendered fat was then poured over the powdered dry meat in a paunch and berries were often added for taste. In this form the meat would last a year or more. Pemmican was made in the northern regions during periods of tow humidity. Rendered fat or depouiJ.Iez, was a rare commodity in caribou country and thus Ín high demand.36

Chipewyans ma.le the prlnclpal part of their clothing from the caribou. The hldes were taken in the earty fatl when nature was restorlng the tvinter coat and there were no warble fly holes which riddle the skÍns in sprlng and earlv "ur*"".37 ïhe Chipewyans were excellent fishermen and used their skills to auqment their protein rations. David Thompson, writing of the late 1790t s, observed that , r these peop.Ie though subject to great vicissitudes yet suffer ress from extreme hunger"38 than their Cree neighbours. lhompson also noted that u nl ike the Cree who looked down upon fish as inferlor the Chtpewyans 'rprided themselves on being ex_ cellent anglers, and have made it their study; the great lakes of thelr country yielcl the finest flsh, and when the Deer fail they readily take to angl in g, althor it affords them no clothlng."39 su rvÍ va I was dependent on access to

92 caribou for primary supplies of food and clothing, and to fish as a supplementary food source. Ease of travel was also vital to Chipewyan survival. Arct ic travel, as some Europeans were s.low to recognize, could only be undertaken with relative ease in certain sea_ sons of the year.40 The most efflcÍent way to move heavy packs over long distances by land was by sledge on the snow. But the severe cold, long perÍods of darkness and departure of the caribou into the forests reduced consider_ ably prime the time for travel. The optlmum period is from late March when the days begin to tengthen and warm, until early May, after whlch the warm sun turns what had been flrmly packed snow lnto a sea of stush. It was in this spring period that the Chipewyans wou ld unclertake theit I ength y treks with loaded sledges .41 After the establishment of Fort ChurchiII some of the chipewyans began makrng regular trading expedÍttons down to the post. Those who came farthest began their journeys be_ tween Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabasca, passed along the h ei ght of land between the Bl ack and Taltson Ri vers, treked by the north end of Reindeer Lake, and then paratleÌIed the Seal RÍver system down to the Coa st.42 Th is route roughly paralleled the migraÈory path of two major herds of barren_ ground caribou - the Beverly Herd which wintered to the east of Lake Athabasca, and the Kamtnuriak Herd which once

93 extended as far south as york Fort in tïÍnter and summered in the Dubawnt-Kazan-Baker Lake trlangIe.43 This region afso corresponded with the homeland of the Chipewyan peo_ ples who came to be known as Caribou_eat.ers and Les Montag_ nais. When en route to trade, these Indians travelled al_ mo st ent irely by lan d, synchronizing their ea st _we st trips with seasonal mlgrations of the caribou and favourable snow conditions. The se exped itions wou Id cont lnue and gradually increase until the late 1770rs when Eu ro pean tra d ing posts were establÍshed in the At ha basca and Mackenz ie dralnages, The geography of the Land through which the tradlng band ranged made it possible for them to travel east to west, rather tha n pursue their tradit iona.l pattern of fot_ rowing the north- sou th migratÍons of the caribou. To the north of a rough Iine drawn from the headwaters of the Taltson RÍver to the height of Iand Jusr north of the North Seal River, huge bodies of water blocked Iand travel. To the south of that line a passage east and west is apparent alonq the Churchill River. However, it was dominated by the Cree in the prehlstorlc and early contact periods,44 "" wel-l as being blocked by many rapids, partÍcularly on its lower reaches.45 Even the Cree avoided it when possible for the Hayes-NeIson, or Burntwood route, whlch also lay in Cree - domi nated t err f t ory.46

In between the great northern water bodies and the

94 ChurchiII River ls a height of land formed by a series of glacial moraines and glacial river deposits called eskers. These eskers angle to the northeast while formÍng an east to west height of land providing easy toutes of travel, natural game trairs, and viewpofnts to reconnoÍtre the country. They ar.e banded by clumps of birch, J.arch, btack spruce and a few pines which are used for shelter, toolmak- ing and fu e 1.47 The usual route for Chipewyans to come down to the coast was by land. Canoes were of little or no use. They were used in a few instances to cross a stream in freshet, or in cases where caribou were followed into a landlocked area, James I sham noted in the 1740,s thôt rThese Nat lves has not the convenlency of canoes, comlng chiefly by land and making floats to cross the Creeks and Rivers.,,4g Chlpe_ wyans were not onry uneasy rn a canoe but rived in a rand poorly adapted Èo providing materiars for canoe buirding. When the Cree appeared by canoe with their women and chil_ dren 'ryou depend upon theÍr having few goods;,,49 whereas on Chipewyan land expeditions the women packed the great pro_ portion of the furs which freed the men to provide food. Women played a v ital ro.le in the tradlng Journeys of the Chipewyan. Camp was broken and sì.edges wfth loads 'tweighing more than 150 lbs. Iwere hauted] through Ithe] ...snows.'r50 The men and older boys ranged along the route

95 in search of food. Slnce the sledges were Ioaded with furs for trade, along with tent and potes they brought provt_ sions only "sufficient to serve them a day or two,,,51 This contrlbuted to the hardships of the jou rney when food was unavailab-le. The llfe of women was much more arduous among the Chipewyans who traded with the Bay post than in other Atha_ paskan ttwell gt'oups. lVomen¡ shaprd when youngr,, were rfor the mo st part short and LhÍck" at mat u rit y, and were chosen rrcaptainsÍ by the trading for their size and strength.52 The custom of tradÍng or dealing in women became more pro_ nounced among tradÍng Chipewyans than among other Athapa_ skans. rrTo the strongest Iwent] the lovely prizs.r 53 Polygyny was deemed an honourable state for the Indian for only a great hunter was seen as abLe to provide such sup_ porti Ít was afso Ito a service the traders since tt en_ ables the Indian to prepare and bring greater guantity of provision, leather Etc. to the houses when he has only one Ít is all she can do to carry where with to supply hlmself and family't.54 The elevated vaLue of women for the fur trade of the chipewyan traders may have r.ed to a decrine in the practfce of female lnfanticide. Women took on consid_ erab I e importance as preparers of provisfons, reather and as packers, and were desirable mates for the above men_ tioned skills and other traits which were sought by the

al often inept traders.

Dog s, which were ven e rat ed by mo st Athapaskans r 55 and not generally used as beasts of burden were used in the carrying trade by the 1760's. flith the growing impottance of the carrying trade, dogs were empJ.oyed to purr roaded travois made of t ent po-les, or were fÍtted out with packs. lhe traditional Indian dog, rather emaciated and physically .esembl in g the coyot e, was bred whenever possibre with the Eskimo sled dogs.56 It is pr.esumed that with the growing exploitation of the dog by the trading bands increased breedÍng of Indian dogs wlth the wolf was experimented wÍth. This more uti-litarian use of the dog would last un_ til establtshment of European posts in the Athabasca Mac_ kenzie reç¡ion. 0nly the Chipewyans adopted dogs ôs carry_ ing animals in th is period.57 For the Nort hern Indians who traded at Churchill many of the traditiona-l means of livelihood were at Iea st tempo_ rarily d is ca rded. Flint, stone and antr.er were sometimes abandoned for iron tools. Tlade muskets became auxi.liary to the bow. European clothÌng replaced skins. These changes wet'e in fact the cosmetic reflections of v,itaL practices which were to a ffect t heÍr abillty to survive.5g The carÍbou hunt traditionally undertaken as a primary activity in season was reduced to secondary importance because of the imperatlves of the lengthy trek.59

97 Preh i st or ic movements had been timed in rhythm with the caribou mig ra t lon, usua I ly on a n orth to south basis; year_ ly excursÍons eäst and west rendered the hunts .Less suc_ ce ss fu l. If weather tïas favourable and the caribou accu_ rately rocated, food suppltes were assured and a rapid trip realized. But the carÍbou were not always predictable. The Beverly or Kam in u ria k Herds were somet imes missed.60 Hun dred s of miles then had to be traversed w ith nothing but ptarmigan or hare for f <¡od. The post trader.s a_lso were a factor ln the changes af_ fecting the trading band. The rewards at the end of the long journey were especial_ly important for the leaders. 0utfitted in European-styre crothing and arIr.¡wed access in_ slde the fort, they were treated roya_lÌy. ,,Trade at the Eayside pos¿s soon devel

98 copious quant it les of liquor to rchiefsI in or der ¿o Iure in ,'f their of lowers."62 Thomas Stayner stopped treating many of the ChÍpewyans as chÍefs at Fort Churchill when he found there ùchlefsr were more than ,,f o_lLowers.,,6J ïhe trading peop le became partÍcularly adept at exploitÍng the European predilectlon for rank. Upon returning to the wi L derness it would appear that the Chipewyans re vert ed to indigenous pract ice. Leadership devolved to the elderly who were eloquent and had achieved widespread respect. In t imes of war or on the hunt individuals of competence arose to ta ke leadership ro les.64 The strongest men , those who were good t1restfers, obtained the most sought_after women, t hose being the strong packers, tarented crothes_makers, and camp prov ider 5 s.6 Good hunters and warriors were re_ spected and gained a following. But on-ly among the Lrading Indians did there dev elop a relatively consistent and respected Ieadership.66 ¡,1uaonuO_ bee was the most famous tradÍng leader, 0ther Chipewyans who surfaced as a result of the trade in the period were Captain Keelshies, 0u le- ey e, Thtew_sa_nelIie67 the EngJ.ish Chlef, or rrAgeenahrr Captain Mist-a_pooser6g Black Meat, and captain Too - Toose, a trading r.eader who was arso k nown as a war chief of some reknown. Akaitcho was a yellowknife trading chief welI kn own at the North l{est Company posts. In many other ways the Hudson,s Bay Company was bent to the ways of the Indian. Rules designed to protect the monopoly over trade and to inhibit nelationships betweerr Indian women and white tradets were ineffectÍve at best.69 The u It imat e compl iment for Northern lndian peoples was to cement a partnership or bond by offering the favours of their wives, t hus implying affinal t Íes. ï{hen the compl i_ ment was offeled and rejected, Ít was interpneted as a gross insuIt.70 Attempùs to el imlnate I iqu or from the ttade also had Jittle impact on the Chipewyans. They drank lÍt_ tIe t hough pa rt ic ipa te d in the regare .ìs an expression of friendship, a demonstration not only of d trade bond, but of a lasting alliance and commitm ent.71 BetÌveen 1717 and 17g1 in the period of the northern middleman trade the Hudson's Bay Company was able to con_ vince the chipewyans to carry onry a bare mininum of trade items. In the Ínterior rwants the of these people are f ew, and easily supplied, a hat chet , an ice_chissel, a file, and a knife, are all ùhat ls reguir.ed to enabte them, with a little industry, to procure a comfortable lÍvelihood.r72 Di sta nces were great for the tradrng ba nd and items of mar_ ginal utility had no prace in treks of up to seven hundred miles. lnterior chipewyans obtaíned arl of their crothes from the calibou. Their main desire was for iron_edged tor¡Is. Líquor had I itt le att ra ct i on for themrTj again be_ cause of the requirements of such lengthy treks. For the

100 same reôson decorat ive beads and trif l"es were not a major part of the trade:

always drest in Dee'r of Skins, drink no mdnner SpÍritous Liquors,'such and Åu;"" their skin only for necessaries as Àmmunition, Iron C"lt^:iy wares, never pur.chasing LruLrì¿,åî1.^ öeao, or ðny much cles. /4 other superfluouj Arti_ Environmental Iimitation was the critical fact or in shaping Ch ipewyan trading pra Íseldom ct i ce which traded any f inery for such uses, but what they traffic for is chiefly neces_ saryrs for lÍfe, such as powder Iand] shot guns. r75 The musket wâs not an essent ial t ool for food hunting among the Ínterior lndians. 0f the many methods of obtain_ ing theÍr food supplies Isurround,, the caribou or pound was mo st important. Firearms were seldom used Lo dispatch the caribou trapped wÍthin the enclo sur e.76 Bow and arrow, spears, and snôres were more silent and less -likely to stampede the caribou into breaking the pound, or excite them and ruin the meat by en gorg ement wÍth blood.77 Although iron was an Ímportant item of trade from the 172Ots and was much sought after by interior people, it by itself did gi not ve the tnading Icaptainr a fever for gaÍn_ lng pre-eminence. The item whÍch did was the musket. Traditional lack of deference accorded the Chipewyan trad_ ing Ieaders evolved into an att itude of grudging respect as p owe r, in the f orm of mu the sket, became a va il able to trade caPtaÍ¡5.78

101 Muskets were used by both Cree and Chipewyan trading middlemen to ext en d their influence throughout the reg i on of !l/estern Athapaskans. Ct ee míddlemen had prevented the Chipewyans f rom .coming in to york Fort to trade throughout most of l6g0-1717 -79 The Chipewyans in turn had ended tÌad_ ing Journeys by the Dog rib s and yellowknives to prince of l{ales' Fort by 1725. The few yellowknife IndÍans who did manage ¿o ga in access to the Bay fort to trade were plun_ dered by Isoon the chÍpewyans after they reft.,,B0 0thers were killed en masse by those w ith arms. Control over the trade in flrearms gave the tribes first contacted and particurarry those who arose to domi_ nate it, unprecedented power in IgeneraJ. bullying of their defenceless At ha pa ska n neighbours. "S l In addition to his own gu ide Matonabbee, Hedrne mentions those Jndians who were obviously happy to trade and act in the arduous role of carÌiers to the rest. It has been suggested that ,,a strong mot iv e prompting Indian leaders to make these trad_ ing journeys between the forù s on the coast and their f el_ low natives up country was r'82 vanity. By the early 1 760t s, dfter an agreement was made by the Ch ipewyan to transport fur s and arms to the Athabasca Cree, the basis for treks became substantial .rs the trading band of Matonabbee assumed unpr.ecedented inf luen ce among the Athapaskans. Matonabbee was the most influential of the Chipewyan

10? lea ders because of hÌs unigue retat ionship with the post traders, and of his domination of the ca rry Íng trade. Seen by Hearne and observed by rater. writers as a ,,remarkable rndian"83 who had the ca pac it y for 'benevorence and univer_ saI humanity to all the human racerr'g4 Matonabbee was able to impress favourably Europeans and lndians alike because of the unparalleled power he commanded in the interior. I mpress Íon s of this powerful t rader are mainly dependent on the not a-rways baranced perception of Hea rn e. These com_ pl Íment s were in part a resu.lt of compa r is on to the pers on_ al treatment accorded him by his previous guides and in part as a resul.t of the high level of respect Matonabbee was able to command from the Athapaskan Indians. He was referred rrthe to as greatest man in the country.,,g5 It is significant that this most humaneÍ Jndian in Hearr¡ers eyes was aLso responsible for beating ¡rwives one of hls r r or fema le packers, to death after she qu est ioned his ability to pro! ide g6 for more than seven women. He also attempted to murder the husband of a woman he wanted as one of his pa cker s.8 7 This beha v iour occurred in a community which traditionally had d i sa pprov ed of murder wit h in oner s own band.88 He was able to silence demands of visiting Indians for the customary dram or tobacco regale iÍì return for passage th ro ugh theÍr countt,y.89 In p rev io us attempts to cro ss the barrens Hearne had been fortunate to escape with his

103 life, in great pat,t due to the relative Iack of influence of his guide. Matonabbee was able to ,,dictate the course of the expedlt ion, even to dictat e Ito Hearne] its conduct in aome mattet s which were repugnantl to the trader.90 The only people who were not intimidated by Matonabbee wete the Athabasca Cree. From their locat ion on the south shore of Lake Athabasca and the Athabasca, Lesser Slave, Lac la Biche and pembina River areas they travelled the lengthy journey to the coa st either by the Churchill or by the Hayes RÌver.9l Wltn arms from the Hudsonrs Bay Company they had driven the Beaver Indíans from the headwaters of the Athabasca, and had pru nd ered and pressed the sravey Indians from the Slave River to the south shore of Great Slave Lake onto the Ma ckenz I e Ri ver.92 Through the efforts of the Hudsonrs Bay Company and the tnitlative of Matonabbee, an ôgreement was reached whereby the Chipewyan traders wourd carry the cree pertry overrand to churchir_r. In return the Cree would not. wage war against the Chlpe_ wyans.93 Crucia.l for the Cree in any such peace treaty or trade arrangement, and unique to the Chipewyan middlemen practice, was the continued access to arms. Because of fierce resistânce Cree warring against the Beaver Indians ended at this time.94 lt may have also been at this time that the more passive Slavey and Sekani were separated f rom the cl o sely affiliated Beaver. The Cr ee, however, would

104 continue to plunder the Slaveys on the Mackenzie River and the sekani rndians whom they wourd reach vÍa their ,, Iake Indian roadl from Lesser Slave Lake to the peace River.95 It was withln this short period beginning with their treaty around ,176l and ending with pondrs arrlval on the Athabasca In 177 9 t hat the influence of the ttðding bands was greatest.. Thus Hearne's observations while he was with Matonabbeers trading band take on special significance re_ garding their rout es and methods of ¿ravet, peoples con_ tacted ' means of f ood suppo't and changes in therr tradi_ t iona I practices. For the Indians who regularly visited the Bayside posts, access to European goods led to the delusion of a higher standard of living. The exigencies of travelling va st distances increased the risks of mlssÍng the cycl ica 1 caribou migraùlon and could lead to starvation.g6 Even when caribou were found, time was at a premium whÍch courd read to increased difficulty to prepare adequate amounts of dry meat or pemmican. Trading Indians thus became more depend_ ent on upcountry Indians and the Bay posts for food. Hearne described in the early 1770,s how the Indians who rema ined inland lived mu ch better than the t rad ing middle_ men.97

Dur in g the period of the ÍncreasÍng lnfluence ov er the I ives of Ch pewyan i s by mÍddlemen, the harvest of saleable

105 fur anÍmals was encouraged. The traditional Ch ip ewyan land along the edge of the tundra was limited in its abÍl ity to support fur-bearing animals.9S As the trade goods took orr more impo't a nce, interior chipewyans moved south and west into the full boreal forest where beaver, marten and lynx were common.99 Somewhat later, after the smallpox epidemic of 1781 -83 decimated the Athabasca Cree popu-tation, this movement for some took the f or.m of a migration.100 1¡ ¡¡s earlier per iod ¡what furs the Northern Nat i ves brought was bears, cubs, worves, worverines, and about 150 martens with some cats and a smal_l quantity of beaver.,, 101 By 1774 trade at Churchill rramounted jS to rg46 beaver pelts mainly the result of visit s by large part rNorthern ies of Indiansr who came down to the post every two or three years .n 102 yn 177 5 when t hree hundred c h ipewyan s arrived from the Athabasca at Prince of Walesr Fort the reorÍentation <¡f their trade was complete and had shifted to woodrand animars.l0r An even greater return ln beaver pelts was realized in ,1777. White Matonabbee was extending Chipewyan influence in_ to the Athabasca bea v er country, the wintering pa rt ners who would latel' join together to form the North West Company, opened trade with the Indians of the Athabasca on the portage between the Churchill and the Saskatchewan River s .1O4 In 1770, pink, lVitliam a Hudson, s Bay Company trdder, met some Beaver Indians whc¡ were going down the

106 Churchill to trade with the 'rpedlarsÙ at pine Island Lake portage.l05 gt 1775 Moses Nort on was aware that Iour trôde Ís also intercepted by the Ínland pedlars, who is making their encroachment more and more at the back of this place.'r106 In order to prevent the Athabasca Cree from trading nith the Hudsonrs Bay Company in 1774, LouÍs Primeau I'and 17 others...r.?ere sent to intercept the... Athapus-cow Indians on their way to prince of Walesr Fort whÌch by account they did wrth success, so that few of that va Luab l e tribe of Indians are gone down to Churchlll thÍs !ear. "107 Joseph Ha n som, sent out to confirm the unnavi_ gability of the lower ChurchÍll, fou nd that Ùit is surpris_ ing to think that any of the upland IndÍans comes down t hro ugh such t roub I es wh en t hey are supplied in their own hunting grounds by the Canada Trade¡s.rr108 In 1775 Hearne reported to the Governor and Committee that r30 or 40r of the sixty canoes sent inland from Grand portage were poised at Pine Ito IsIand Lake portage íntersept I sic] great part of the ln-land Trade which would otherwise go to...that Valuable Tribe of Natives called the Atha_pus-cow Indians.r109 In 1776 the AssinÌboine Indians, allÌes of the pJ.ains Cree were at war wÍth the Beaver Indians, presumably to prevent direct tra de with the pedlars, thus attempting to safeguard the role of the middlemen.l10 Robert Longmoor was informed in 1776 that the greater part of the Athabasca

107 Cree would be trading with the pedlars at p jne lsland..l 11 Arrival of the pedlars on the portage between the Sas_ katchewan and the Churchill Rivers provoked a rapid decline in the trade of the middlemen to prince of Wales, Fort just when it appeared to be reaching a zenith. By 1777 the trade had peaked ,lZr6g2 at made 5s.y.¡112 at prince of Walest Fort. 1n 1779 only thirty Indians accompanied Matonabbeerll3 and in 17g0 there were ¡"n"".114 As the Chipewyans moved south to hunt fur bearers and to trade wÍt h the pedlars at Cumberland House wh ich had been estab_ lished in '1774, the Deturns in venison Icarlbou meat] is the scarcest... IHearne] ev er knew at Churchill ont y 250 1b. traded this winter."115 6us¡¿-lI trade at prince of WaLes, Fort was rrmuch worse than last year.,, 116 Matonabbeers gang brought in ,1779, a sizeable return in but Hearne suggested that pedla r "the s have already intetcepted and traded many of our Northern fndians.r He added that ,,I now fear that churchill wirr very shortry be reduced.rr117 pg¡s¡ pond had returned from wintering on the Athabasca River in 1779 and reported to William Wa_lker at Cumberland House that he had traded "with the Northward Indians that Mr. Samuel Hearlte was IwÍthrJ aÌong tîith Mitrteerna pew ðnd his gang.,, pond had traded Íupwards g400 of made Bea ver. He had traded the Cloaths on hÍs back the Indians are so distressed and eaqer for European Goods.'r118 ¡""iuu1 of pond on the Athabasca

108 hastened the decline of the carrying trade to prince of Wal.esr Fort. By 17g 1 smallpox had finished the process. Maronabbee u1d most the principte Northern Indians. gl Isic] are all dea d, together wit h that va luab le. tribe of SoutÀein indÍans called the Attr¿pascow InOiani, I Cree ] seldom of fãr tnough they late have come t;,a;; of the com_ panyrs fort s thernse.Ives yet tt ej pro"ured greatest part the the Indians -of fuis that" the NortherÀ used f orme¡_Iy to 1"i;;- to this pJ.ace :lo'l:"'nil;ï; ttl""J"]'o'/"""" pã"Ë' at reasi ifa Traditionalty Chipewyans had I ived in a sensitive re_ lat ionship wit h theÌr environment; the cent ra I sustaÍning factor had been the ba rren -grou nd caribou. seasonar mov e_ ment s of popujat ion were plan ned to coincide wit h the mig_ ratory patterns of the animals and the fish stocks which were ð secondary food source for the Chipewyans. Aboriginal life was rìot one of unremftting toil and those people who lived on the barrens and foLlowed a subslstence pattern of existence were reÌatively well off when compared to the people who trapped or traded for a 1iving.l20 Ch ipewyan s who t ra ded to Churchill at,tempted to adapt their lengthy t ra ver se dcross the barrens to thei r tradi_ tlonaI caribou dependency. Sleds which were loaded with furs left litt. Ie room for reserve food supplies. Lengthy east to west forays to the Coast reduced the I ikel ihood of contact lng the carÍbou. Metal_edged tools and European cJ.othing tended to rep-race traditionar ones. Traditional

109 roles of women were expanded and trading captains employed a number rwivest' of as packers which led to weakened family and social relationships. Tradltional !,eneration f ot, dogs was ignored and they were used for packing. îrading cap_ tains who had been only figureheads while at the Bay post were attracted by the powers to be realized by monopolizing and dominating interior Indians with their trade mar_ kets.121 Tra d ing ca pt a ins infruenced changes in intertribar politics. Th is led to pressure exerted by int erior Indlans to rest ore the imbalance of power. by seeking muskets.

The tradit ional Ch Ípewyan lands along the edg e of the tundra although bountiful in a subsistence economy 122, were def icient in furs valued by that trade and some Chipe_ wyans began a movement to the south and west toward the boreal forest where beaver, martin and lynx were common. After the arrival of the Montreal based pedlans on the middle churchirr in 1770, the estabrishment of cumberrand House by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1774, and the smallpox epidemic of 17B l and 1782 which obliterated the Athabascd Cree population, thÌs movement became a migratlon. ïhe eighteenth century chipewyans, both trading bands and rater the interior Indians had moved a considerable distance from the environment which they traditionally iu¡u51¡"¿.123 The move from a lifestyle in wh ich theÍr primary concern wôs f o.llowinq the food supply to one where the primary concern was t rad fng Ìn furs had begu n. 124

110 \\ Legend: Locatìon of Athap¡skðn banrjs lt at contact. IMap ¿rl a pt e.i from John l,1cLe.ìn, i) { f i ve n soc i ely, 1932). See f ol de¡ ûap in cover. l ¿t

? t (

:> û \ t ô-

= STAVEY \ I

H.UD'

sEKAÍf

W J¿? ìl*í \í v.r \ / Legend: Chipewyan middìenan route to the coast

IMap ¿dðpred fl"on ,]ohn McLeàn" ¡,Jotes ot a û I ÉtrËË=#o'iËïdîffi,"Ihe Champlain Society, Ig32). See folder map in cover.ì

rl { \ (

I 7 {t c\¡ \

= I

H UD5

\¡¡ Á\ .1¿ 9¿1 :1¿/ ?/r'-r

_.rf : .-. ,( \ rII NOTES

l "Chlpewyan', was a Cree word mean I p ointed skins.rl See D iamon d Jenness, T he dian Cana ( Toront o: UnÍv. of Toronto Press, 197 p.

3Bu" I rrAn C. Giltespi e, Eth no h i st ory of the yel1ow_ knives rtl tribut to Carllsle rcury hnol , ed. D.B. , er €s r ana an no ogy rvlce Paper No. 31 ( 0 ttawa: Natlonal Museums of Canada, 197 5 ) , p. 195, 4"So that a tract miles of land of more than three hundred extenb from nolth to south nu" -i; J"""tÀ R;;: son, An Accounr of Stx years R""rd;;;;-"luu""ã.,, Hudson,s (17 52 ; rpt. New york: Johnson Reprint Co"p.l'frã11,"'oo.fiijBav 76. Eskimo had tlved on the coast -i"i'Jortn irl R. Nash, ,,The prehistory as as Church_ of ñã"iÀu"i"l,tunitoba,,, ed.

113 lv. Hlady, Ten Thousand years (Altona, Man.: Manitoba torlcal Societv. 1s70)., p. 90.' ii" ,ärtn HÍs_ River rvas LnowÁ to- 'äi' of the Churchill River, rh.e'cnipewyaÅJ r.un_duru or Metal on account of_the i í"-i; tI"e re pedit.Ion, 'l 619-20, "ï; ny the Munck ex_ " "it R. G]over" ;;; c n a." p "d.. ffi ";'"";i;',"' rãiî' s o ""i;dy,ffi

s n

sand Indians were est imated to order between Cree and ChÍ pe- prompted the Hudson's Ba y Com- to establish p eace fu I rela- York Factory, W1 nnipeg, Man. , I and 8239 /a /j fo. 16d. S ee ts R in the o: mp a n oc e

TThe nore distant, Wales' Fort Chipewyans came down to prlnce of to trade. every two,-jo or sometimes three years. The trip took 'r3 months,,. tå go lutä'nanu¡"sca circumstances. see J3hn ' under ,iñJooort chipewyan rndians... Þi;"i;;;'i,-Þlò,-"¡iìdr À;-"À;"";r;i'"ï, , y, cl, Vot. 52, p. 17 . See n. 33, chap. II-0tt-awa, for notu ie aìtnorshtp,

SThomas McC-l iesh, Lett er to Gover.nor Albany Fort, 16 and Committee, July 1716, Lett from sonrs 17 ed. K.C. ( 19, Davies London: U son s 1965), p, 75. v ecor V¡

9Periodic plunder red, ,1725 and murder of the Chipewyans occur_ inland. In while at ttre Cãa I ies of the Chioewvans_nere si' to tra de, the fami- to covernor. pt{F.",t7z5,-l;'D;i"",killed. ñicnar¿ Nort on, Letter Anthony Beale, úetter '"ciurcirilLppl ,rr_lz. See atso to Gove"nÀi, Rlver, 26

- 114 - July 1729, ibÍd.. o.,139. inhÍbiced War. agaln occurred in 1738 which the ChÍnewya,,s. E.E. Rich and eds., James tsham"s A.M..l Johnson, öbservari;; - 74:'_49 (Lorr_ don: Hudson,s Bav Record S "';;"'it.res, o c Í e t i , l' ö +à' l,j p.5n, and Arthur i;¿3"W"iio;;^*;o úniü.' "i- r"ià^iå

l l Richard Glover ed rh orth S eI H ne: Journ to 0c ( To ronto: acm dar so or on r pp .294-95. ¡PP 12:.C.8. Smith, E cologi ca I Basis, p.396.

l3 "Numbers of th em INorthern Indians] from Lers used every summer to resort al1 qu a r- oï copper tu- lï"s" hills in sea r ch of which they made À" i"n"t",' ice chissels. nets, knives, awIs. ariowtread"-¿- "lba v o- had been ;."'' Th;-,;;;""*;rí" h at beaLen b; the lndians ;; these occasions. which are yet, in many places,,;";"p;;";;,""""";"","î,åìï, a nd on

_ 115 _ dry rÌdges and hilÌs is surprÌsing...,, 11J. w. Nobre. ,'erciraeoro{i;J"Ë;;r"yGlover, Hearne, p. ônd Se quences CenLral DÍstricÉ of MackenzÍ;;- N.¡y.i. in o9y, 8, No. (197 'eiïo''non'arai,, n""ti" Anthropol- 1 1), 1oz_it:- na"r,, ItArchaeol.- ogy in Northern Manitoba, " Hiu¿V]-J";;i;. 1l!^-.,uIover. Hearne, g. í 2j, and E.E. Rich The Historv of the Hud son s y. Compa_n y, , son' s Bay .'1670-1g70, II ( London: Hu dl Record society^tsa , '19 j9) ¡ þ. 51, l5Since the trading ban them d. of Matonabbee did not know (i.e., they were not li ,J!"-1_ they bV c o rr s-a n_g u-i n e a I tius j, were plundered. Glover, nearne, pp.'176_79.

16rbÍd., p. 175

17r¡i¿,, p. 177.

18s"e L.A. Prudrhomme. (Montreal: es M a nai ou T an Revue CanadÍennei pass 19Ma_c-donnel l, tJttawa, ChÍp ewyan IndÍans, Lake Athabasca, PAC, MG19, C1, ü ol. 52, p. 38 pp , 123-24, t2B. . See al so G lover,

,0, _OrlO"trlespie, "Ethnohistory of the yellowknÍves,,, pp.

21Glou"", HearE' pp' 76-77. The characterÍstic ili]:1v.of the !hT@wvans and yerrowinives on rhe barrens for exLended pu"i;;;";iiiinguisnedro rive and roam the other Easrern Athapaskãn"À;;;;: """ rhem from

Dialect was also ar important distinguishing S J. a v y q factor. e - D o r i b s - H a r e spoke å Jrjtli' Sekani; and Sarcee -iu-nguugu".dÍatect; Beaver; mentioned atso differed^spoke ""¡ru"u-t" -cîip"nyun The afore- f"o;-;Ã;- " and Yellow- knife. See He1m, S u b a r c _ g t i c , u u . iõ , .' 221.C.t. nEcological Smith, Basis r,. p,42h.

_ 116 _ 2jl.c, E. smirh sugg es te d Hearne spent slx hun dred Indlans the winter wft h huntlng nea r NueItin. Since they had Jus t moved northwest Yathkyed of Lake they were proba b I y or nea r Dubawnt Lake. Ibtd. at

24Thomas Slmpsonrs Smith, lbuti comm en t s as cited in Kaj Birket- to ew a n hnol ( Copenhagen l Gyldend ô r PP. 25rbi¿.

26 tb ia.

27 lbid., p. j0B. See also pp. 1oz_oj. 28Glove", Hearne, pp. 54 , 6?_6J, 1gO.

29 ,'Ecoì.ogical l.C.E. Smlth, Basis r,, p. 425. 30C9o"ge _ Keith .related that about a day,s travel of^ Fort LÍard was Bts_kã!_nu--ñiu"","; west River, not "the- sh";;- Ë;;; far distant from the- f oìt, ano so called from the flint stones very common in that plu"", inhabltanrs, the Na.iu "ru" and which the l" trtbé, luì" of as knives and axes.rr Georse Keith, Letter io io¿uli" ucxenzie,''iiäïä River,7 Jan. lBO7, L.F.R. " Masso". l;;"; ;;å i' ËrË; :;ä ; Ê*.+#hY*** i ffi

31crover, Hearne, pp. 85, 9.1 . 32rbid., pp. 104, 113, 114, 131. 33r.c.r. Smith , "Ecological Bôsis, r p. 416 34John p, KeIsall, The ator ren -G d Ca r I - bou of Canada. Monograph o. awa: 5ervice, 1969), ana an e p. 177. "During the second week of 3une,

117 the b lrth s in that wee k m aki ng up approx imately ters of the entire catf í - three quar- ""op. i¡iãi- 35Ca r i bou u rrConcentrarion sed well recognized m igrðt ion points, mostlt- ;Jii-;;"n" rouLes. used ln hunting, occur ro nat ives and vert where- unfrozen-to rivers or lakes dl_ the animals and funnel them-1ãil crossing polnts.n IbId., p. 114. Favour^ir" u"Ãu are rrhíqh and Lioht ly forested "åärl"r cartbou-t;;; travel eskers and gtaciãI "ornt"y-'i and ''along ;; pp. 106_07. See Birket -Smith , p. 29 . "r09"".,;-io;ã:,'""iso

i7lt was estlmated that ZSO caribou per year needed to f eed a^ famt ly of were Lawrie, ttBa four and their doqs. See A.H. rren-Ground Caribou Survey, " Cunãåiån Witdlife Service Rep ort, C873, 1948, cited in 't

lSGlouer, Thompson , P. 128 AIso Lawr ie in Kelsall, 209, and BirkãFSÌTñ' pp. 19-23, 26-28. 39GIover, Thompson, p. 128.

40M"cl intock is con sidered to be the flrst Euro pean to rec og nize and exploft In a knowle syste matic manner na tlve dg e of arctic travel. He devel oped wh ich al lowed a relay system his men to cover hu ndred s of m1les on earL sprÍng s nows, solve the riddt v and e of the lost Franklin party, travel to the north pole See Francfs McCl rrat I f the scover lnt oc k, A f the e of J ONN F k1Íñ- s an n ir on on: u pp. -83. rt 9r

118 4lClover suÕoests that bhe trade at any Chlpewyans came in to time. upon does nor appear to be the case. Between_ "^Jrin;';;";""Jhis1725 ;;d-1jli, or recorded as arrivinq at Churchlii- the nÍne bands arrived Ín sprinq f"l-.- în" intã"io;, ;;;;; oi. earLy summer .nO i*o in August. Since the..journey from Lake Arhat;;c; iääf "'" minfmum months, th ls would nLace tfre 'or of rhree the earty malir.'iã"t their journey In sÞrinq. Sàe_Glover in"D;ui;;] p. xxxv i, See pp. 111, 117, jls, tss, ise-, zör"ã^å"ã,ig. arso

42Thomas Stavner, FCpJ, 1 "-'íri,ou"May 1794, Winnlpeg, Man., HBC Archlves, 842/ä/ltl, i".'1s. from cow or thereabouts never Lhe-arä';Ii;- Athaois_ ged can vlsit-to york for they for the sake of subsisten"u f.å"p ao the of Seal River and do not cross North Side mouth of it untif-Ã""" tney come near the the River, from t.hence ir,"v other two Rivers to cross and then wa-lk along tnu Ouirij" to thls 0n 9 Ju Iy 1794 . Thoma< Factory.,, River rSeal Stãyner -Ãii;- exp-tortns the Seal records: ni uL"-"nu's iã"',*"rv known Indians and Athaoescow Indians ^fntroductionto the Sn adians Uut ifre of Can_ to their Country, the ã""åt' havock made smarlpox,among the nativês tz y"uï, by the of the ' ìgo and the destruction old Factorv o-c c a s i o n e d t fr e tråãf Ib td., 9 Juty 179i, _re. - ""1soto be forgotten.,, fos, 27 Èiji"" mentfons mee¿_ ing some Athaoaskans remembe"";-;;;"ing above laston and down the Seal_who i1 "t Lake Wol_ ilI. Peter """ ï" ti" ïoutn of the Church_ Fidter. Misceltaneo;" ;";ei" Journat, June 1807, Wlnnipeg, ,l 19 Man., HBC Archiv;;,;;i;, fo. 6.

43Kelsall, Map No. 22.

44See n. 5.

45 '' The Rivers & c. to and from Churchitl lVe an d particularl are excesS- y this Ri ver occasioned by the number FalIs w hich is in of it; whi ch greatly obstructs the passa ge for Canoes: and a re obl i ed to twenty carrylng s carry theÍr Canoes ov er pl aces an d track t hem past t he several other Fãll s Ín this edges of Governor river.'r J Hansom , Letter to and Comm Itt ee, PllF, 23 Aug. 1774, in Tyrrell, Hea rne and T rnor pp. 240n-41n

46Ri"h, Hudsonrs Bav Comoan Y II pp. 418-19.

119 4Tlt4ackenzie, a OU h t h Am fca p. and P Turnor 1n Tyrre t lxxix earne an urner. pp. 477 -78. 48Ri ch and Johnson, -Ishamrs 0b servations , P. 3'19 49lbi¿. , p. 2oB .

50John Macdonnell An Account of ans : 0rísin, M;;;;;;. ''& the Athabasca Indi- Customs, Mont rea l, McCi ll Mss., cH2 2, S58, No. 9. Seé ,r. 33, chap. II re authorship. 51tb:d.

52RÍ ch and Johnson, Ishamrs 0b servat ion s, pp. 79_g0.

53.Macdonne1l, Athabasca Indians, Montreal, Mss CH22, 558 , No. 7. McGi tl

54MacdonneIl. Lake Athabasca, Chlpewyans in 17gi. An Account of the 0tt awa, Publlc Ar chi ves of Canada, MG19, Cl, VoI. 52, p. 24.

rrEthnography C. 0sgood, of the Great lndiansrrr Annual Bear Lake e ort f Nat i al Mu ms of Canada BulI n o. awa: epartmen o nes, See also E , Petitot, Io on de du La es 0 r (Paris: Te gu p ra re teur, r âft over, H ea rne, pp 219-20.

55',¡¡u tents made use of by Summer and Wincer. those Indians, both in are generally óompo sed of deer_ skins the halr; and fon' conveniun"" df in in small pieces. seldom are atways made ";;;i;q", bu cksk i ns p iece. These teÁt s. as also, "*"u"ãìn-g*'iiu"" tneir'tett'fes, in one ried by which are are always car_ very -dogs, trained to that service, and are docile and trac.tab-le. ff,ose aogs are of various and cotours, but atl of the iã"-""-iîri sizes noses, full b"""d,--;i;ñ;h;;; brushv ta ils,.qnd uu"" standing erect... These doqs a"e eorut.ly willing "tu"pto î";i- in a sledge, few of the men wÍtr bé uf .ro "t"o-rúiïîr" but as them, the poor makin g sledges f or women are obliged to coÀient themselves with

'120 lessening the butk of their loa d, more than the wei ght making the dogs carry these articles by la sh on 1y, which a re always ed on th eir backs, much aft er th same are, ot used e manner as packs f ormer J.y to be r ofì pack horses. Hearne, Jour fr Princ I Samuel of s Fo in H son ls Ba t e cean rp ress, pp. ; erl or apo

56Birket-smith noted that often buy Eskimo dogsr" p. 90. "very the Chipewyan

57 In 1819 Franklin wr ote that years trsuper stitÍous fi ve prevÍously a fanat ic Iam on g the Chipewyansl so pressed upon theír mind s strongly anÍmals, thei mpropriety of em p Ioy ing these to which they wer e related, for purposes labou r, that they un Íversally of anymore, resolved against uslng them an d, stran ge as ma John Franklln it y seem destroyed them.I' Sir arra e of J ourn to Polar Sea (182 rp t sh of the ; p i?o'-lno malies still e dogs. See June Helm. to No. 1 76 ( 0tt awa: Natio tin 1',tg. See al so JoeI Savi Yor k: Gordon and Breach, New

58Glou"" in Davies, pp. xxvi-xxvii

59Some Ch ipewya ns became increasingly dependent rh e posts for food su pplies. on See Malchom Rò SS t La ke Atha- ba sca Journa l, llinnio €9r Man., HBC Archives 16 and 16. In 1738 the tradÍng B9 /a/1t fos hundred miles band brou ghr food three to f eed the traders at Ch urchill. S pu rrell and 0thers George PllF, Let t er to the Govern or and Committee 1 Aug. 17 38 Da vies, p. 248 By the time the tradin g band reg ularly of Hearn Hearne, e x per i enced hunger. Glover, p. 190. Mars haII Sahl ins has demonstrated many insta n ces hu nt ers a,ìd that in gatherers worked less with more leisure t han those in mor e , socíet ies. abundant and hi ghly organized See ne n o s (Chica go: Aldine/Ather_ ton, 1972), p. 1

, ., .60Erne"t Bulch Jr. sugg est s that mobilÍty of the caribr.¡u the high lev eL of pace maAã"i t humanly impossible to keep with the herds. While it was not impossible, cern wit h ca rry the con- in g trade made it so, rrThe Caribou lvitd

121 Reindeer a s a Human Resourcerrl Amer can Ant J (1972), J39-68. uitv 37, No 6lr.r. Rich. rrThe Indian Tr It 0utfit l0 l (}rinter a,de r s , The Bea ver . 1970), 4-ZO. See a I s o R ich,--'-T¡ããã- Hãõ': it s, and Economlc Mot 1v at ion amon g America the Indians of North rrl Can an J al of onomi and ence 26 tlcal , I âfì ra am and Emplr errrDi6s., ot s n, UT rð e Univ. of Toronto, 1967, p .2 in Tyrrellr ,. urrn"toler Hearne and Turnor , 3 May 1792,

631, Stayner, FCpJ, 27 , .. Apr. 1794, Winntpeg, Man., HBC Archives, B4Z/a/119, fo. 17.

. .64The gJ.amorized leadershlp of the lndividual trading ca pta i ns was Lempor.ary at finst. See pp. xx Glover in Davies , ix-xxx and F idler in Tvrr.el I Hearn Mar. 1792, p. '";J-Ê;. and T of r 1 543. Moranrz anc s s ee captains in Eastern James i ra ing Bay u, a task orlented gr o up which. was grafted on to the eiistino social system. r' -M;;;;;; and more traditio nal Francis Pa rt 45, "^d ners ln Furs r P.

65os trGreat ood, Bear ke IndIa ñsrtt p. Petftot ra h 't87 des D Dind (Paris: Letoux, 6) , p. r its c n dians,t, p.77-79. sgoo redt Bear Lake In- Also se e Matonabbeers comments t o Hearne in Glover, Hearne, pp. 35 and 57. 66Tyrrell, 2 Mar. 1792, Hearne and Turnor p . 499.

67See Glover. TyrreL pp 23, 76- 7, 91-2, 175 and L, J F eb. 179'2 and Tu rner, p. 541. 682 Mar. 'l7gZ, ibid. , p. 449

69Rí"h rrTra d Ha e blts, " pp. 42-43, and Sylvia Van KI r k, n n r Tie (WinnÍpeg: pp J7- Wat son and Dwyer, 1980 ),

122 70Van Kirk. pp. 78- rrthe 79. PhÍlip Turnor wrot e in '1779 Mastets of mo st of yo ur Honor t icularly th s Inland sett lements par- ose b elonging to York Fort would la many diffÍculties was the y bour under half not to keep a Woman as above the lndians that ca me to the House Ma ster their r//if would offer the e the re fu sal of which would give fence to both the man great of- and his llife tht-¡ ugh h e was the Indian a present. for his to make her sel offer the lYome n would think f sli s hted and if the Master was he would be expected to accept the offe f to Cl oath her and by kee ping It makes one short rea dy a fVoman answer (tha t he has a l{o ma own and she w n of his ould be off eInd]ed) and ver y few that offer w Indlans ma ke hen they know the Master keeps those Women a re a lVoman and useful as men u pon the 3 ourneys. earn and nor , p. 593. " Tyr.rell,

l Rotsteln asserts impersonal t hat the trade was not a distant function as in Europe, but r,a highly activity.t' Rotstein Trader', personal pp. 2, 33. r "Fur p. 47. See al so Íbid

72Gloner, H ea rne, p. 51 .

7llbid., þ. 75.

74And""n Graham, 0bservations on Huds on Bay lt 1775, cited b v Rich and 's Johnson, I shamr s 0b SC Appen d i x B, p. 3'l 2 rvation s,

75rbid., p. '177

76Hu nt in o *fafil-.u su rroun d mainly involved bows and o""on-" rr¡f gun_men use of any attãnOe¿- on those occas_ ions, t hev are always. plaãed ¡efrln j older ro pick uo "^tnå ";;;; ihe otner Indians. in d;;" å""up" rhe bow_m.en.,, 1l?::_",.Hearne, p. z-0.7., H;;;n""."gg"!i"o thar Lnrperryarìs were atready losing je.Àc".;î-,,:the tradino decLine in rheÍr hunting ti""''ìif i. indepen shooring f..r"V have so far iost :1." "lt .of w_itn- ¡ows-];;"LiifJ. rhat I never any of them who co1I.,d t_ake tho"e--;;';ons""";';"r, knew eiLher deer Icar.i.bouJ, moose, onIy, and kitl wandering, or buf fa_to, in the common. and promiscuous method of huÃting.rr Ibid.

123 TSHearne's Journal reflects attalned,-- by the unmatched polîer Matonabbee who u" u i"u¿ing Indlan,,nt. plundered several parties en route to the Copper Mine. -tirä was he seriouslv cha.Ile.nged by ^" other trading uitÅå;-"ú';;"nu, interior Indians or "captain""." crãí""', pp. 74, 7gt 176.

79See Davies r p. 1.

80Heu"nu cites rr the incídent o f C a p t a 1n rt K e e I s h I e s I plunde r and abandonment of sever al Yellowknife Indians an island where t hey were left on pp. 't't to dle. Glover, Hearne, 6 - 18 See also R. Norton Letter to Gover Committee, plTF 1725, , nor and attempts , in Davies pp 111-12. ItSeveral to in duce Copper and D og lib Company rs Indians to visit the Fort .yet the Norther n fnd ians ha ve alwa ys plundered them of t he whole soon after Rich and rs they left the Fort. " Johnson Isham 0bserv tions , P. 115 81Ju rrThe ne llelm et af, Contact HÍstor of à rct ic Athapaskans. the Sub- " Pro S: N ern At skan ference, ed. A.M. Cla r rcur er Serv v êS ¡ ana an no ogy ice Paper No. 27 (0ttawa: N at lonal Museums 197'l), p. 303. of Canada,

S2Grover fn Davles, p. xxviii.

83Rich, Hudsonrs Bav Co mpanv II, p. 53. 84t¡tc.

85Glover, Hearne, p. 66

124 86Ibid., p. 170 and Rich, HudSon,s Bay p. 53.-^ Company, II ,

87Glover, !earne, p. 66.

88See Lam b, Ma ckenz ie. o. 154 and Macdonnell, Chipe- wyan ln d ians, 0ttafüfÞÃell,rc ì 9, C1, V oI. 52, fos, 35-36.

89Glou"", Hearne, p. 64.

90Ri"h, Hudsonrs Bay Company, Graham rrhonoured II, p. 53. Andrew Matannappèe tne gräát ño"tÅ""n lL"¿"""*iil.',-;^j-;; a farewell salute of. and Mr. self conveyed hÍm .three_poundðrs,'frãm t{ili" -gðpll a little distance the Fort.,, -'fá,. 29 1774, Winnipeg, Man., HBC gS', 22d..June In ArãÀives, Baz I a / a few lnstances Matonabbee was-iigtt challenged. ïhese affronts were tolera-ted onty in ltre i""àit i"^ui Chipewyan practice of wrestling "tfor p;;;;;;ï;; of addittonat women. See Glovér,"orputilfons H;;;;;, p.7,t.

Norton, Letter to Hearne, ,. rr."^' 5 May 177o, Íbld.,

92Yerbury, rrpost-Contact Chlpewyan,,' p. J. See Lamb, Mackenzfe, p. 174. also 93clover, Hearne, pp. 225-27. To see the extent of 1n f luence by Mat õñ'ãI-6ãé at Prince of Walesr Fort see Arthur Ra v and DonaId Freeman ( Toronto: [Jn iv of Tot'onto press t rad ing leaders ffi Chipewyan were ap parently ga ln lng a measu re of respect in relation to the prevlous ly form ander Henry (the ida ble Cr ee. Alex- older) m enti ons thaL the "Rapid" Chief and L he 'rMartent srr band gan ged together to re pel rom the Cree any threat at Isle a la Crosse 1n the ear ly 1770's. See Alexander Henry. Tra and Ad ures in ndian itorle nada an he a n ;r mon on: g rPP -35.

94Lamb, Mackenzie, pp. 249-53

125 95tnid. r pp. 249 and 279. ALso see n. 10. 96In 173g Richard Norton commented on people: r,The whole t.raqe the""""'ît tradino bodies ls lrorqh;'"i"-"bii;"å ¡v t_" of fndians. and those to get their rrade"ää and be gone as soon as possÌ bIe""" they- vide food for themselres, can ln order to pro_ provisions they n"u!"'bringing with them rhan is sufficíent t"" ;;;;; them a The caribou were few on day or two.,l in the coa st anJ- part icularly scarce cfose proximitv to the post. R-. Norton, Letter and Commtïree, pIF,',t .l to !;;:"""" Aus. 738, in Davles, p. 97Glover, Hea rn e, p. 51,

98Huu"n" observed wolverine, however that marten, fox, otter. and wolf could be had in Chipewyan country. Glover, Hearne, pp. 135-36 .

99Hearne met the Chlpewyan I ead er Th Iew- sa - ne I I _ ie ret u rn ing f rom a trading tr ip south and west basca. Ibid., p, 175. of La ke Atha_

looBeryl c. Gil lespie, I'Territoral Chipe Ex pansion of the vnyan in the lBth Century,rr Proc Nor paskan Con s: ern Ath f erence , ed. A.M. Clar ercury er €s Lthnology Servlce r ana n Paper No. 27 (O t tawa: National 14useums of Canada 1 197 1), pp 368-75

101p. Norto n, Letters to Governor and Committee, PÌ{F, 6 Aug 1728 returns 11727 l, in Davies, p. 120. Slmilar were obtained in '17 3-J; see pp. 184 and 201.

102ç1 ndwr l{i lI iams, ed. Ìon on Hu s Ba , 1767-9',\ oc e Y¡ rP

1035 Hearne, Letter to Nov. Humphrey Marten, Pl{F, 30 1776, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archlves, Jan. 't777, ibid. 842/a/94 anrl 26

10426 Jan. 1777, and ? Aug. 1777, il)id.

126 105 Tyrrel l, Hearne and ïurnor, Zg May 1770, p. 11.

.tOall?::: Norron, Lerter ro A. Graham. Forr Churchlll 1773 in W1-[t iams, p, 249n and winniiËgl"'Nu". ives, All/15, fo. 1. , HBC Arch-

l07Tyrrel l, 5 Aug. 1774, H e â r e and T urnor. p. 106. 108S. Hearne, Lett er to Governor and Committee, pllF, 23 Aug. 1774, Ibfd., pp. 240n_41n.-- "'

109 23 June 1775, ibid., p, ,l58.

1 10y. Cocking in Rich and Johnson, 45. CHJ, I, pp. j6 &

111p. Longmoor quoted by Cocking fn ibid., 1776, pp. 66-67 . 2 July

112s. Heu"ne. Letter WÍnnipeg, to Ì1..- ì4a¡ten, pt{F, 2 Aug. 1777, Man., HBó Archives, 842/a194, n. fo.

113'¡6 3u1, 1779, rb7d., B4z/a196, n. fo.

11426 June 17g0, ibid., t.42/a/97, n. f o

1 15s. Hearne , Letter to Covernor, PlvF, 18 Jan. Win n ipeg, Man. HB c 1778, , Archives, 842 / a 123 , f o. 4 11615 ,1778, ¡un. ibld., fo. 11 117s. Hearne. Letter to H, Marten, 16 .1779, ibid.,842/b/Z), f o. 4. July

118Rich and Johnson, CHJ, I, pp.5_6. p. 1 See Wi-lliams,

127 9H. 11 Marten, Remarks and 0bservations JournaIs,^ York facîoru.--¿'-a,;;" ;;;;'"i on the Inland o'n' 1780, winnÍpeg, Man., HBC Archtves , BZ39/a/7B,tI1 'rl .

120s. Hearne. Letter to H. PIVF 10 JuIy ,t779 WÌnnipeg, Man. HBó Archlves, !a1len, , , , 842 /a/96 and 842/a/97, n. Fo, 12lpgp3. 2 May 1784, Winn lpe g, 842/a/103, fo. 25. Man., HBC Archives,

122ç"1u1n Mart in followlng up on all Sa hlins (see the ideas of Marsh_ n. 59 , suggests that the idea of ttp ive aborlg ina I techno logy" needs r imit- examples reassessment He uses from E.S Rogers' wor k Fu e t for ood ïh ista nl 19 no ogy ca ons n awa I t ona useums of Canada, 1e73), p 80, to illustrat e his point th at trad h unter s were it ional b lg game time. succes sful, hence had considerable lelsure See Martin. K rs o G Angeles: he Berkeley and Los Univ. of ôa orn a ress, ' P. 1J 12 3 p¿y and Freeman s how In their econom ic analysls of the fur trade of Hudson'", uu,r. ¡"r"1"-ìZãil'no*n ,,the was seen Company as a valuable partner-ö;;p"'^y irom the poind -oË vÍe w of power poritics because-.tradÍng ih" sou rce of f irearms was a reriabre and ammunlrron.,; slJi'. +r . 124clouu", Hearne, pp, 135-36.

128 CHAPTER IV CONTÁCT AND DISLOCATION

Changes in the livlng patterns of the Indians in the lulackenzie Basin continued in the late 1770,s with the arrival ,1773 of the Europeans. As early as Joseph Frobisher, a trader from Montreal, had been intercepting Ind ians bou nd for prince of WaIesr Fort, near F rog port_ age on the Churchill River. By the mld 177Ots, other "pedlars" arrived to lntercept the Indians of the Atha_ basca reglon "whlch by account they dld with great suc_ cess, so that few of that valuable trlbe of Indians are gone down to Churchill this year,r.l ln l77g , peter pond pa s sed over the height of rand from the churchil.r River into Athabasca basin and cut further lnto the Hudsonrs Bay Company trade. lhe tradÍng band of Chipewyans con_ tinued their treks to the Bay, but wtth reduced packs obta ined most ly from the pooter fur_producing reg íons further down the r i ver. The pond ,177g arrivaL of in and the Mont real trad_ ers who followed him into the Athabasca and Mackenzie Rivers brought about, the most dramatic chanqes Ín the fur trade wlth the Indians of that regiòn sÍnce the ar_ rival of the Chipewyans dt Fort ChurchiLl after 1717. Disease ar.rived with the Europeans and within three yea rs smallpox devastated the Cree and Chipewyans, and .led to the destruction of whole segments of their soclety, es_ peclally those in closest contact with the Europeans. As a result European traders were forced to pu Il back and reorgan lze their food supply and t ran sp ort ation systems, which led some Ind ian bands to relocate. p rev io us Iy re_ strlcted Iuropean trade goods, particurarry arms and ammu_ nition, were made available to the lndians throughout the reg Íon whrch red to changes in tribar rerations and hunt_ ing patterns. The yearty treks of the Chipewyan trading bands to the Bay were vÍrtuarry ended. As the number of trading posts expa n de d, some bands adopted a more sedent_ ary lifestyre in proximity to the posts both to control the trade to more dÍstant peoples and to gain employmenL as provisioners. As the North IVest Company expanded their trade north_ west into the boreal forest the problem of food supply had become cruc ia previously l. in 177 5, pond and Alexander Henry the Etder with one hundred men and twenty canoes, forced ùo fish en rout e, took twenty_cight da ys l,o travel up Lake Winnipeg and just reached their wintering place befo re freeze- u p.2 rn the next two years Thomas Frobisher, dependirrg mainry on fÍsh, was abre to .each rre-à-ra_

1J0 Crosse but no further. pond reached the Athabasca River only by workÍng in concert with the Frobishers who gave him theÍr extra winter supplies of food and equÍpment so that he would not have to return to Grand portage.3 Thus freed to winter among the Indians of the Athabasca River, he discovered a key to the problem of food supply f¡om the Athabasca Cree, who had probably acquired the method of making pemmican from the Beaver or Chipewyan. By the .time Pond was able to arrive in Athabasca the season...!1":f advanced, Ít wilt sêry to prepare for. winter,.,..ìÃploy be neces_ to hunt, for ' "' th;- the su ¡ s i s t e À å e å i t n ^;;i;;; most ly . men which is fIesh. dry,d buffalo""rnåot, "and mousedeer. i! is nor on iy the p"oni"iãi" "iärl son, bur, for'the ,r.ro wjnter sea_ summer, must be provided whiclr "or"""-;;';";ïdr.y 'iounoed is ;"ul; ro pow_ der and mixed up wiinlu9 brff;ìt":, a preserves ir in'the ;"";'";";;;: flåiå.?l"JJtTl: f ormarion musr be procured -i;;";";";"""..å .,,- From the tÍme of the flrst arriva.I of the tr.aders the Athabasca Cree were heavily involved in the provislonÍng trade.5 These Cree app¿¡sntly did little tra pp ing and when not provisioning reverted to a middleman ro le of charging tarÍffs on what other Indians brought to the fort . rThe few Crees that are here have done I itt le or nothing these three years. They are always in the same place close by the fort and they nuuu . .r.rr6 ", nuO Some of the Cree had moved west from york Fort as middlemen in the trade since its establishment in the 1680's. By 1715-20 they had expanded from the muskrat

131 country into the boreal forest and had moved along the edge of the barrens in the northwest to the edge of the plains Ín the southwest. Between 1715 ancl the establ ish _ ment of Prlnce of Wales' Fort the Cree plundered the furs and warred wlth the Chipewyans ðnd other Athapaskans. After 17ZO the Cree continued to move into the upper Churchill and by the 1750,s were presslng on the edge of the Athabasca RÍ ve r. The Beaver Indians and possibly the SI ave, prehistorÍc residents of the Athabasca area , were eventually drlven north or were pillaged of thelr furs, women and chlldren. T By 1760 the Cree were also being pressed by the Chipe wyan who moved slowly into the borea I forest region to tr ap and to galn access to the pedlarsr posts. This would further displace the tra d it iona I lnhabitants of the upper Churchill, the Beaver Indians, who had traded regularly wÍth the Europeans as I,ecently as the mid 1770rs. After that tlme the Asslniboine and Cree periodically blocked their way over the Methye portage to traders at Pine Island Lake. As late as May of 1770 a party of Bea_ ver had le ft WÍltiam pin k to go down the Churchill presum_ ably to prince of Wales, Fort.g Robert Longmoor and Charles Isham w ln te¡ed wfth Bea ver and p iegan Indians at the headwaters of the Beaver RÍver in Alberta In 1775_76,9

132 In the winter of 177 6 the Beaver Indians were bloc ked fro m goÍng to Cumberland House, probably as a result. of war with the AssÍniboine and possibly their allies, the Clee.10 It was ln the decade of the 1770ts that the Cree compl et ed the displacement of the Bea ver Indians and prob _ bably the ir cro se k1n, the sraves f rom the Athabasca River regÍon. Cree expansion in the region had been partlaJ.ly checked by peace the treaty negotiated between the Chipe_ wyan trading J.eader, Mat ona bbee and the Cree. This f reed the Cree from the tengthy journey via the Churchill and the Saskatchewan Rivers to prince of Wales, Fort . It is apparent that the Beaver Indlans were not allowed the lib_ erty of crosslng Cree land to the pedlansr post on the Churchitt.ll At the same time the Chipewyans desired access to the rich furs of the boreaL region; after approxÍmate Iy 17 66 they were able to infiltrate peacefully the land newly ac_ guired from the Beaver Indlans by the Cree. In turn the Cree had hesitaterl to venture beyond Lhe peace River prob_ ably as much due to the fierce actions of the Beaver Indt- ans, wlth their newl y acqulred ar ms as to the pea ce estab_ I i shed. Arthough the chipewyan wourd rater succeed the Cree and Lheir prehistoric occupants, the Beaver, in man y areas of the upper Churchill and the Athabasca after the smallpox epidemlc of the early 17g0rs, 12 it would appear

133 that the precedent for chipewyan movement south and west began earlier and gathered momentum w Íth the eguilibrium established .l in the mid 760's to early 1770t s. From the time of the peace, the Chipewyans regularly freguented the Cree camps where they obtalned fur's in re_ turn for a full complement of trade goods. Guns and ammu_ nlt ion which the Chipewyans dented to other Athapaskans were available to the Cree as part of the agreement. Light prime fu rs were traded sl nce the distance overland dictaÈed that onry those of high varue in rerat ion to butk be consÍdered. Some of the Cree continued to enga ge ln f requ ent mar_ aud in g and looting exped rt ions on their front iers . 13 the Cree of the Saskatchewan and upper Churchill Rivers moved over thei r trail from Lesser SIave Lake to the peace River where the Sekani and Beaver were pillaged.l4 0nly where the trading part ner was of sufficÍent strength was an y_ thing bordering on fa ir trade u ndertak en. This route was referred to as their "war road,,. Expeditlons down the Slave River, over Great Slave La ke and down the Mackenz le River as far as For.t Norman were undertaken.l5 These par_ ties engaged and most often pirraged the srav e rndians, Dogrlbs, and posslbly a few yellowknives or Beaver Indlans of the Liard River. The nature of the fur trade in the Athabasca Macken_

134 zie region had been greatry altered by a series of events in the first two years of the 17g0,s. A post on the Sask_ atchewan-Churchill ,1770 River portage built i,n by the ped_ lars, several of whom were soon to form the North West Company, establ fshed a beachhead in the area . Incursion by the pedlars from Montreal seriously reduced the numbers and quality of furs available from the nort hern tradÍng bands to the middleman Chipewyans. This induced the Hudson's Bay company to counter the pedÌars by establish_ ing their own post at Cumberland House in 1774 on the Rat River near p ine Island La ke, whi ch drew the Chipewyans from the upper Chulchill around Ile_à_la_Crosse and f rom the Re Ín deer La ke area.16 The presence of these posts as weÌL as one on Maligne River south of the outlet of Rein- deer Lake precipitated the change in the Chipewyan role from middleman to trapper which in turn secured their dependence upon Eur.opean trade goods. No Athapaskans were more adept than Chipewyansl T at adjusting to their changÍng world. For. a very few, the end of thetr role as t rad Íng middlemen was disruptive and they were unab.Ie to adðpt to the new tool s and technÍques. But for h ot ers, the shift to mainly a trapping existence came relatively easily. Some of them .moved south and west, 18 rncreasingly occu py in g the boreat forest lands near the newly built posts and spent less time f o.llowf ng

135 their prehistoric and maJor ptovider, the caribou. The Chipewyans trapped on the tributaries of the u pper Churchill as far south as the Bea ver River draining p resent - da y nort hern Alberta, wh ich drew t hem miles away from the caribou. 0nry rengthy trips to the caribou win_ tering grounds a roun d Reindeer La ke a I lowed t hem to obta Ín supplies of meat. This resulted in caribou being replaced as a source of clothlng by European duffle. ïools which were fashjoned from caribou horn or bone were also gradu_ ally supplanted. In the early years after this migratlon began the supplies of woodland caribou, moose, elk, and buffalo encountered in the parkland country were bounti_ ful. But the Chipewyans were not tradÍtÍonal hunters of these large mamma.ls. They were not able to adapt their expertise in the use of the snare and caribou pound to these animars. They possessed guns but in generar the Chipewyans were not effectÍve in their use.19 Anlmals of the n ewly a dopt ed regions when procured dÍd pr.ovrde for nutritional wants. As the stocks of _large mðmmals de_ cl Íne d, fÍsh were obta i n ed in guant ity. Another in the series of events altering the shape of the fur trade and the nature of the Indiansr living pat_ terns occurred between 17g1 and 17g4, AIong with guns, ammu n it io n, and small t rin ket s came an unseen passenget _ the European communÍcab_Ie disease. ïhe most devastatÍng

136 one was smallpoX but others such as measles took their toIl. ¡4ost of the Cree were ki-lIed by sma-llpox and al_ th ough Ch ipewyan s in contact with the posts were severely reduced, many more from the Athabasca_Black Lake area were unaffected and moved south to trap in Cree lands A few traders witnessed the smallpox epidem ic but the maln accounts are provided by the rndians20 and armost alI are secondhand. The smallpox a ppa rent ly passed north to the Cree and then was contacted by the Chipewyan5.21 Hearners estlmate of ninety percent of the population being struck down has been assessed as too hi gh. ZZ No Athapaskan g rou ps are belÍeved to have d isa ppeared as a result, and considering that the Chipewyan population was conspicuous and dynamic in the ensuing period, it wou ld seem that Hearners estimates were based on observatíon of its effects on part icular groups. 0ne such group23 ¡¿¿ lived north and east of Lake Athabasca and had moved south ln 1779_91. Since the disease would strike them first and next be spread to the Indians of the Lake Atha _ basca reglon, the effect on these peop le was relatively severe. The estimate by David Thompson that one_half of the Cree population died in the epidemic, may be a fair judgement of its effects on the trading band of ChÍpewyan, though it is unrikery that more than one thrrd of arr Chlpewyans died in the epidemiq.24

137 It has been polnted out by Beryl Gillespie that the disease as lt extended to the Mackenzie region was largely contaÍned within the Cree and ChÍpewyan population.25 The rrobvÍous, primary reason is that the Cree and Chipewyan wer e in fôr. qfea t er contact with tra der s and tradíng posts and, thereforer therr rosses were reported and ur".o1".rr26 She further points out trading posts were localizatÍon spots Icongregation points] for rnd ians wh ich increased the likelihood of their acqu iting contaglous diseases.,27 By 1780, due to the poìrer poritics of the fur trade no other Athapaskan group came to the posts to trade. News of the disease wourd herghten that avoidance. rn fact the Yellowknives harried often by the Chipewyans to this time, beg in to ga in ground after the smallpox ep i dem ic, eventu_ ally to become important middremen in the fur trade. The North l{est Company attempted to slow the spread of the d isea se by is orat ing the in fected and provided f ood for the starvrng survivors. Th is may ha ve been success_ ful. After the disease had first swept by Cumberland Hou se an HBC servant not ed that f iv.e men and tlree women arrÍved from norLhldnd with. furs and p"oui"ion" the t hese -lrãå"A to trade, inform t.hat. t.hey hJr" noth ing of the dÍsorder rhat. is rãging l^ ;;i" guarrer which reason. r had for to a. i;;i ;1r;iìËd in rhe yard keep them from six i;":Ii;;.' lromen children that has got over--tË' and r;ti;;-;^ iirï prantation starving. ffulloo" no* Despite precautions, the smallpox a ppa rent ly victimized the older male populatÍon much more than the younger men - 138 - or the women and chlldren. Davíd Thompson observed that rrmore men died in proportion than women and children.,r29 Wlll iam Walker remarked of the northern platns that, r,the most part that has recovered Ís women and children these are stlll more wretched, they being alÌ women but one, and he is very bad,r'30 Wiltiam Tomison replied that at Cumber_ land House there was "hardly an Indian man alive.,,J1. Because of the dlvision of labour in the native society women were iIl_equipped to ta ke over the role of hunters. As a result, in extreme instances at Fort Churchlll ,,6 or 7 men were reft to provide for upwards of 30 women and chiIdren."32 It was aLso at Churchill that rsome of the Indian tromen came to the house for a little oatmeal and ammunition for the supporù of themselves and familles.,rl3 0ne result of the addttional burden on the male hunters34 was that in ensuing years the fur companies were unwilling to hire them.

Though !huy were formerly ernployed HunLers bur rher.e . as Goose so great tsicl rãÅir;;'"';i presenr are that it. will be lmpossfble tor me-io employ many of t.hem on_-that' serrif iL" if,"i came here on that view. i5 "e The natives on the northern plains had exacerbated the problems of food suppry by burnrng the prarns in the farl to drÍve the buffalo from the trading posts. This in_ creased thelr value as hunters but ha d, ironically, les_ sened Lhelr chances of surviva 1.36 Weakened by iJ.lness,

1J9 othet's were unabÌe to travel the extra dístance to hunt the game. The low morale also contributed to widespread starva_ tion. wÍrriam \üarker suggested that thÍs was true of the Assiniboines, but it was equally tt,ue of the Chipewyans: rrthey fancy themselves aÍring and so have no heart to hunt anything.'r37 Mitchell 0man ln a back_handed compliment to the Indians' dexterity at the hunt documents the poor success. IThey say there is no beasts about, but that r s false, for r know when us Englishmen can murder a chance 0ne, if they was to hunt with dexterity, they might keep themselves and us too. "38 Some fur tra ders who ob served wÍdespread st arvat ion Ìn this perÍod attrlbuted it to a decline in the game re_ sources. David Ihompson comments on how the wolves became diseased by feed Íng on human rema in s, He al so remarks on the extent of the dec.lÍne in animals of alL species in_ cluding the carÍbou, a cond it i on which appeared to last for a number of years.39 But the Europeans with only a few exceptions were not noted for theit hunt ing abilitÍes. Neither did they have the experience nor inclination to accura te ly meô sure the gôme t esources. lVith the exceptÍon of the example of the wofves which were obvÍously dis_ ea se d, there appears to be no biological reason for pas_ sa ge of the disease to large gôme, Far more Iikely an ex-

140 planation for the starvatlon was that most of the male population incruding many excelrent hunters had d ied. The dearth of hunters placed great responsibility on the few remalning able men to reconnoitre as well as to supply food for the many. The ,17B1_g4 smallpox ep idem ic of drastically affected the Cree Indians of the Athabasca country which o pened the way for Chipewyan penetration of Cree land in followinq yea rs40 as Witliam McGiIl ivray ob sel ved in 1g09. The countries lh"9 which tt IChurchi]11 runs from the head of the Beaver niuã anO incJ.uding all its other. h.ead ¡ranctes inhabited bv to its mouth, are rhe t

'141 depopulation 'rthe of this area probably made ChÍpewyan movement southward easier and faster.,,44 The cree of the upper churchirl and the Athabasca RiveÎ region had been regular vÍsitors to the trading posts. Conseguently almost all had been exposed to the disease. The most extreme estlmates of mortal ity wou Id thus apply mainly to the Cree who were reduced to a shadow of their former strength. The remaining few congregated arou n d Pond's 0ld Establishment on the south edge of the Athabasca delta exa ct ed a m Í dd Ieman price from any Indlans who ventured to thät post. This eventually forced the North West Company ¿o relocater45 first onto the south shore of Lake Athabasca, dnd then to the north shore in a stl'ategic spot close to the extant tribal boundaries between Ch Ìpewyan, Beaver, Sla ve and Cree .tndians. Aft er '1784, the few Cree remaining were mainly employed as trappers or provisioners. The Athabasca River and parti_ cular ly the Peace River areas dominated ma inly by Beaver Indians were the main sources of dry meat and pemmican which was used to fuel the fuÌ brigades and supply the posts. This food trade was carried on at IIe-à_la_Crosse and increasÍngIy towards ùhe end of the 17g0rs at Fort Chipewyan on the north shore of Lake Athabasca.46 There is I itt le doubt t hat those people in sustained contact wit h Eu ro pea ns had been hlghly dependent on that

142 re.ì.ationshÌp and therefore suffered tremendous hardship when contact wâs disrupted. The French, by capturing Prince of l{alesr Fort contributed to this trauma and were informed by the captives Hearne and Marten and by the Indians themselves that the latt er [were uttet,Iy dependent

on their annua I t rade w ith the Eu ropea n s. It had become an absolute necessity to them, they had rost the art of hunting with bow and arrow.,,47 ThÌs may have been in part rhetoricar and designed to spur aid for the rndrans but the French leadels Lapá,ouse and the Marquis de la Jaille a p preciat ed and were concerned about the negat ive impa ct their raid would have. ,,At york Fort the French left a cache of .lead and of powder Just ou¿sÍde the post to help the Ind ian s t hrough their troub1u".rr4g An English capta in en rout e to Churchill was informed by Hearne with permis_ sion of the French, that he should give powder and shot to the Churchill lndians, thus allowing them to hunt ¿heir waY .49 The rndians who had frequented churchir_r and york Factory as well as the upper Chu rch il I River posts and who were dependent on Eu ro pea ns for most necess it ies, tïere drastically a f fect ed by the smallpox epidemic. Arrival of the Eut'opeans wibh trade goods in more variety and vol ume then ever before hacl gil,en sustained access to a number of new bands. The a dvant a ge of this contact had mixed bless-

143 ings as the Europeans appeared to be the vehlcle for the transport of the virulent smallpox into the reglon. Smallpox struck and reduced with unrelentÍnq severity the natlves who traded at European posts. ReductÍon of the older popuration, conseguentry the declíne of certain ceremonial p ract ices, as well as dlsruption of affa lrs of state and trade have been mentioned elsewhere as due in Part to smal.lpox epidemics.50 The suggestion by Calvin Martin that the ravages of devastating epidemics ,r7g1_g3 such as that o f was respon_ sible for a re-evafuation of their relationshÍp with na_ ture does not appear to be a factor with the fndians of the Athabas"u.5l By the mld 1700,s many Cnee were prima_ rily involved with trading concerns efther as mrddremen or provisio¡6¡s.52 Many chrpewyans between 1717 and 1750 were also drawn into fur trading, directly as in the ca se of the brading band, or indirectly, by an increased con_ cern with hunting fur bearers in order to obtain the new tools made avaJ. lable by trade. No ep í dem ics of signifi_ cance are on recond as havlng occurred in this late pre_ histortc or ear.Iy hÍstorlc period. At the same time both the Cree and Chipewyan displayed llttle reserve in plun_ dering thelr own or assocÍated bands, or in stripping mar_ ketable fur resources from the Bayside. The Cree and their allies the Assiniboine short ty moved lnto the plains

144 away from the Bay, and into the Athabasca RÍver country.53 Chipewyans moved south and west into fur country to t ra de, somet fmes to plunder and generally to exploit the richer fur land s.54 The extent and intensity of their quest for furs changed tittle after the subsidence of the vicious epÍdemics. It is apparent that the epidemic devastated the male popul at ion of ùhe hunt Íng Ind ia ns close to the forts and also the older males of the tt adlng band. But since these peop I e were by t hen in c fo sest contact, the epidemic may have temporarily slowed the process of change. More con_ servat ive Indians, often subjugated by those who had ac_ cess to trade and especially to a supply of guns, may ha ve su r faced once again in positÍons of infr uen ce. l ith the exception of movement to the south and west which accef er_ at ed after the epidemicr55 anu dlsease, rather than devas_ tdt ing tradibional bel Íef s and thus speeding change r fiây r at -le¿rst in the short term, have had the opposite effect. Much has been said, deservedly so, of the drastic im_ pact of the smallpox epidemic of 17g1 , but it is apparent t hat at Least the Northern Athapaskans in direct contact wit h Europeans periodically were il1 from shortly bef ore this time through the period under study. A Chipewyan trading leader, I dosl iazer, and twent y _ five of his peopJ.e dled in 0ctober ,176g, 1769.56 By January ¡ of thirty were

145 dead and many more were sick.57 ln the sprÍng of 1769 ChurchÍll post was supporting some ninety_one Chipewyans5g and ð year ldter many were still sickly.59 ln 1792 the Ch ipewyan s were found destroying their property in -lament- at Íon of the many dead among them.60 Influenza broke out in 179861 and again in 1800 dlsease struck.62 In 1g07 at the Forks t¡f L rdisease the iard, rôgeId] with astonishing fu ry among them - of which several dieId] .u6J A y ear _later many Beaver hunters died.64 ln 1g10 'rnot less than g of...Ithe] best huntersfi dled during the winter of dis_ ease.65 Another smal_Ipox epidemíc struck the Beal,er and Ch ipewya n in ,1820,66 ïhe disruption which the smallpox caused to Indians in the early 17g0's had unsettling effects on the fur traders as well. The pedlars led by pond Ínto the Atha_ basca region at 0ld Establ ishment had moved I ltt le beyond there by 1795. Indeed ¿hrough most of that seven year period t hey barely averted starvation. Imp lementat ion of thë knowledge pond that had accumulated about overcoming the problems of provi s ion ing had to be postponed because of the sma.llpox epidemlc and the dislocation in its after_ math. The Cree Indians, who prior t,o the epídemic had been d<¡minant over all neighbouring IndÍan people except possibly Matonabbee's trading band congregated around 0ld Establishment dnd extracted a midd I e man share from all

146 Indian trade. The Beaver of the peace and Liard drain_ ages, the Y el l owkn i ves, the Slaves and the Dogribs of the lower Mackenzie all avoided the trek to the 0ld Establish_ ment and avoÍded the risk of being pillaged. ïhe English at the mouth of the Churchill were also in difficulty in the early 17g0,s. The increased share of fur returns taken by the pedlars in the previous ten years was sudden_ly rendered insignificant when the French cap_ tured Prince of Wales' Fort ín 17g2.67 The smallpox fin_ ished what the French had begun and the r etu rns from the Athabasca were virtually nonexistent until. 17gr,68 By that t ime the Canadians had returned to the Athabasca and the Indians tradit ionally tied to Churchil_l were trading many of their prime furs to the pedlars.69 provisioning was arso a probremrT0 in consrderabre part due to the scarcity of good huntets, but also due to the apparent scarcity of caribou in proximity to the trading post .71 The Indians were s¿ill experiencing hardships in 17g7. Several of the Northern Indian goose hunters came to the Factory with their gun's and feather buq. g:- no geese are to be got -and their and children haj.f starving.T2 -'- wives But by that summer the northern tradÍng Indians in consid_ erable numbers began to renew contact with Churchill. Four Northern Indian men and their wives came ll^_ah" Factory wirh a few furs. TrajeO wÍth LÎem anû give them some pt,esents to carl'y to some principal leaders_ of the Northern who Indians are now begining Isic] r" d;;; i;;a tn I our

147 from the Athapuscow Country in order to renew t.heir trade wit.h this nactory.T3 The spring of 17gg saw the beginning of a return to the rrprosperity" that had not been evident since the late 1770,s.74 It wôs observed at Fort Churchill that the chipewyans were very prompt at paying the accumurated debts when beaver were available.Ti Some of the Indians who arrived had not been fn to Churchlll for five years.76 At Fort Chipewyan however, the "EngIish Chieffi was at_ tempting to endear himself to the North lVest Company by promislng that he would "stop alI hls people from going to anrr"nt11.'r77 Peter pond enroute from the Athabasca in 17g6 commu_ nicated to the young Al exand er Mackenz ie the principal message he intended to relay to the partners. He believed the posts shou.ld be placed away from any partÍcular band influence, within access to adequate food suppl les. He informed MacKenzie that at a post on the peace River establ ished by CharÌes Boyer ln 17g6 an abundance of bison in spring and fall had been followed by scarcity as the anlmals moved into the woodlands during extremes of weat her. By mid-winter the Canadians who were unwÍ_lIing to eat fish except in emergencies faced starvatÍon when the fish proved impossible to catch. pond then ordered the post temporarily closed and sent Boyer and A.N. l4cLeod up the Peace River to locate meat and orga nize food supplies

148 for winter reserve and summer brigacles. He then attempted to en cou rage as provisionersTg some strateg ically located Indian people particularly the Cree on the Athabasca 79 and the Beaver Indlans pea on the ce Riv er. Buffalo and moose wel.e part lcularly plentiful in both areas as we] I as con _ slderable numbers of e1k in the peace area. pond recom_ mended that meat be drfed and pounded into pemmican ln the fa1l, both to serve as a winter food supply and for the summer voyage to Grand portage. Desplte heeding hIs advice the brigade of l7B7 was unable to reach the Athabasca. g0 Ihe post establ ished ln 17 86 by Lau rent Leroux was abandoned temporarlly. g l pon6 also recommended that the 0ld Establishment be abandoned and a new post be established on the south shore of Lake Athabasca to ^ear cree, ch l pewyan and Bea ver rndian rands to prevènt domlnatlon of the trade by any one band.g2 The Cree were preventl.ng Beaver, Slavey and Chipewyans from coming into the post and trading directly with pond,s men. Similar problems were encountered at Great Sl.ave Lake where the chlpewyans were dominating arr rndÍans who came to tr a de. 83 As Pond began to succeed fn solving the problem of food supply and at tempted to reduce the middreman restrlc_ tlon on trade, trapping actÍvity expanded once more. Re_ port s indicated Ch lp ewy an s were moving from their tradl_

149 tional rands along the edge of the barrens and had sur- rounded Ile-à-la-Cnosse so that other bands were discour- aged from trading. S4 rhe post at Big rsrand neãr the out _ let of the Mackenzie River from Great Slave Lake was at_ tracting Chipewyans, Beaver Indians brought in much fur _ as much as two thirds of all the goods at the Athabasca post.85 Chipewyans were also still going down to the Bay, probably from the region betrveen Reindeer Lake and the Seal River drainage. The North ìTest Company was disap_ po lnt ed that it was unab le to a Ltract these peop Ie to Fort chipewyan 86 ' rn an at tempt to ent lce their tra de the North lvest Company built the Rat River.post up the Maligne River at the south end of Reindeer Lake. ThÍs post was expected to dratT the Chipewyans (Caribou_eaters) south and wean them away from their treks to the Hudson,s Bay Company post at Churchill, but it was unsuccessful. Wi-lliam McGilI Ívray related in 17g9 that About one half had been to Hudsons Bay in the summer and too-k- credits there afraid they - whlch, I ;; will . wish to go ana'' pay in the sprins. Howeve¡, tf rhey dol-it, ii 'u"'wiit "tnot ¡uj because I could not néfp , shall promises and menaces if use them ffrsi iatf to Aetãr from their purpose. I have seen 40 men of different ages inciuding I tnife-wyansTone of whom is the Chief w¡,o waîtea lhïïuno"" du Caribou Ìast sprlng to Lac igne.87 at inJ îiui""" Mal_ In alI of the foregoing attempts to garner the bulk of the trade the essential Indlans were the Chipewyans.

150 In the aftermath of the smallpox epÍdemicrs devastation of their trading pa rt ners, the Cree, the pedlars appeared to

be establishing posts to reflect the reality of d new Chipewyan predomlnance. The 0ld EstabIÍshment was aban-

doned in favour of Slave Lake Fort and Fort Chtpewyan on

the south shore of Lake Athabasca; Fort ResolutÍon was esta bI ished on the mouth of the Sla ve Ri ver at the northern edge of Chipewyan lands. Another move of Fort Chlpe- wyan to the not'th shore of Lake Athabasca further into ChÍpewyan influence was contemplated. A Chipewyan, the rrEnglish Chief ,rr was cultivated to lead the YellowknÍves since they indicated a considerable inclination to act as carriels,8S He was also sent to the north arm of Great SIave Lake to take trade from the YeIlowknives, and the Dogribs. Powerfully seated after reorganÍzation of thelr Atha- basca operation and not yet faced with oppositÍon, the pedlars were still sufferÍng in their relat ions with the Indians from the precedents established by Pond, his partners and the Canadians in their first contacts wÍth the Athapaskans. As the trade began to improve towards the end of the 1780rs some Chipewyans revived theit treks to the Bay. The North West Company responded by use of threats. lJVhen the treks continued, some NorrWesters began the practice of hostage taking. Their example was a

151 source of concern to their own leaders.89 Even one of the responslble part ners resorted to 'rpromÍses and menaces if II] first fall to deter them from their pu rpose. "90 lvith the increased p ressu re and use of threats from the North West Company Chipewyan middlemen journeyed in great er numbers to Churchill. As William Jefferson noted there in 1789, r'None of the above Indians have been here for many year past. Three are old leaders that used to come with Mittanappy I Matonabbee] . "91 Ot the Indians who traded rvith \TiIIiam McGilIÍvray at Rat River Fort south of Reindeer' Lake in the same year, rrabout one half had been to Hudson's Bay in the summer."92 To offset the Iimited success of their endeavours among the Chipewyans, the ped lar s expanded the ir influence across the lake to the Yellowknives and DogrÍbs. The rrEnglish Chief 'r had been establlshed as a trading leader among the Yellowknlves and a rendezvous was establ ished near the síte of what would become old Fort Providence on the Yellowknife River.93 Peter Pondts organizational genius had succeeded in solving the problem of food supply but hls manner of treating the Indlans did not bear frult. In 1786, an early example of the pedlar's arrogance was his remarks after repr iman d Ín g an Indian by striking him with the f 1at of his sword. "Pond told him that the Country and the Indians belonged to him and he could do with them as he

152 pleased and no other person should meddle with them. "94 Canadians began to take Indlan wives, some of them by force. Forced seizure of Chipewyan women began a pattern which led further to resentment and distrust of the North \{est Company in this firsE decade of contact and would become increaslngly important as a cause of conflÍct bettleen

Europeans and Indians of the At haba s ca country. Native t ra ders in the Mackenz ie Basln made extraordi- nary efforts to swing the policÍes of the Company to thelr interests. \{hen the Montreal t ra ders dropped prlces, offered to ta ke only the mo st va.IuabIe prime furs, then used intimidation to ob ta in t hem, the At hapa ska ns revlved their lengthy treks to Churchill. Had the natives of the Mac- kenzie region been governed by a desire to satisfy lmmedl- ate needs, it would have been most easy to trade ln the Mackenzie Basin. At the same t ime, had t hey been governed by the des ire to preserve desirable pol it ica I alliances, the treks to Churchill wou ld have been annual rat h er than intermittent. Indlan traders had a clear sense of their own interest and deflected the trade to correspond to ft.94 Yet the decade of the 1780's was a period of dis- ruptÍon and adjustment for the Indians of the Athabasca and upper Mackenzle River regions. Arrival of Ihe Montrealers on the Athabasca ín 1778 had confirmed to the

153 Ch ipewyan middlemen and especially to thelr partners, the Hudsonrs Bay Company, that their trade was in jeopardy.

Chlpewyan Indians of the Lake Athaba s ca and ReÍndeer La ke reg ions moved south into forest lands to trap and t ra de.

The smallpox epidemlc of late 1781 afflicted and kÍlled a great proportion, at Ieast one half of these trading Indi- ans, and possibly close to Hearne's figure of ninet y percent of adult maIes. Most of the Cree and Chlpewyan middlemen and lrappers were among those who died. The epÍdemic left the Europeans with few hunters and any plans for further expansion were postponed. Indian women and children experienced wldespread starvation since mo st of the good hunters had died. Some of the Indians were so demoralized that they lost thelr lnÍtiatives to seek food. A modicum of stability would eventually return by 1788 and a few Indlans returned to trapping. Many Chipe- wyans uninvolved in the fur trade prior to the epidemic replaced those kil.led by sma l lpo x, and beg an to congregate around the posts south of Reindeer Lake, the I le-à- la - Crosse and Lake At habas ca reg ions. By the lat e 1780rs the pedlars had returned, relocated post s , organ i zed a food supply, and moved to serve the newly involved Chipewyans by expanding north to Great SIave Lake. They afso moved to involve the Yellowknives and to a Iesser extent the Dogribs in the trade.

154 For some Ch lpewyan s at least the Eu lo pea n arrival had temporarily ended the tradlng middlemen roIe. For ot hers, treks to ChurchllI were rev i ved to obtain better terms for thelr f urs.

155 IV NOTES

l Samuel Hearne, 5 Aug . 1774, in J. B. Tyrrell Journals of SamueI Hearne and PhÍl ip Turnor (ToronLo: The cìam-pTãTñ Society, 1934), p. 106.

2R.s. Morton , A H istor of the Cana d ian West to 1870 -187 1 (1939 i rpt. T oron o3 n v. o oron o ress, pp. 310- 1 1 .

3tuio., p. 328.

4Alexander Henry recounted Pondr s observat ions in a letter to Joseph Banks, MontreaI, 18 0ct. 1781, in H.A. Innis, ed. , Peter Pond ( Tolonto: Irwin and Gordon, 1 910), p. 87n.

5Cuthbert Grant was quoted on 22 Apr. 1786: rr0ne of the Crees arrived rvÍth a train load of Caribou meat whích he traded. " 0ld Establishment Journal, Winnipeg, Man. , HBC Archives , FZl1, fo. 5.

6¡. Mackenzie, Letter to Agents of the North l{est Company, Athabasca, 22 May 1789, in W. Kaye Lamb, ed., The Journa I s and Letters of Sir Alexander Mackenzie ( Toron to t MacmiIIan, 197 0), p. 438.

TSee chapter I II, n. 91.

SSee ent"y for 28 May 1770 ln Tyrrelt, Hearne and Turnor, p. 11.

9M. Cocking, Letter to Cumberland House, 0ct. -May 1775-76, ibid., p. 36. Piegans, northern most of the Blackfoot, 1n hab Ít ed plains as far north at N. Saskatchewan River, a very short d i st ance from the Beaver River.

156 101t. Cocking, Letter to Cumberland House, 22 Jan 1776, ibid

1lSee Ri cha rd Glover, êd,, Samuel Hearne A Journe to ( the N ort hern 0cean... Toront o: a cm ôñ r r PP. 27 . See also Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal through the Contlnent of North America (1801; r pt. Edmon- ton: Hurtlg, 197 1), p. 123.

l2Arthur Ruy, Indians in the Fur Trade (Toronto: Unir. of ïoronto, 1974 ), p. 98

l3Alexander Mackenzie found evidence of Cree marauding far down the Mackenzie River. See entries for 7-9 June '1789, In Lamb, Mackenzie, p. 174r 1 JuIy 1789, p, 179 and 3 July 1789, ibid., p. 181.

141 3an. 1793, ibid., p.249; see also 5 Apr. 1793, p,253. Mackenzle warlly passed by a recent Cree encamp- ment near Rocky l,4ountain Portage. 8 May 1793, ibÍd., p. 26, 1 June 179), ibíd,, p.279,

153 Juty 1789, ibid,, p. 181

161¡i¿,, pp. xxxi - xxxii

17Jum"" VanStone shows the ability of the Athapaskans to adapt to change. Athapaskan Adaptations: Hunters and F ishermen of the Subarc Cha p. I, passim

l SBeryl Gillespie, "Territorial Expansion of the Chip- ewyan in the 18th Century,t' Proceedings: Northern Athapas- kan lQ!Àference, ed. A.M. Clark, Mercury Series, Ca nad lan Ethnology Servlce Paper No. 27 ( 0tt awa: Nat ional Museums of Canada, 197 1), pp. 350-78.

l9See Cha pter note 82. See also G. Si mps on , in E.E Rlch, e d., Simp son's Athabasca Sournal ( Toronto: Champla in Society, 1918 ), p. 75.

157 2or¡i¿., p. )78.

2lDavid Thompson was informed by Mitchell 0man that it was contacted from the Sioux and 0Jibwa. See Richard G Iove r, ed Dav 1d Thompson: Narrat lve ( Toronto: Champlain Society, 1962 ) , pp. 49, 92, 236-38.

22Gi11espte, "Expansion of the Chlpewyan,rr p. J74, Also see J.C. Yerbury, rrThe Post-contact Chipewyan: Trade RivaLrles and Cha ng in g Territorial Boundaries, " EiE!!: y.r 21, No' 3 (Summer 1976), p' 250 and E. Petitotrs comment: t'There were as many as 1200 Redskins settLed on the la ke. But the whlt e man brought with him the horrible disease of smallpox, tlll then unknown to the Americans, which made great ravages among the T inne y, and more than decl- mated the Crees, driven to the southern part of the lake by the warlike attltude of the Chipewyans. Influenza, the epidemic catarrhal infection attacklng the trlbes at regular lntervals of about seven years, completed the work of the smallpox. Reduced to a very small number, the Crees ceased aII hostile actlon against the Chipewyan. ... rr rr0n the Athabasca D lst r ict of the Canadian North West Terrf- toryrrl Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, XL ( Nov. 1883), 65'l .

23Known to the Canadien servants of the North \{est Company by the term I'Montagnerst which referred to the hilly areas to the north of Lake Athabasca '

24¡. s. Tyrrell, ed., Dav id Thompsonrs Narrat lvç of his Ex lor at ion ln North Amer ica ( Toronto: Champla Ìn Soc let y, rP ac nne estimated that 'rowlng to their wars with their nelghbours, the smallpox of 1780-81 and other misfortunes, the thÍrd of the nation does not now re- main.rr John Macdonnell, rrSome Account of Red River about 'l797 rtt in L.F.R. Masson, Nord-0uest, I (1889-90; rpt. New York: Antiquarlan Press, 1960) , P. 277 .

Heidenrich arrives at a similar estlmate of population loss due to smallpox among Huron agriculturallsts. C.E. Heldenrtch. Huron ia : A Historv and Geoqraphv of the Huron I ndlans 1600- 50 (Toront,o: McClelland and Stewart r 1971), pp.T6T9-, and pp. 100-06.

158 25Beryl rr GiJ-1espie, "An Ethnohistory of the YeI Iow- knive s, C ont ri but ions to Chipewyan Ethnoloqv , ed. D.B. CarlisIe, Mercury Series, Canadian EtÌ n ol¡¡y Service Paper No. l1 (0ttaÌva: Nat Íona I Museums of Canada, 197 5 ), p. 208. 26lbid.

27t¡ia.

2S\{irliut Tomison, 1 Ma r 1782 in E.E. Rich and A.M. J ohnso n, eds., Cumberland House 3ournals and Inland Jour- naI, 1775-79, L I (1779 -82; rpt. London: Hudson's Bay Recor d Society, 1952), p. 240.

29David Thompson in Glover, Thompson , p. 236 .

3ot{iIIiu* Walker, Letter to W. Tom is on, Hudson House, 14 May 1782, in ibid., p. 254 .

31\Ì. Tomison, in Rich and Johnson, CH3, II , 24 Jan. 1782, p.239.

S2samuel Hearne? Fort Churchill, 27 Aug 178J, Winn i peg, Man. , HBC Archives, B42l a 1103 fo )1

l3Hearne? F.C.P.J., 14 Apr. 1784, 842lal103 fo.25

S4Hearne noted: rrsickness and famine has made such havock amongst my home Indians during my absence that out of 69 that .1 left aII well only 32 is around here safe, amongst whom there is but 6 men and boys that can L Íft a gun r the Remainder being alI women and ChiIdlen." Dec. 1783, tbtd., 842 lbl26, n. fo.

35zB Apr. 1785, ibid. , B42la/104, fo. 19.

36W. l{a lke r, Hudson House, 17 0ct. 1781 in CHJ, II , p.262. lta.Lker said, rrthe Barren Ground is all burnt nlgh hand so that there is no beasts resting.rl

159 37W. Walker, 10 Jan, 1782, ibid., p. 275. See aI so entries fot 29 Oct. 1781, ibid., p.264 and 2l 0ct . 1781 , p, 263.

lSMitchell 0man, 10 Jan. 1 782 In tbid., p. 275

39GIover, Thompson, p. 237 . "About 70 half Starved Northern IndtanS--ìãìë-in for trust but had Nothlnq for Trade. Except 50 hares a few lbs. of Venison.rr S. Hearne FCPJ, 14 0ct. 1785, \{innlpeg, Man,, HBC Archives, 842 la 1O6, f o. 7.

40"The surrounding country abounds w ith Buffaloe and Deer Beaver and other Animals valuable fol their fu rs are afso numerous in lts vicinity. Some years ago it was nu- merously inhablted by Crees, but the Small. Pox, Measles and other contagious diseases have made ravages among them nearly tantament Isic] to e x t e r m i n a t I o n . 'r Geor.ge Simpson, 18 May 1821, in RÍch, Simpson's Journal, p. 362

41\{ il t iam McGtLlivray, TradÍng Expedition to the En s- lish River, 22 Jan.-14 June 1809, 0ttawa, PAC, l1c1 9, C 1, No. 5, pp. 5-16.

42See Pondts map in Gillespie, rrTerrltorial Expansion of Chipewyan,rr fi g. 2, p. 376.

43t¡i¿., pp.378-80.

44rntd. , p. 375,

45Despite being good provisioners the Cree were avoided in the placement of the post because they tended to dominate the Athapaskans in the area; thelr predomínant role as mlddlemen was near an end due to lncreased strength of Athapaskan groups, and to Cree weakness due to the ravages of the smallpox.

46See Al exa n der Henr y, L ett er to J. Ban ks, Montreal, 18 0ct. 1781 in L.J. Burpee, Search for the \{estern Sea ( Toront o: Musson, 1908), pp. rc

160 Lette¡ to A. Mackenzie, Athabasca, 2 Dec. 1787 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, VoI. 32, No. 15, n. pag.

47c c Rich, The History of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, II ( London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 'r959), p. 87 .

481¡ia., p. 88. 49rbt¿., p.87.

50Bluce Trigger a ssert ed that smallpox swept awa y 50 percent of the Huron popu Iat ion 1n six rs. The Children of Aatôentsic: a Histor of the Huron e 1e to 1660 (Mbn- trea ueens, ap.

5lEpidemtc dlsease is dsserted to be the cause of a dramatlc reversal in natÍve belief structures Ieading hunters to del lberate destru ct i on of game resources. CaIvin MartÍn, Xeepers of the Game (BerkeIey: Unlv. of CaÌlfornia Press, 1978), pp. 19-21. In Krech (ed. ) ("Ihe Trade of the Sl avey and Dogribs at Fo rt Simpson in the EarIy Nineteenth Century" ), Subarctic Fur Trade, pp. 1J4-1)6, disease Ís also a destructive factor.

52 Ra y, pp. 3-23.

53lui¿., p. 1lg.

54t¡ia ., p, 23.

55GiIIespie, rrTerriLorial Expansion of Chipewyan," passim.

56P\,vFPJ, 0ct 1768, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archlves, 842 lal74, fo, 13.

571¡i¿., Bqzlbl15, fo. 3; also, fo. 10 and 842 la/74, fo. 36,

161 5813 Apr. 1769, rbrd.

59In partr an attempt to revive the trade ( interlupted by the sÍckness) was a motive for Hearne's journey to the Coppermlne. Ibid,, B42lal77, f o. 7.

60P. F i drer, in Tyrrell, Hearne and ïurn or , 1 Feb. 1792, p, 541,

6lSee FCPJ, 2 Mar. 1798, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 842 lal124, fo. 11d.

62Jare" McKen z le , Fort Chipewyan 3ournal, 17 3an. 1800, Mont rea I r McGiJ-I Mss. ¡ cH175, 5157 , n no.

63w. r . \{entzel. Journal, The Forks of the Mackenzle River, 9 Feb. 1807 0ttawa, PAC, MG 19 t C'\ , Vol. 24, p. 9JO1 . '

64G. Keith, Let t er to R. McK enz ie, Biskaga River Post, 1 Dec. 1808, ibid., V oI. 51' p. 18.

65Fcpl I Ma r 1810, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archivest 842 1a1135, o. 6d.

66Fo" u view of the 1820 epidemic see George Simpsonrs account in Rich, Slmpson's 3ournal , 13 Oct. 1820, pp. 80- 81.

67 fhe French capture of Prlnce of WaIesr Fort corres- ponds exact Iy w ith the smallpox epidemic.

68The pedlars pulled back to Fort Chipewyan and closed the Fort Resolutlon and Peace River Po sts.

69"Tracied wtth the Remainder of the Northern Indians found t hem to be v ery poor I y Goodedt owing as some of them say to not having the necessary iron wor k for taking Bea ver 8c." Fort Churchill Joulnal, 29 Apr. 1785, W i nn ipeg, Man., HBC Archives, P'421a1104, fo. 19.

162 70"17 Canoes of NeIson Indians came to the factory wlth some Furs, but like the others seem to be very poor t having before traded al1 the prlme of their Furs with the Canadlans." Ibid. r 3 JuIy 17 85, fo. 28.

7l Heu 30 Oct. 1795, ibid., B4Z la/106, fo. 9. See also a comment"nu, of significance: "I have not received 20 Skins as yet nor do I expect any more tiII the Northern Indlans can hear of our arrÍval which must be the next summer at least.tr S. Hearner Letter to H. Martent P\{FPJT 19 Jan. 1784, Wlnnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 842/b126, fo. 10.

72See FCPJ , 26 May 1787, Winnipeg, Man. HBC Archlves, 842 la 1108, f o. 9. '

7fHea"ne, Íbid. , 14 JuIy 1787, fo. 25,

74"Slx Nort her n Indians brought 601 Beav er - another small group brought 400." Ibid., 3-4 May 1788, 842 lal110¡ fo. 22. "0n May 7, 2 more bring 701 Beaver." Ibid.r fo. 221 tt14 brought 700 bea ver, u ibid. r 10 June 1788 r fo. 25.

75lbi¿. , 5 June 1788, fo. 25.

76 " Twent y Northern Indians that hðs been here bef ore , since we last arrived t1781] brought an account that a leader and his followers will be here in a few months.rl Ibid., 6 3uly 1788, fo. 28. 'rThe tlechepowack IChlpewyanJ Indians.. . a rr ived at the head of whom where Isic] two 0ld Leaders who said they came with a view to reinstate the former friendship between your Chief and themrr and brought 6'l 4 beaver. Ibid. 24 JuJ-y 1788, and 31 July 1788' fo. J1 . "An oId Northern' Indian leader and his tribe that has not been here before since we last arrived brought 219 in Beaver. rr IbÍd.

77See A. Mack enz fe, Letter to R. McKenz ie, Athabasca Fort, 8 0ct. 1788 in Lamb, Mackenzfe, p. 435. The English Chief was apparently successful. rrThere came a number of Indlans to the Lake who say they were at Hudson' s Bay and from what I could learn there went upwards of twenty five packs there last Summer from this country - these Indians were seven months ln their Journey - they were well re-

163 ceived and seem to think that they were tTeII rewarded for thelr extra trouble - which I am afraid will entice many others to try their fortune thôt way next summer. A. Mac- kenzie , Letter to Agents of the North West Company, Atha- basca Fort, 15 Feb, 1789, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , YoI . 32, No. 1, n. pa g.

78R. Mackenzie, Letter to R. McKenzie, Lac des Serp- ents, June 1787, ín Masson, I, p, 19,

79Fort of the Forks, or Pondrs Post, was built close to the Cree provisioners. Lamb, Mackenzie p, 129, In 1786 Cuthbert Grant commented that one o t e Crees arrived with a train load of Caribeau meat which he traded.rl Athabasca 3 ourna I, I Apr. 1786 , \{innipeg, Man., HBC Arch- ives, M lsceLlaneo us papers, FZ l1, fo. 3.

S0Pondr s ideas are nritten up in a Ietter from AIex- ander Henry to Joseph Ban ks, Montreô1, 18 0ct. 1781 in Bu r- paêr pp. 578 -87. See also A. Mackenzie, Letter to R. Mc- K enz Íe, I I e - a - I a - C r o s s e , 1 Feb. 1788 in Masson, I, pp. 19- 24.

81n. Mackenzie, Letter to R. McKenzie, Athabasca, 2 Dec . 1787, ibid., e, 21.

S2RoderÍc McKenzie chose the site of Fort Chipewyan on the south shore where "we Ìlere to make a new establishment and depend on our industry in fishing for a llvlng.tl Ibid., p. 27. Masson suggested that it "was so called because it was Íntended more particularly for the trade of that nation.r' Ibid., p. 27n. But Pondts assertion, re- stated by Alexander Mackenz ie, that the Cree were exacting tr ibut e from all who came into the 01d Establishment, and hls desire for a less partisan positioning of the post were the key reasons for its removal. See ibld., p. 22.

830n Creat SIave Lake "as far as can be judged from present appearances, there wlll be no posslbllity of esta- blíshlng a fort there to advantage, nor could the produce come out the same year. I am certain Íf the Chipewyans could be drawn away from there, the other natÍons would draw near, and if a rendez-vous could be established, an advantageous trade would be carríed on every summer. " A.

164 Mackenzie, Letter to the Agents of the North West Company, Grand Portage, 1 Feb. 1788, Ile-a-Ia-Crosse, ibi d. , p. 24.

84tbi¿.

854. Mackenzie, Letter to R. McKenz ie, Athabasca, 18 Mar. 1788,0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol.32, No.2, n. pag.

86See A. Mackenzle, Letter to R. McKenz Íe, Athabasca, 22 May 1789 in Masson, I, p. 30, where he makes the comment " ïhe Chippeweans are 1n the habit of trading in Hudson's Bay.tt

8 7w, Nccíllivray, Rat Rlver Fort 3ou rna I, near Rlvlere Maligne, 9 Sept. 1789, 0ttawa, PAC , MG19, C1r VoI. 5' P. 1. See also A. Mackenz ie, Letter to R. McK enz ie, the Forks of the Peace R i ver, I May 1793, Masson, I, p. 42.

884. Mackenzie, Letter to R. McKenzÍe, Fort Chipewyan, 2 Mar. 179'l , ibld,, p.36.

89.' The men who had rema ined w ith Lhe Indians last Sum- mer were and still are of great injury to the interest, by their bad example and influence. " A. Mack enz ie, Letter to the Agents at Grand Portage, Athabasca Fort , 15 F eb. 1789 , in Lamb, I4!gþ, p. 437 .

90\{. McGiltivray, Rat River Fort Sournal, near Riviere Maligne, 9 Sept . 1789, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 5, p, '1 .

91lVi 1I tar Jefferson, Letter to Covernor and Committee, FCPJ, 18 July 1789, \{innipeg, Man., HBC Al chÍves , 842/a / 112, fo, 25.

92,¡l , McGllIivray, Rat River Portage Journal, near Riviere Maligne, 9 Se pt 1789, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 5, P, 1,

93 n. Mackenzie, Letter to Agents of the Nort h l¡r/est Company, Athabasca, 22 May 1789, ibid., VoI. 32, No. 6, n. pag'

165 94C. Grant, Athabasca Journal, 5 Apr. 1786, Misc Papers, Winn ipe g, Man., HBC Archives, FZl1, fo. 3.

Arthul Ray shows how th is was especially tr ue during the period of middlemen trôde. See IndÍans in the F I Trade, p. 70. Indians were not pa CU r y concerne about poJ.itical al.liances, and often exploÍted their own people. See ibid., p. 200, fig. 42-45, for Íncreases in gift giving expenses during periods of compet it i on. Al so see E.E. Rich, rrThe Indian Tradersr,' The Beaver, 0utflt 301 ( Winter 197O) , 15.

166 CHAPTER V

COMPETITION AND TURMOTL

Trade goods which had been actÍvely sought by middlemen to the east at the Hudson's Bay coast durlng the per iod 1717 - 1792 should have been fa vou rably received by Indians at newly establ ished tra de centers in the Athabasca region.l However clrcumstances developed in the fur trade of the region which raised apprehensions among the In- dians. The most critical time was between 1799 and 1804 when competÌtion exacerbated problems which had earlier begun to form. Increaslng use of alcohol among the Beaver Indians, intimÍdation of the Chlpewyans and abductlon of their women and children by traders, as well as the tendency of Indians f rom man y bands to congregate around post s to obtain trade goods became issues of concern to Indians and Europeans a1ike. After the smallpox epidemÍc of '1781-81 and the capture of Prince of WaIes' Fort by the French in 1782, the Indians of the At habas ca - Mackenz ie legÍon made few efforts to Jour- ney to Churchill. Proximity of the North l{est Company posts on Lake Athabasca, and after 1786, at Fort ResolutÍon and on the Peace River, had made access to European trade goods easier. By the end of bhe decade however , the prices of those goods and especially the manner of the pedlars' treatment led a few Indians to consider returning to the Hudson' s Bay Cornpany post at the Bay. For some this meant passing over Methye Portage and down the Churchill River to Cumberland House. 0thers head- ed east on the long trek to Fort Churchill. The increasing tendency of the IndÍans to seek out the Bay t ra ders in the eôrly 1790rs led the Hudsonrs Bay Company to consider developing an Ínland post up the ChÍpewyansr favourite route, the Seal River.2 Exploration of the Seal River route to Reindee¡ La ke lnto the ea st end of Athabasca Lake3 was undertaken. The North \lest Company responded by attempting to attract the Chipewyans south via Reindeer Lake; Alexander Mackenzie related in May, '1793 that he instructed a servant 'rto undertake the dÍscovery of the Route by Lac des Carriboufs - It wÍll be of more advantage.rr4 Much of the energy of Hudson's Bay Company 1n the 1790ts tlas direct ed toward defyÍng the geography of the lengthy trek to the Bay trading centers. Efforts to explore a direct route into Lhe Athabasca country were thus undertaken by Philip Turnor, Peter Fidler and Malcolm Ross in 1790-92. The Chipewyans met by Fidler, Turnor and Ross were hard bargainers who brought forth derogatory comments from the Luropeans; rrwhat they BrÍngs is always in scrapes and

168 handfuls and 1f they are not Paid as much for that as if it rlere tr,rLce the value they caIl hÍm immediately ungenerous and say other Traders are much more charretable Istc]."5 The usual fare traded for provisions was rumr6 but Iiquor was not an effective exchange for food from the Chipewy- uns.7 Turnor observed that I'the Chepawyan tribe wiII not trade Liguor consequent Iy are not fond of part ing with their provision, but powder and shot wiLl draw tt from them. "8 Chipewyans and Yellowknlves both had some perspective

on the prices since they had travelled to Fort Chu rch i II where furs recelved higher prices. At Slave Lake Peter FidIer observed that rrThe red Knive Indians did not come to

our House but I heard I what ] t hey recelve from the Canadi- ans for their skins is not worth thetr notlce."9 The Chlpewyans consented to trade but they nere never satisfied and "haId] a custom of asking for everything, they see and tho'. .. Ittrey were given] a great deal lndeed, some of them

wer.e not altogether contented. " l0 Ffdter remarked on the Chipewyan acumen. rrThe Indians burnt the greater part of their Canoes as they said no person should recefve any beneflt from them & that they would not be here next year to use ¡¡"r. r'11 White Fidler anrl the other Hudson's Bay

Company people were ín competltlon w lth the pedlars the Chipewyans withheld furs to capitallze on future high

169 prices. A Chlpewyan in speakÍng to Fidler "sald he had not brought all hls fulrs but had l-ald part of them up as does most of their tribe in hopes of a better market in thefr onn country or to carry them to ChulchiLl when they can folm a party.'r12 With their knowledge of the Churchill môrket some of the Chtpewyans felt they were not able to obtain the commoditÍes they desired: rrthey say It is not worth troubling themselves with hunting fu lrs for t hey cannot buy Cloth with them unless they go to Churchill."l3 The Hudson's Bay Company decÍded not to contest the trade in the Athabasca area which Ied in 1792 to a request for a post for the Chipewyans on the SeaL River. rrNorthern Indians Ihave]...represented it ISeal River] as a proper place to build a house at, saylng many of their countrymen would resort thetr Islc] rather than trade rryith Canadi- ans."14 Ihis historlc path was passable down to the Coast. 'rIndians.. . importuned me to have a, House at Seôl River by the BaysIde, they told me that great Numbers of thelr Countrymen would come from Athapiscow Lake and trade there,... " But from the mouth of the SeaI south to Fort ChurchiII the Chlpewyans experienced great difflculty f rom Iate sprlng to fall. They acknowledged that the distance was not great but that the r'oad was excessive bad and no provision to be got on the way exclusive of three preEty large rlvers. They had Ito] cross ln Canoes which often endangered the Lives of their FamiIÍes and many times they los! _ their goods after trading t hem ab thÍs Factory.l5 - 170 - The Hudson's Bay Company proceeded to set up a post , Seal River Post, near the mouth of Sea.I Rlver in 179). The Canadians countered by adding to the ir already existlng

posts around Reindeer La ke near to the Chipewyan overland route to the Bay.17 To counter the pedlarst efforts another attempt was made by the Hudsonrs Bay Company Ín 1794 to reach Reindeer Lake via the Churchill River wlth boats but Ít was found to be too hazardous.lS Later that

summer on Ch Ìpewy an advice, Thomas Stayner went up the Sea t ênd the Sou bh Sea I Riv ers and arrived at Big Sand Lake just

to the east of Reindeer Lake.19 From thÍs point he returned by portaging over to South Indlan Lake and then through its outlet and back via the ChurchiIl.20 A Iater journey ln the fa11 was Iess successful.2l Competition wit h York Factory22 ov er the al le g ia nce of the Indians, the geograph ic a dvantage of compet lng pedlars from Relndeer Lake23 and the difficutty of navigation to the regíon led to marginal trade with the Bay.24 Pedlars from the Rat River post south of ReÍndeer Lake boasted that they got theír furs rrf rom the door of ChurchiII. "25 Hudson's Bay Company factors then returned to a policy of increased credit in an attempt to draì{ the natÍves to the Bayslde posts. North West Company methods for obtaining fu rs from the Chipewyans t houg h usually successful had been resented.

171 The IndÍans were lncensed at the use of intimidation to obtain furs. The share of the fur trade in North West Com- pany hands which had been increasing early in the decade began to decl i ne. Hard bargalning by the IndÍans Ínfuri- ated the Nort,h West Company and si nce liquor was not an inducement to ply fu rs from the sober Chipewyans their wom en were held as hostages. WÍIIiam McGilIivray had early real- lzed that threats alone would not work to prevent trade wlth the Hudson's Bay Company. About one half had been to Hudsons Bay in the summer and took cred its there wh ich, I am afraid they will wish to go and pay in the spring. How- ever if they do, it will be...because I could not help it, as I shall use promises and menaces if f irst I fail to deter t hem f nom their purpose.26 Force had become a key part of North \{est Company attempts to shape trade relatlons with the Chlpewyans.

The Canadians' p ra ct ice of treat lng Chipewyan women as chat t el s rïas no doubt borrowed from historic Athapaskan pract ice. It has ever been the custom among those people for the men to wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached; and of course the strongest party a lways carrles off the p riz e, A weak man, unless he be a good hunter and weII beloved, is seldom permitted to keep a wife that a stronger man th inks worth his notice: for at any time when the wives of those strong wrestlers are heavy-Iaden either with furls or provisions, they make no scruple of tearing any other man's wife f rom his bosom, and making her bear a part of his lug- gag e. Th is cu stom prevails throughout all their tribes, and causes a great deal of emulation among their youth, who are upon alI occasions, from thelr chlldhood, try ing their strength and

172 sk 11I in wre st I ing. This enables them to protect their property, and particularly their wives, from the hands of those powerful ravlshers.l/ To be taken as partner of a fur trader offered some advan- tages to Indian women. Certainly their lot was made easier by the amenities of the trading posts and the greater a5-

s l sta nce provided by the European males. In ret u rn the In- dian women provided their many indlgenous skÍIls and kin-

sh ip links with the I nd ian trappers and traders. S ince the arri va I of the Europeans ln the Athabascar coniugal t ies with key Indian people had been used to cement trading net- works. Post women often went out to trap wÍth theÍr Indlan relat ives and were expected to guarantee loyalty and ensure that credits wou Id be repai d.28 Philip Turnor had been lnformed ín 1792 of the ped-

lars' methods of obtaining Ch ipewyan womens The method by which they get most of the Che-pa- wy-an Women is by the Masters seizin them for their Husbands or Fat h ers debts and then selling them to their men from five hundred to two thousand Livres and if the father or Husband or any of them resist the only satisfactÌon they get is a beating and they IareJ frequently not satisfied with tak inq the woman but thelr Gun and Tent likewise. 29' Malchom Ross, another Hudson's Bay Company trader' recorded that " The Jepawyan Indians comp la ins very much of the in- Justice done them by the Canadians in taking their women from them by force; some of the Canadians keeps no less than 3 women and several 2. "30

Ch ipewya n s were less compl iant when compet it ion was - 173 - present fn the Athabasca. Turnor ln 1792 noted that "The Che- pa - wyans never behaved so insolent to t hem I the Nor'- Westers] before."J1 As early as 17gZ trading Ieaders

"threatenled] vengence against the CanadÍans. "

Their Isic] seems a settled d is 11ke to the Cana- dians amongst the whole of them which would mo st Iikely manÍfest it sel f Ín once the Honrble Com- pany had good settlements amon gst them. _, Some few of irre Chepawyans beg in to Iovð Iiquor.32 Tu rnor, though Iess than obJective, fe 1t tha t the Hudsonrs Bay Company represented more than an alternative market. ' Increased interest ln Hudsonrs Bay Company trade led to greater efforts to intimidâte the Indians. Philtp Turnor wrote of the Chipewyans: "they said Itnat] Mr. IDuncan] McGiIvery Isic] had informed them that Mr. IPatrick] SmalI was gone to England for a Medicine to kftl all the EnglÍshmen and that we were alI lost.'t North |lest Company traders told them that t'the Mediclne is likewÍse to kiII all the Chepawyans that go to the EngIish."33 Another

Indian who contacted smallpox was told by 3 ohn Thomson, trading ln Peace River, that lt was because he went from one company to an ot he r. 34 The use of alcohol as an inducement to obtain furs from the I nd Íans also had mixed benefits in the Athabasca. Arthur S. Morton used the famous guote of Duncan McGill ivray to iII ust nate the val ue of 1Íguor in the tra de: The love of Rum is their flrst inducement to industry. They u nd ergo every ha rd sh ip and fatigue

174 to procure a SkÍnfuI of th is delicious be vera ge, and when a Nation becomes a dd ict ed to drfnkiÃg, it affords a strong presumptio_n that they wlli soon become excellent hunters.35 Morton concluded that rrrum was the cornerstone on whlch the fortunes of the fur magnates tlere butlt. "36 But use of rum to trade wlth the Chipewyans did not result ln immediate returns, They would trade main.ty for shot and powder in return for provisions. Long inured to Iengthy Journeys to Churchill and to t reks in search of the caribou, the Chipe- wyan had Iittle room for nonessentials such as liquor, However, in the Peace Rfver r.eglon where European traders focused efforts to obtain provisions, IÍquor flowed increasingly.

The Beaver Indians of the peace River country in contrast with the Chipewyans would trade for Iiquor. IThe Peace River Indlans are as fon d of liquor as any tribe and part with thelr provisions as freely.'r37 The Beaver and Cree around Lake At ha ba sca had not Journeyed the lon g distances to trade at the Bay sÍnce the Chipewyan middlemen began acting as carriers in the 1760's and bhe arrlval in their locale of the N orth West Company traders afEer 177g. lhe Beavers had adopted many practices from the Cree, including Ímbibing. In contrast to the Chipewyans nho at t hat b ime acted as m idd I emen or ttappers, the Beaver Indi- ans were ma in ly employed as pt ov isloners. North Ì{est Com - pany pol icy then was to trade rum for provisions.

17 5 The Beaver Indlans were the buffer between the aggressive Cree and other Athapaskan bands in the perlod of the mlddleman trade. By the peace established between the Bea- ver Indlans and the Cree in the Iate 1760ts the Peace RÍver became a Beaver Indian preserve.3S But the Cree were apparently accorded the privllege of passlng over their

"rrar- road", a trail from Lesser S lave Lake to the junct ion of the Peace and Smoky Rivers, whence they raÍded the In-

dians of the Rocky Mountains for furs. This trail was apparently an historic Beaver Indian linkage between the Peace River and their pre-contact Iands on Lesser Slave Lake.39 Alexander Mackenz ie beI ieved that the Cree of the Saskatchewan and ChurchiII RÍvers were not part of the peace treaty and ranged freely through the area.40 It Ís

Iikely that the Cree ret a i ned consÍderable in fluence over the Beaver Indians unt iI afler the smallpox epidemic devas-

tated them in 1781-83, and possibly as late as 1 790. It 14as also the bellef of Peter Fidler bhat the Beaver had absorbed more Euro-Canadian traíts than other Athapas- kans.41 ïhe Beaver Indlans of Peace River and the people knorln as Slave Indians by their neighbours were considered by some informants to have been separated in relatlvely recent times.42 fril" p"titot, sometimes cited as the first mod-

ern anthropologist bo l ive amon g the Athapaskans, bel ieved

176 that the three Iinguist ic groups, the Beaver, the SIave and the Sarsi should be classed together on the basis of lin- guistic similarity.43 Diamond Jenness beI leved that the Sarcees drifted to the Saskatchewan from the north rrtowards the end of the seventeenth century'r probably separating from the Beaver sÍnce rrtheir speech differs very tittle from thôt of the Beaver Indians. "44 He also noted that both bands recounted the same legend for their common ori- gin.45 Early explorers encouraged confusion. Mackenzie referred to the western Beavers as Rocky Mountain Indians,

a name usually reserved for the Sekan i. Dan ie I Harmon who was in contact with the Rocky Mountaln Indians commented: They call themselves Sicannies ISekani] but it is supposed that formerly they belonged and were a part of the Beaver lndian Tribe - who on some q uarrel separated themselves from their Country- men by leaving. the ir lands to come higher up the IP eace ] Riuer.46 But Mackenzie also placed the SIav e Tndians as occupants of

the L es ser Slav e Lake area along with the Beaver prior to Cree expansíon.47 The name Slave was a designatÍon obtained from the Cree.48 petitot refers to at least two groups of Slave, the I'Etcha-0tttnán who IÍved between the Liard River on the nor Lh and the drainages of the Black and

Beaver Ri vers on the southwest and ea st. He al so situated a ban d of Slaves wes t of the Mackenzie, the "Ettchdriedie- Gotti-n6, " who lived in the upper reaches of the L la r d.49 Honigmann believed bhat these were the Beaver Indians of

177 WentzeI50 and Keith.51 He concludes that the Fort Ne.lson- Liard was a transitional area52 and the Fort Nelson Slave

were a transitional people. Jenness also saw the Bea ver and SIave as having affinlty and has dealt with the distri-

but ion and subd iv is ions of the Bea ver Indians.53 The tln- guist Hoijer has recently lent credence to the idea by classifyfng the Chipewyan, Beaver, Slave, Sarsl and Sekant as dÍalects of the same Ianguage.54 Krauss and GoIIa state that rrBeaver is one of the most poorly demarcated languages

in Nort h ern Athapaskan. "55 Yet the natives at Liard River 1n the early 1800's

according to Norrllester W. F. Wentzel "pretendIed] to be a branch of the tribe of the Beaver Indians of Peace Ri ver, from whom they had been formerly separated and theIn] driven this way by their inveterate enemies the Crees.',

The nat ivesr own testimony had been d iscarded because of

Wen tzelr s further comment that the customs of the Liard people were different; I'f or these Indfans are very effemln- ate and never wage war.rr56 It is not unllkely that such minor d i f ferences were a part of a sel f- select ing process which separated the meek from the more aggressive duItrrg the Iong period of war with the Cree. Durlng that conflict it may have been that those most accessible to their att acker s who became k nown as Beaver Indians fiercely reslsted and adopted traits of the Cree ln order to survlve.

178 By the 1790's the Beaver Indians of the Peace River had become to observers an amalgam of tralts. Many of the traits which have come to be recognized as Eeaver may have been the result of direct or Índirect contact wlth European cul-ture in the earlÍest period of trade in the region. By 1792 the Beaver Indians of the Peace River spoke Cree as welÌ as Beaver; rrthey speak their language, as well as cut lheir hair, pa Ínt, and dress l ike them, and possess their immoderate fondness for .Iiquor and tobacco, "57 The Beaver' Indians by the 1790ts were also known for their fierce pride and nasty disposit ion when abused and on liquor.58

These were all traits assumed to have been acquired as a result of contact. Protectiveness toward their women, considered unique Ín the regionr mây also have been acguired.59 "They differ very mu ch from the Chepawyans and Kn I st eneau x, in the ab ho r ren ce they profess of any carnal communicatÍon between their women and the white people."60 The Beaver IndÍans were affected most by the events of the Iate 1780ts and early 17901 s in the Athabasca country. Well-organized proposals by Peter Pond to use the Peace River regÍon as the principal trapping and provisioning g rou nd wele in operat ion by 1 790. The Beaver Indians were the key people in su pply in g the Iabour for hunting and dr y- ing meat in summer and trapping in winter.61 Food supplied from Peace River was transported to Fort Chipewyan from the

179 rrtwo sett Iement s which. . . I were] the support of this country[. ] its there they get aIl their drled provisions for their journeys and without a set t lement in this l'i ver they would not be able to get their furs out."62 Almost all essentials were available from the Indlans of the Peace RÍven, much of it in trade for Iiquor. As Phillp Turnor wrobe in 1792,

The Peace River Indians are as fond of Ilquor as any tribe and part with their provlslons as free- J.y it conslsts of Buffalo flesh both fresh and cured such as beat I sic] meat and rendered fat Its from that River thdt the Canadians procure all dried provÌsions for their d I ffe rent purposes Istc] its at the first settlement up the Peace River where they procure the provislon. I am informed that they go to it in fourteen days from the Athapescou Sett Iement and from that Sett Ie- ment to the next ln twelve days at which place Buffalo is full as at the other...,the Slave La ke, Peace River and Athapescou Ri ver Canoes are supplied Iwith provision from the Athabasca Set- tlement] in the fall of the year and reserve a stock of provÍsion for the Spring and t hey have a two years stock of the most material trading Cood s, B irch rind fitt for building Iarge Canoes is very plentifull both in the Athapiscow and Peace Rivers and the finest Pine that I ha ve seen in the Country grows near the Lower part of the Athapiscow River. Nothing is wantÍng in these parts but Cedar for bulld ing Canoes/the Canadians build of the largest size used Ín the North out of Pine but they never bring them 1n agaIn..., they always have occasion for more Canoes to come down that RÍ ver IPeace] t han what the y take up.63 The Peace Rlver was the source of essentlal food and wood for the fur trade ln the Athabasca and Beaver IndÍans wete vltal to lts supply. The Hudson' s Bay Company and particularly the North

180 \lest Company record of In d ian involvement ln the fur trade of the Peace Rlver in the 1790's does not indicate "a secondary commitment to the trade."64 For the Beaver Indians of the Peace River who were spending much of the year con- gregatlng around Ehe posts in order to partake in the sup-

ply of llquor d I spensed by the European t rad ers, subsistence hunting was not of primary importance although hunting to provide dry meat for the fur trade in exchange for liguor did take up much of the Beaver Indians' time. The

tendency to cluster a rou nd the fur trade posts ln the Peace

River in the 1790's Ied to depletion of game resources 1n those areas, forced relocatlon of the posts and led eventually to reallocat ion of Indlan hunters, Inter-trfbal relat lons became more hostlle as iìn ôc-

celerated trade in arms encouraged the Beô vers, Dogribs, and Yellowknlves to exploit more remote tribes with their new-found power. In 1797 the Beaver Indians moved up the

Peace River and attacked and looted the Sekani.65 Two years Iater the Beaver Indians attacked and kllLed a small band of 0Jibways near Lesser SIave Lake fn retaliatfon for their being pÍlIaged of goods the year before.66 The Bea- ver Indians of the Forks were also blamed by NorrWester

Sames Porter for kilI ing his colleague Du ncan Llvingston in 1799: I'the Red Knives who Past Isic] the Last winter and summer among the Beaver IndÍans of Mckenzles River had seen

181 the Place rThere the deceased Mr. Livlngston and his People had been killed and they found a great deal of Powder Shot & Ball.rr67 Toward the end of the decade some of the retlcence

developing in the Beaver Indians to enter freely into a role the fur trade determined for them was exacerbated by conflict wlth other Indians moving into the Peace River to trap. In 1798 "a war party. .. ktllrd and wounded several of the Beaver Indians. "68 The Beavers were in conflict with the advanclng Chipewyans.69 As compet tt ion fncreased the use of alcohol increased. rrA North \,Yest Company servant ls going. .. for rum As there is no possibiltty of keep ing the

BIeaver] Indians wlthout i¡.u70 Conflict resu lted, The rrPeace River Indians were at war and killed some of the people of the Rocky Mountaín which has shortened the summer retu rn of t hôt Country in Fu rs and Provisions."Tl North West Company and Hudsonr s Bay Company observers are in agreement that force was used regularly to extract furs from the Indians, Athapaskans and others, Ín Athabasca regio¡.72 When the Indians refused to trade provisions for reasons of scarcity or concern for the futute, the goods were taken.73 A native who sent word that he would not be bringing furs lnto trade was threatened by a North l{est Company trader, James McKenzÍe who offered to "send a Canadian to take away his woman who was said to have been

182 taken away from another Chipewyan the previous year. ''74 The on ly people who apparently stiII did not respond to

th reat s were the Beaver. Like the Cree from whom they had absorbed many traits the Beaver were much more protective of thelr women, and when the Canadian Labrie attempted to use force against one of them he was killed. Thomas Swaln

reflected in 1804 on the tra it s evident amon g the Bea ver Indians: The Eeaver Indlans do not imltate the mountainers or Chipewyans in the least, as the former is a brave bold Natlon, although not above two hundred men ln number from the age of l5 years to 70 - wh 1ch s catt ered from the entrance of peace River to the Rocky Mountalns in which space the North Ìryest Company has 5 settlements they are very troublesome at the Houses when in liguor and wish to have everything they ask given to them for nothi.ng if denied they are affronted, and wish to take things wright or wrong, they are always armed Drunk or sober as ít ls a Cus tom àmong thèm to go wÍth a large Bayonet in there I sic] hand, a knife hid under there St oc kin gs and somet I mes two - but when they are sober they are very quiet and behave very well to the white people, but wiII not allow any whlte man to take there furs or Provfsions from them bf- force, but will give lt to any one b hey please. /) By 1800 the effects of compet it ion were being felt throughout the Athabasca country. The C h i pewyans fou nd their needs for European goods easfly met , "Last year they worked worse than the preceding one and this yean it is visible already that the y wil I wor k less than last year - It wÍ11 soon be beyond the power of any Man elther reason or compel them into any good. "76 Many Chipewyans were in-

181 cI f ned to return to their Iands immediately to hunt carlbou.77 European traders were exasperated but were compelled to g ive credibs to attempt to hold onto theÍr allegiance.78

Gave Pou c es the value of 164 skins not considera- tíon of his past behaviour which deserves no re- nard but on condÍtion of hls behaviour wIh]tte here this summer in every respect becoming a broken chief who wished to be restored to his former D ignit ies.79 0thers rrwintered wIh]ere there is a great deal of Beaver - but did not wor.k through fear of the Crees."80 To the few Chipewyans coming from the land easb of Athabasca and known to freguent Churchill, ent icement s rTere g lven to att ract them south to Lhe ped.Iars' posts.81 Although trade goods were avai lable in abundance the more sedentary existence around the fur trading post had brought the Chipewyans close to starvation. The process of

Chipewyan moveme nt to lands sultable for trapping had developed over two decades and observers noted that they were not as adept at huntlng in the boreal forest as they had been on the barrens,82 Concentration of populôtion ln a more limited area further compllcated theÍr subsistence.S3 Fur reburns also declined as basic needs were met by the compet lng compa n i es p ro ferr ing goods to the Indians. 0j tbways, 0ttawas,84 and I roqu oi s rvere brought into the

Athabas ca and Pea ce River areas to trap. The 0Jlbways were

184 reputed to be better trappers and were able to secure furs on Ia nd abandoned by other bands.85 But the Beaver Indians of Peace River responded in 1799 by attacking them: r'2 men, 2 women and 3 children (Bungees) were kilIed."86 At the height of competftlon betrveen the XY and North llest Compan- ies the Beavel refused to allow the rrNew Company" access to the Peace River. They were concerned lest any more trappers invade their la nds wher e Iroquols had previously been brought in by the North West Company.ST An abundance of trade goods, espec ia ll y arms had encouraged some bands to take on the new role of middlemen. The Beaver Ind ia ns had begun to pressure the Indians of the Upper Liard for furs.88 The Yellowknives and Dogrlbs a roun d Lac la Martre and Fort P rov i den ce with their newl y acguired supplies of arms were travelllng dotTn the Mackenzie to obtain furs from the Slaveys and Hares.89 Some passed overland the short distance from Lac la Martre to a trad ing rendez -vous with the Ha re and Loucheux on the southwest shore of Great Bear Lake. The North West Company moved to maximize their advantage by building Eear Lake Post near this rendezvous in 1799. The Yellowknives new power of the middlemen trade dominated the Slaveys and Dogribs, The Red Knives, .,.very generally make free boot y of any I itt 1e property collected for the purpose of traffic, in order to procure a few necessaries. If the aggressors are resistedt t hey will force or calry off their women , and it is natural bo conclude that, the first being the least of - 185 - the two evils, the property is sacrfficed wlth the best grace possible. In consequence of this vexation, those most exposed generally seques- trate themselves in Iess danger ..,ExÍled In a way from their country, they oft en see k refuge in barren recesses, where the wa nt of necessaríes, comblned w-ith other causes exposes them to much hardshlp.90 These latter comments reflect the often mlstaken attitude

taken by European ob serv ers that natives a lwa ys suffered when removed from proximlty to the posts. Entry of new faces 1n the middleman trade was tal

186 of bands: 0ur IateIy created Chtef Marlin, has undertaken not only the reformation of the Chipewyan grievances ôt his own post but also that of the Grievances of Chlplweans Isic] at other posts - Ïhe present Complaint is that the Monlagners of Slave Lake are too numerous for the quantity of Goods sent there every FaIt Then MarIin's questÍon was whether it would not be better to brlng all the Montagnards to winter between this post and Grand Marrals Ion the Peace Rfv er ] and to Ieave the Slave Lake for the Red Kn i ves .94 Nat ive leaders also recognized the problems whÍch resulted

fr om overhu nt ing and had a co mp rehens i ve knowledge of the region.

In the per lod of the greatest compet it fon from 17 99 to 1804 apparently some of the natives, partlcularly of the ChÍpewyan tr lbe, gu it trapping and tradlng with the North West Company. \{hen asked to exploit fur bearing lands,

many Ch ipewyan s apparent ly refused. The y arrive here two months before they should and the very best season for working Beaver....I have been haranguing them all this dav not to return any more to their lands .,..95

As fur returns diminished the traders increased pressure Lo trap.96 Conflict often resuIted.9T James McKenzie ôt Fort Ch i pewyan "explalnedfi in unrest ra ined terms the rea son s for the increased trade ln women and the response of the In- dians to that trade.98 Traffic in women, also no doubt a source of tenslon between Nor'West partners and servants, was deeply resented by the Indians. McKenzie asserted: rrlt will assist to discharge the debts of a man

- 187 - unable to do it by any other means . . . the second is that lt may be the means of thlckling some lecherous miser to part wlth some of his hoard, I therefore kept the woman to be disposed of fn the season when the Peðce River bucks look out for women, 1n the month of May...They deslred that we should trade no more women on.any account. I told them that we would do as we thought proper, for lt was- _not their buslness to presórÍbe rules to us. . . . r'99 When Indians resisted the will of the traders of hesÍtated to trade their furs they were 5s¿ ¡6¡ 100 and their women were 5si2s¿.101 In retaliatlon the Chipewyan killed a rCanadlenr . ReIatÍons were exceedlngly tense; ïhe Montagners, being much afraid, come aIl into the house to engulre whether we intended to re- venge Lafrancers death upon them, or not. In order to keep them hereabout all summer. I thought iÈ necessary to ôssure them that none of those who were here now should suffer the least inJury on that account while they behave themselves as they ought, but that if any d_nd ras- caI of them deserted this summer with any of the Frenchmenrs women he and she would both Iose .¡¡g1¡ ¡s.¿ 5. 102 Attempts to hold the native allegiance had led to excesses wh ich were to have deep seated consequences.

The effect of the intense competit j.on was soon felt by the tradlng compan i es. Their returns fe I1 o ff, 103 ¡¡si¡ expenses mountedl04 and the Indians refused or were unable to bring in provisions. 105 The North lVest Company increased their incent ives. Peter FÍdler remar ked on his opponentr s new approach in 1803: Several Indfans went to the 0ld Company - and they rigged 7 Chiefs, from whom iE is said they did not get 15 MB each - \{hat a conttast betwixt

188 now and 4 years ago when they made the Indians pay a beaver for 1 Gun f11nt, or 5 ball and 2 Beaver for a Knife - and the greôtest Chief of the Chipewyans used only to get '10 1/2 pints of mixed rum for nothlng...they preferred such before they would undertake the Iong & hazardous journey to Churchlll, a.Itho the y got at Ieast 10 times more for their skins; now every one that gets a Chiefs Coat gets an 8 GaIoon Keg also of him for nothing - they will not be able to go this way 3 years, to a moraf certalnty as the things the Indians- _ gets for nothing .is extråvagant ty grea t . 106 Desplte the wealth of lncentfves thrust on the Indians few provlsions were forthcomlng. By 1802 "all our men came from Peace River starvÍng.tt1¡7 ThÍs not only applied to Hudsonrs Bay Company men; riboLh oId and new Company are near starvlng up Peace River, & that the Beaver IndÍans are doing ver y little,.so that they as well as ourselves will go out wÍth tittle in the canoes next Sprinq.r'108 In 1803 the Peace River was abandoned by the Hudsonrs Bay Company rras the Indlans there 1s such very great drinkers and they are so liberally supplled by both old and new Company that they will kilt ¡s* ¡rt¡s."109 Fidler observed that "the profits of each share of the 0ld Co. which was generally 1000 P. year before this New Co. IXY Company] came ln was for these 2 years decreased to only 150 whlch was not so much as many of their clerks has p, year.r'110 An out brea k of infect ious disea se af f I lcted hunters in the Athabasca reglon 1n 1803. The Chlpewyans from across Lake Athabasca were ilI; rrthe great morta.llty amongst them thÍs Summer has damaged their spirÍts so much, that lÍttIe - 189 - may be expected from the survivors a61" nin¡u".rr111 This rrgreat mortalityrr which kIIIed thirty-seven was not, at

Ieast not d irect ly, connected wlth the trade compet it ion , although "some Jepawyans have faIIen victims throl hunger.rr112 It would appear that ldleness, caused by an abundance of goods temporarily proferred 1n the perlod of

acute competition, 1ed to 5e¡s ¿s¿¡¡5.113 Many hunters on the upper Athabasca were not ilI, but neither were they trapping. By the summer many more would die of influenza.114 'rlndeed all the lndlans both Northern and South- ern as well as the Beaver Indians are killing few furrs this winter - that all sides will go out lightly loaded Ín the sPring.rr115 Many more of the Chlpewyans returned to the barrens. ïhey "did not klll one Beaver.rr Their attitude was one of despalr 'ras a great number of their Relations DÍed in the fall, and the rest ts dotng ¡6¡¡1 ino.rr116 Most of their necessltles were available from the competing companÍes yet many had returned to the barrens. Eight Chipewyans came to the old Cors Iast night, they have come from their 1ands, and brought nothÍng with them, they never brlng furrs from that guarter. They go there in Summer and very seldom retutn before this Month to supply ther.e wants in Cloathing which they make from the Deer skins.117 ïheir return was governed in part by the failure of the hunt but also by the ease of obtalning goods in a period of

190 competition. rrThey have very little occasion to work as 118 they are liberally supplisfl. " The one exception t?as on the upper Peace River where, accord i n g to Peter Fidler, the 110 Iroguois broug ht by the North West Company packed in over one-third of aIl fu rs f or the Athabasca department. Another ba nd of I roquo Ís were responsible for trading forty-six of a total eighty-four packs received out of the reg i on by the XY Company.1l9 As the Indians returned to the barren lands their North West Company partners attempted to influence the yearly pattern of movement at the very least encouragÍng a few to take credit and proceed to the trappÍng grounds. rrThe usuaf excuse of those people who went to their Iands was that there was no Beaver on Isic] their lands that therefore there is no use gíving Credits.... " But James McKenzie was fru st rat ed wh en the Indians desired to move as a group to the barrens: "...that if any...would Content himself with going to his Lands w ith only one of his sons he would get a few Credlts but that one 01d FooI was worse than ten young ones for each of them has no less than 4 or 5 Sons, 5 or 6 Guides - 9 or 10 nephews who must all follow him,''120 At Slave Lake "the most of them IChipewyans] goes to the Carribou Country but they have alL promised to re- turrì in Canoes & to be here at our arrival in the FalI in or der to return to the Beaver Country."121 James Porter,

191 boulgeois at SIave Lake, went on to bemoan that, I'the Car- riboeuf is so numbrous IsÍc] this year [1800] that Ít will no doubt induce ô great many of them to Stay there alI trin- ter."122 ïhÍs pattern would continue. Rather than foIIow their adopted routine of waiting until summer and partaking in the fa11 hunt, Chipewyans left for the barren lands in the early spring of 1804. They went rrdÍrectly for their Lands to the Eastward and will not be in before next Novem- 5s¡.''123 They were apparent.ly returning to the more ref i- able patter n'\24 o¡ intersecting the seasonal path of the car ibou in bot h spr ing and fall. Some were not content with mere passive wÍthdrawal. 0n Lake Athabasca, where hard drlnking, unpredictable James McKenzle was in cha rge, the usually qu iet Northern Indians attacked the seasonal post at the east end of the lake in the summer of 1804, killing four of the Canadians and destroying the settlems¡¡.125 Peter Fidler, posted by the

Hudson's Bay Compa n y at Lake At ha ba sca noted that

Not a single J epa wyan has been here since the beginning of June, and I doubt whether or not any will come of that notion this wint er - t hey killed 4 of the 0ld Co. Man & alL the Goods, they burnt it down. This they are doing in leEalia- t ion for the numerous insults and v ery bad useage t hey receive from the 0ld Co. who pillage every- thÍng from them either furs or ProvÍsions when ever they happen to meet them - and as they are so numerous very few escape their grasp. ïhis usuage the 0l.d Co. has weII meriùed ever sÍnce we have been here, & perhaps before. They will not suffer a single Indian to go and trade at any 40't other House - should they do thàt privately ând afterwards be known - They was always sure of getting a very severe drubbing at leôst. This kind of conduct of the 0Id Co. has drove these Indians to the above ment ioned autrocÍties Isic] in vindication of their own right5.126 F idlerr s v iew that the problem was caused by bullying ex- pJ.ained ln palt r.enewed treks to Churchill in 1804. But some Chipewyans immed iat el y re newed the historic t rek to 6¡u¡g¡i11.127 trThe Nn Indians of the 23d arl'ived with a considerable quant 1t y of fine furs. They are chief - ly strangers... from the vicinity of Athapu5s¿qw ¡¿¡r."128 The Chipewyans were met by Fidler on his tast trip out from the Athabasca in 1807¡ they promised rrto lay up their winters hunts for us next summerrtrl29 whÍch would probably have been at Reindeer Lake. An unusually large trading party arlived at Fort Churchill in August of the same year where llilliam Auld realized "far better trade here this Year than has ever been since the place wðs settled in 1763..|1)0 Another large party arrived 1n the spring of 1808, and Auld clearly stated why they went to such sacrÍ- fice: rrirritated agalnst the Canadians they promise me I shall never be ashamed at the smallness of my trade."131

0t her s began to w ith dra w f rom the southwest reg ions: ItPart of them belong to the Country about lsle à la Crosse, but said they had flung that part away on account of the iIl usage they received from Lhe Canadians."132 lVhen pouce Coupl, an excellent hunter, quit W.F. Wentzel in 1805 after

193 having his wife ta ken, the trader offered his analysis of the problem: This is the consequence of lett ing men have their wÌ11 with Indians. . . such men ought to be punished severely for their disobedience - for it not on.Iy breeds guarrels with ùhe Indians - but Peoples Iives are in danger of falling a sacrifice to the rascallity of one single malì...an example of which.. . the misfortune that befol 4 men êt Atha- basca last summer all through the means of two discontented Indians & for the same thing with this dif ference those abo-ve had their women pil- ladged & were 5se¡¡6¡s15.133 In an earlier chapter, the inelasticity of Indian demand for European trade goods was seen to be a resul b of limited transport capability. By the flrst decade of the 1800's ot her factors also kept demand for European goods from rising. Most significant was the excessive number of Europea n t ra ders in the Athabasca and Peace Rlver contest- ing Iimited fur supply. This I'trade war'r for dominion Ied to a g luL of trade goods, an overabundance of 11quor as an incentlve to pry furs from the Indians, and a de p Iet ion of game supply Ín the Peace Ri v er. Indians cont Ínued to f re- quent the fur trade whi le depend ing on the cont inued via- bility of ca r ibou as a resource along the edge of the barrens, and very 1ow prices for European commodities in exchange for furs. 0ften in this period the Indians of the

At haba sca - Ma cken z ie area were ab le to obtaÍn all perceived necessities from European t ra ders for l itt 1e or no effort. A few idled but many returned to their traditional and familiar ground.

4 ôtt The trading system with its devices for linking the barter system of the Indians with the market-oriented economy of the Europeans was breaking down in th ls period of compet it Ío n. The rel at ive ly fixed standard of bart er, the Made Beaver, meant little in a time of intense competition. Prices were repeatedly cut. The regale or gift exchange, an accepted ceremonia.I and rÍtualized part of ¿he meeting of the two cultures was rendered meaningless as Iiquor was poured out in attempts to buy the lndiansr alle- g ia nce Ín one direct ion or ¡¡s .¡¡...134 Intermalriage with Nort h West Company men in the pe- rÍod gave an appearance of compatibÍlity. A closer look at the nature of th ese linkages however may reveal that abduc- t Íon, int imidation, and force were sometimes the means of obtaining the women. Because women were vital in maintain- ing ties wlth their In d ian kin, there was an air of exped l- ency to many of the marriages.135 Indians of the Athabasca-Mackenzie were committed to the trade connection by the time of the European arr.ival. Chipewyans and to a f esser extent, the Beaver and Yel Iow- knives, hav ing been previously exposed to European trading practÍce at the Hudsonrs Bay Company post of Fort Churchill knew the relat ive value of furs and had become used to the decorum of that Company. Those depended on most by the North l{est Company drew on past experience of Bayside trade

195 to compare with their treatment by the pedlars. \ryhen the

pedlars a dopt ed an approach to the Indians wh ich assumed native passivlty, acceptance of aggressÍve treatment, and the ru Ie of monopoly t rade, the per sp ect iv es gained by ear'- lier experience came into play. Natives of the Athabascä-

Mackenz ie refused to accept trade p ract i ce, prices, or uni-

Iateral decfsions by the fur trading compa n ie s wlth which t hey did not agree.

196 Legend: Posts are inclúded vhich had lJ strategic bearing qn the extension of the trade 17l't -182I along with the date of estabìishment. [Map adapted f.om John Mclean, ¡qqq5 3j¡-3 1/ lwenly-five Yedrs' Service in ihe Huqson's 4 Bay terriiorv. ed. bf(S. l,¡aìlace. (Ìo¡onl-o: The chômplôin Society, 1932). see folder map in cove¡.1 ,kç;

.,v 6 I j\ F\ À oì = /-- I HUD

fact¡

\ T À v NOTES

l The Indians received many times the price for their goods in the Aùhabasca. rrwhich PhÍlip Turnor traded 117 Ibs. of meat cost more than 6 times the quant ity wou ld ha ve done in any part of the country I ever saw before.rl Turnor, 13 Apr. 1791 in J.B. Tyrr eIl, ed., Journals of Hearne and Turnor (Toront o: The Cha mplain Soc let y , 1934), P. 363n,

2TyrreII, Hearne and Turnor, pp. 86-87.

3Europeans flrst Iearned of the Back River known to the Athapaskans as Th lew- a - dezz a or G reat Fish Ri ver, as a result of these inquiries, Ibld.,3 Mar. l79,l , p. J62. See- also the entry for 25 JuLy 1791 on p, 41g. flAn ofd Indian informed me that he had heard that there is a passage out of the SIave Lake on the Ea st side which leads to the Sea, that he was once at the SIave Lake to have accompan ied the Chipewyan and Red KnÍfe or Copper Indians to l{ar against the Esquimays but did not proceed farther with them. He said they informed him that they were goíng down a River on the East slde to the Sea but- he wai noë celtain that the River run out of the Lake. Í Ibi.d., ZJ May 1791, p. 365. A man known as p€che (reputed to îave killed John Ross tn 1787) also mentloned 'ia very large river which runs to the Eastward,..I suppose to be a branõh of bhe Wager." Ibid., 2? JuIy 1791, p. 417.

44. Mackenz i e, Letter to Roder tc McKenz ie, The Forks of the Peace RÍver, 8 May '179J, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , \l oI . f 2 r ñ. pag. See also the letter of 8 l4a v 1793 in W. Kaye Lamb, êd, , The Journ I Letters of S lr der ( ackenzie Toronto: cm ôtr r r P. 5J"res Porter, Slave Lake P ost J ou rna I, 1 July 1800, 0ttaÌ.Ta, PAC, MG 19, C1 , Vo1. 6, n. pag.

198 6Lamb, Môqkenzie, p. 125. Malcolm Ross relatesl I2 J.ndrans àccompanied the Ca nad ia ns tells as the g rou nd is al,l up on the other si de of the Theenrt (Methye_burnt netl/ not neiÀ or carry in g place) where any provisÍons was to be got, the Indians used to be there Ís alI gone down to the f tf,ane.19o1 as they cou,ld Inot] live upon rh;ir own ground.; Lake Athabaska JournaI, 2 June 1791, WÍnnÍpeg, Van., HAC Archives, 89 lal1, fos. 17-27

7Lamb, Mackenzie, p. 125.

8Tu"no", 2 May 1792 in TyrreIl, Hearne and Turnor p. 451

9P. Fidler, SIave Lake, 12 Mar. 17g2, d. p ILI!7 in ibi ,

10l{. ucclttivray, Trade of the Posts on the English R iver, Rat River Fort Journal, Sept. 1789, 0ttawa, PAC, MG 19, C'\ , Vo1. 4, p. 3. 1lFldter, 2 Oct. 1791, in Tyrrell, He n nd ïurnor p. 514.

121¡id., 4 May 1792, p. 453

13 Tu rno r, ibÍd., 2 May 1792, p. 451 . l4rcp¡ , 17g2, Winn ip eg, Man., HBC Archives, B42lal 116, n . fo.

15T. Stayner, ibid., 29 JuIy 1793, B4Z/al11B, îo. 23. 16tnia 18 Sept . 1793, f o. 3

17rbi¿ , 23 May 1794, B4Zla/1'19, fo. 15 and ZZ, Apr. 1794, f o. 16

199 l Sceorge Charles,- . _ Journal, I Ju 1y 1794, Winn ipeg, Man. , HBC Arc hlves, 883/a/1 , fo. 1d. CharIãs butlt -å short-lived ho use at the mouth of the Mus -qu o- a jun Rí ver, on Aw-pis-awaw -athl-panna-coose La ke p roba bly Mõsser La ké on the South S eaI River r.oute into Reindeer Lake. He cal_ led it Granvl lle_^Ho.use.- Stayne.r,. FCpJ, 1j JuIy 179j, Winnipeg, Ma n. , HBC Archives, 842 /al1Z/a, fo. 23. Bedford Hou se was bull t by David later. Thompson at Relndeer Lake a year

19r¡id

2oT. 'l stayn"", FCPJ, 9 JuIy 794, llinnipeg, l"tan., HBC Archlves , 842 la/'119 , los , 27 -28.

2l\{ittiam Auld, ibtd. , 1O-'13 Sepr. 1794, 842/a/121a, f o. 1

22Stuyner, ibid., i0 Dec. 17g4

23lni¿ , 11 May 1795, fo, 15, 24ç . Rlch, he Histor he Hudsonl Com 1670-1870 , Vol. II on on: u son s ecor oc F5p-f, p; 171. v Y¡

25t. Stayner, FCPJ, 19 Aug.'l 796, WÍnnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 842/a1121 a, fo. 15d

26T{. ¡,lccittivray, EnglÍsh RÍ ver Po sts, Rat River Fort Journal, nea r Riviere Maligne, 9 Sept . 1789, 0ttawa, pAC, MClg, C1, VoI. 5, p. I

27R i cha rd Glover ed., SamueI Journe fr Prince lesr F ort son o ern ; rp oron o3 cm ôtrr

28r McKenzie, Fort Chlpewyan Journal, 20 Au g. 1800, MontreaI, McGlll Mss., CH175, 5157, n. pa g. See aI so entry for 13 Aug . 1800.

200 29Tr"nor, 2 Mar. 1792, in Tyrre1l, Hearne and Tur.nor, p. 449 ,

30M. Ross,28 Apr. 17g2, ibid., p.446n

31Turno", 2 May 17g2, ibid.t p. 449.

32lnid., 3 May 1792, p.47g,

l3l¡i4., 17 June 1792, p. 479.

343ohn Thomson, Journal, Rlviere Rou s e on Peace River, 14 Aug. 1798 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG 19, C1, Vo I . 15, p. 24.

35R. S. Morton, ed. , The Journ l MrGillivra of h l{est Com an a r e as a c e- wan, oronto: cm âñ r XX p r s, as the Hudsonrs Bay man had Iong rea 1i zed, were the one known mea ns of turn lng the tables on the IndÍanrrr in RÍch, Hudsonr s Bav Companv t II' P 228 ,

364. s. Morton, pp. tx-xÍ

37Turnor, 29 Ju ne 1791 in TyrrelI, H ea rne and Turnor p 398.

384. Mackenzie, 13 0ct. 17g2 in Lamb, Mackenzie, p 238.

39''The high banks of the SIave Indian Lake - or more properly Beaver Indian Lake can be plainly seen. . . and appears about 30 miles off." James BIrd, Letter to p. Fid- 1.", ?1 Aug. 1799, Ilínnipeg, Man., HBC Archives , 8104lal1, fo. 38 d. FidIer corrected Bird by suggest ing the dÍstance was perhaps 'r50 to 60 miles betwixt the Northern shores of thÍs Lak'e & the South Branch or Forks of the peace River.rl Fldler, Miscellaneous Papers JournaI, 27 Jan. 1800, Winni- peg, Man., HBC Archives, E3/2, fo.59.

201 40rrT¡", proceeded llest by ILesser] SIave Lake...on their war e xcurs io ns whlch t hey often repeat ed, ev en till the Beaver Indians had procured arms, which was ln the year '1782. If it so happened that they missed them, they proceeded \{estward till they were certain of wreaking their vengeance on those of the Rocky Mou ntô ln I s] , who being wlthout arms, became an easy prey to thelr blind and savage fury. All the European art icles they possessed, prev ious to the year 1780, were obtained from the Knisteneaux and Ch ipewya ns, who broug ht t hem from Fort ChurchÍ11, and for which they were made to pay an extravagant price.r' A. Mackenzie, 5 Apr. 1793 in Lamb, Mackenzie, p. z\j. See also ibid., 1 Jan.1793, p.249; ZÇ-ñly-1191, pp.275-76i 1 June 1793, p. 279.

41I¡i¿., 5 Apr. 1793 , p. 253. peter F idter said that the Beaver wete one half civilized. rrThey are more fero- cious than any other Indlans in these parts, but half civi- llzed.rr P. Fidler, NHPJ, 14 0ct. 1802, lVinnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, B)9 lal1, fo. 9.

42"NatÍves of this E sta bl Ì shment ca ll themselves Beaver Ind ian s a na me which bhey cIa lm, on account of their origÍn, which they affirm to proceed from the Beaver IndÍ- Ð in Peace Ri ver from whom they were separated some ages ago when attacked by enemies; the terror of such a sudden attack induced them to f 1y f or saf ety to tñê-.ñãEñ west war d ; another reason that they give for thls name 1s that they generally were and still are clothed in |Tfnter with the fur of that animaf .rr G. Kefth, An Account of the Mackenzfe's River Department to R. McKenzie , 7 Jan. 1807, 0ttawa, pAC, MG19, Ci , VoI. 5'l , p. 6. Keith mentions that though Ígnor- ant of their language he did not believe it was the same as the Beaver language of Peace River. Ibid.

43í. p"t lt ot , Étude Sur ra Nari ou Tch - ippewayne Lyo n: Les ss ons ca o gues, o pp. 79-80 and 116.

44Diamond Jenness, ïhe Sarcee Indians of Alberta Anthropological Ser ies No 23, Bulletin No. 90 (0tt-awa: Nat iona I Museums of Canada, n.d.), P. 3' 45rnid.

202 46Daniel Harmon 21 0ct. 18'10 in W. Kaye Lamb, ed. n Years in th Countr : the of Danie r oronto: cm âñ r r P.

47Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal ...to the Frozen and_-qgg_!f ic grean:.@

48 John J. Honigmann, Ethnography and Acculturation of the F ort Nel son S la ve, Yale University Pu bl i cafän ffiñ tll ropology No. Ij (New lla ven: YaIe Univ, Press , 1946), p. 23.

49ímiru Pet ttor, {utour du Grand Lac des Ésclaves ( Par is: Savine, Editeu r, 'l 89 1), pp, 318, 363, 344-5B and Ex loration d ion du Grand 0u rs (Paris: equ ra re- eur, r P.

5ow.r. Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenz Íe, The Forks of the Mackenzie Ri ver, 27 Ma r. 1 807 in L .R. Masson, Les Bour- eois de la C du Nord-0uest VoI. II ( Nr'/v-- iFT nt quar n ress, rP

51G. feith, Lett er to R. McKenz Íe, Mackenz iers River Department, 7 Jan, 1807, ibld., pp. 66-68.

52Honigmann , þ. 25 and pp . 129-j1.

53Diamond Jenness, ïhe fndians of Canada (Toronto: Univ. of Toront o Press, lgrckani Ind j- ans of Br it lsh CoIumbia, Bulletin No.84 (õrtãwat N-ãETñãI Museums of Canadã, 1937) See also C. 0sgood, ïhe Distri- butfon orthern At ha dians , Ya I eTñTVeFsfTT u ca ons n nt ropo ogy o. ew aven: Yale Univ Press, 1936), p. 8.

54H. Hoijer, Í The Athapaskan Languages.rr In Studies in the Athapaskan Languages. Eds. H. Hoijer et aI.

55Krauss and GoIla rrNorthern Athapaskan Languagesrl 1n HeIm, ed., Handbook... Subarctlc p. 8'1 .

203 56W. f-. Went zel, Letter to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 27 Mar. 1807 in Masson, II, p. 85.

Catharine McClelIan is of the belief that too much is maderrCulture of the d i fferences between Eastern Athapaskans. See Contacts in the Early Historió períod in Northwestern North Amerlca r " Arctic A[Lhropo].ogy, 12, No .2 (1964) , 3-15 57¡, Mackenzle, 19 0ct. 17gZ in Lamb, Mackenzle, p 240 .

5g,,They are more viclous and warlike than the ChÍpe- wyans.n Ibid ,5 Apr.1793, p.253.

59lbÍ¿. , pp. 252-53,

6ol¡ia. , p. 255. 6lAlexander Mackenz ie -lnformed Tu rn or that he obtained sixty packs of beaver fr om the Indians of Peace Rl ver. See Turnor, 1 June 1791 in Tyrrell, H ea rne and Turnor r P. 169 and ibld., 29 June 1791, p . 3 98 n .

62rbid., 5 Ju 1y 1791, p. 401

63rbid., z May 1792, p. 451

64Robert Janes suggests that visits were irregular until about 1900. "Dispersion and Nu cl.eat ion amon g Nine- teenth Century Mackenz ie Bas in Athapaskansrrr Dlss., UnÍv. of CaIgary, 1975, p. 182.

65"The Peace River IndÍans were at war and killed some of the people of the Rocky Mountain whlch has short_ ened the summer return of that Country in Furs'and provisions.'r A. MackenzÍe, Letter to Messrj. McTavÍsh, Frobisher & Co., Mackinac, 4 June 1799 ln Lamb, Mackenzie, p. e75.

204 66p . F idLer, 27 Jan. 1800, Miscellaneous Papers, J ourna l, \|/lnn ipeg, Man., HBC Archives, EJ/2, fo. j7, 67J. Porter, Slave La ke post J ou rna l, 15 Dec . 1800, 0Ltawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 6r pp. 7O-7 1.

681. Thomson, J ou rna I, Rivlere Rouge or Grand f4ar- rais, 4 Nov. 1798, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, Cl, Vol . 7, p. 17.

69lbi¿., lo Feb . 17gg, p. 30.

70Ibi¿., 22 Jury, 1799, Vol. 15, p. 12

714. l'4ackenzie, Letter to Messrs. McTavÍsh, Frob Ísher & Co. , Mackinac, 4 Ju ne 1799 in Lam b, Mackenz le , p. 475,

72ng Canoes of 0ttaways & Bungees arrlved at the French House from the Athapescow river - but as soon as they came near the shore - all the Canadians ran into the waber & took everything from the Indians by force & wou ld not let them give us a single skln or even a bÍt of meat.. . . " P. FidIer, Journal of a Journey from Cumberland House to Red Deerrs Lake, 30 Sept. 17g9, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Arch ives, 8104la/1, f o. 14,

73"Chennèle arr ive from the IndÍans...he 14eIt] Morn- eau along the way who struck him & threw him into a fire in an Indian Lodge then PiIIaged him of a Considerable 0uanti- ty of Dry-d & pounded meat[;] one of the poor fellows hands Ís very much burnt. " .P.. FidIer, 4 Feb. lg03, Winnipeg, Ma n ., HBC Archives, 839 /a /1 , fo. 16.

7 43 . McKenzie , Fort Chipewyan JournaI, 23 Mar. 1800, Mont rea I, McGi I I Mss , CH175,5157r n. pa 9.

75 Th omas Swain, 10 Jan 1803, Winnipeg, l*lan., HBC Archives, 82241 a /1 , fo 19.

761. McKenzie, Fort Chlpewyan JournaI, 22 Feb. 1800, MontreaI, McGill Mss., CH175, 5157.

205 77"r have been haranguing them all this day not to retu rn any more to thei.r Lands.rl rbid.

781¡td.

79n>td. , 23 Feb. 1800.

Sorui¿,, 2B Feb. 1800.

81toia,, 31 Mar. 1800.

82p. FidIer, 30 0ct. 17g1 in TyrrelI, Hearne and Turnor, p. 517

8lloia.,4 May 1792, pp.45i-i6

84FÍd1"" said that 'r5 canoes of 0ttaways went away to winter in the At ha pl s cow river. " Journal of a Joutney f rom Cumberland House to Red Deerrs Lake, 29 Xan. 1800, Winni- pegr Man. , HBC Archlves , B1O4la/1, fo. Z4d. See also Íbid., 7 0ct . 1799 , fo.615d.

85A"thu" Ruy, Indians in the Fur Trade (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 197 4) , p. l¡4.

86p. Fldler, Journal from Greenw ic h House to Lesser Slave Lake, 27 3an. 1800, Winnipeg, Man. , HBC Archlves, E3 /2, fo. 57,

87r. Swa i n, MHP J 4 0ct . 18O2, lVlnnlpeg, Man., HBC Alchives, 841lal2, f o. See also ibId., 6 Oct 1802.

SSRefer to n. 65.

894, Mackenzie, Letter to Messrs. McTavish, Frobisher & Co., Mackinac, 4 June 1799 in Lamb, @!g:jg, p . 475.

206 90G. Xeitt, Letter to R. McKenzie, Bear Lake post, 19 Nov. 1812 ln l4assonr II, p. 112. 91luid.

92Refe" to n. 45.

931. McKenzie, Fort Chipewyan Jour.nal, 6 Apr. 1g00, Mont rea I, McGill Mss., CH175, S157, n, pag.

941b1¿., 9 Apr. 1800.

95rnic. , 22 Feb. 1Boo.

96For analysis of the effects of competltion in the .fu" trade on Europeans and on Indlans, see F. Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie River,2i Mar. 1807 in Masson, II. pp. 95-96. The 648 packs out of the Athabasca by the North \{est Company in 1799""""ied were reduced to 182 in 1803. P. Fidler, NHpJ, Winnipeg, Man,, HBC Archives, B39la/1, fo. 23.

97In 1799 the Chlpewyans killed la France when he tried to stop them from taking an Indian woman away from another CanadÌan. J. McKenz ie, Athabasca Dlstrict Journal, 17 Apr. 1800 in Masson, II, p.387.

98rbi¿.

99lbi¿., 9 Ap r. 1800, p. 385.

'l 003. porter, Sla ve Lake Post JournaI, I Mar. 1800, 0ttawa, PAC, MG 19, C1, Vol .6, þ.4.

1013. McKenz Íe, Fort Chipewyan Sournal, 23 Mar. 1800, It4ontreal, McCÍ1I Mss. , CH175, 5157 , n. pag. In another incident Swa in relates I'The 0Id Compa ny took him Ian Indian trapperl a way, and th reat en s to ta ke his wi fe from Ihim] ff he hunts for us.I' MHP3, 27 June 1803, \llnnipeg, Man., HBC

?07 Archives, B41lal1, fo. 3. See also ibid,, 30 June 1803

10?1. McKenzie, Fort Chipewyan Journal, 17 Apr. 1800 in Ma s son, II, p. 387-88.

1035ss n, 96.

,l800, 1043. ¡q" 6"n z ie , Fort Chipewyan Journal, 13 Aug.

Montreal, McGiIl Mss., CH 17 5, 5157 1 n. pa g.

10515i6.

106P. Fidler, NHPJ, 31 Mar. 1803, B39lal1, fo, 19,

10715i6.,23 xan. '1 803, fo. 15.

10816i¿.

109rÉid. , 12 sept. 1803, fo. 4.

1107. 5nu i n, Ch lswick House Po st Jou rnal, Slave Lake, 6 May 1805, Winnlpeg, Man. , HBC Archives, 839 la /4, f o. 17.

111p. p1¿1"r, NHPJ, 22 Sept . 1803 ¡ W inn i peg, Man., HBC ArchÍves, 839/a/3, fo. 6.

11216i¿,, 24 Ja^. 1803, Bt9/a11, fo. 15

113p.¡. WentzeI, Letter to R. McKenzíe, 27 Mar. 1807 in Masson, I, p. 95.

114Muny ro"e died of influenza in the summer. P. Fid- 1er, NHPJ, 3 Sept 1803, Wlnnlpeg, Man., HBC Archives, BJ9 / al), fo. 6d.

115151¿., 28 Ma r. 1804, fo. 14.

208 1167. 5nu1n, MHPJ, 2o Dec. 1803, \{innipeg, Man., HBC Alchives , 841/a/1, fo. 11d.

1171616., 11 Dec. 1803, fo. 11

118p. ¡16¡"r, NHpJ , 2) Jan, 1804, \{ inn lpeg, Man., HBC Archlves, 839/a13, fo. 11n and 9 Aug. 1804, 839 la/4, fo. 1.

119¡51¿. , 20 May 1804, fo. 21.

120 X McKenzie, Fort Chipewyan J ou rna l, 31 Mar . 1800, Montreal, McGiIl Mss., CH'1 75, 5157 , n. pa g. '121X. porter, Slave La ke Post Journa.I , 3 Apr. 1800, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol.6, p. 11

122161¿,,30 No v. 1Boo, p.65.

12 3p. Fidler, NHpJ, 19 Mar. 1804, \TinnÍpeg, Man., HBC Archives , 839 lal4, fo. 15.

. llaf fre Chlpewyans of Great Slave Lake departed: ,'alÌ those Indians are now set off direct for their own Lands - & . speak of going to trar aga in st the EsquÍmau x - & t hat they wtll not return here before the middle of next winter. i' Ibid.

125151¿ 2 2 rrthey Aug. 1804, fo. 2. Th e Chipewyans told Fidler AII go to Chu rc hi II to trade there.'r Ibid., 7 Sept. 1804, f o. 3

12616i¿., 11 Sept. 1804, Bj9 lalq1, fo.4.

127 76i¿.

128t4. Autd, FCpJ, 25 Ap r. 1807, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, A421a1132, îo, 14

209 129P. F idrer, 7 Ju I y 1807, Miscellaneous Papers Jour- na I , Wlnn ipeg, Ma n. , HBC Archlves, E3/3, fo. I7.

130151¿., 4 Aug. 'lgo7, fo. 20.

131¡r Auld, FCPJ, 17 Mar. 1808, l{innipeg, Man., HBC Archives, B42l a /133 , fo.4

132p. ¡ 1¿1s r, ibid., Nov. 1804, B4Z la l129 , fo.3d.

133¡r .¡. Wentzel, Grand River JournaI, 13 Jan. 1805, 0ttawa, PAC , t1c19, C1 , Vo1. I, p. 42.

134pu t, lnd Ían s ín the Fur Trade, p. 68

135T¡s results of this study ma y provide a cLear example of naLive hostility to the pra ctice of taking an lndÍan wife as outlined by SyIvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties, Women in Fur Trade Soclety 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson and Dwyer Ltd., 1980) p. 93.

2'l o CHAPTER VI

HEADOUARTER POLICIES AND RESPONSES

Unopposed between 1805 and 1815, the North \{est Company was to Iose its exclusive dominat ion of the fur trade in the Mackenzie lowlands thereafter. Methods adapted to explo itat ion of untapped fur supplies revealed serlous weaknesses in this period of decl lning te- sources. Fur resources were rapidly reduced without concern for con servat i on and w ith Iimited concern for the welfare of the Indian trappers of the reglon, Con - dÍtions in international trade, ln Red River and in

Canada combined with the dep let ed resources to wea ken the North \Ìest Company position ln Athabasca and encouraged the Hudson's Bay Company to embark on a more force- fu l, concerted, and ultimately successful entry into the Mackenzie Iowland region, North l{est Company methods ln the Athabasca did not alter markedly in the first two decades of the nineteenth century. The Hudsonrs 8ay Company warned its traders thaE they were opposed by men who rrrproceedIing] upon a systematic plan of violence, to prevent the In- dlans from tradÍng with us."'1 Traders who may have behaved d lfferent ly in conventional soc iety were moved to rat iona I ize thelr behavÍour. James McKenz Ie stated that Could I have considered myself as a prÍvate man, dÍvested of any other employment or duty than that of an lndependent man, t hen I would not do what I have done, but being a clerk in the North West Company, bou nd to f orward their interest in every respect to the utmost of my power, I could not in conseguence, think it consistent with my duty or thelr interest to make them lose a pack or two by ill-treatlng t hese Indians.¿

Alexander Henry the You ng er p rov i des the basis f or understanding the ur.gency to mai nta in pro f it Ie vel s 1n the Athabasca.

It ls this vast extent of cou ntry f rom which the N.W. Co. may be said to draw their treas - ures. It is true, profits arise from the trade in other parts, eastward; but nothing in comparison to what we obtaln f rom the Athabasca country rr3 Colin Robertson, an ex-North Wester provides an explana- tlon for the tactics resorted to in the Athabasca. It was both the strong and weak I Ínk in their trade system Fallure there would throw the whole of their pretentious economy out of gear ; the rostenta - tious display of wealth' which gave them so much consequence...wôs ba sed upon a concept of domlnating the whole country, and Robertson was convinced that 'the Company are far too advanced to retteat. They must push on. No other alternôt ive is Ieft them. As to arrange- ments on the basls of a Ilne of boundary, that may be adhered to unt iI our opponents recover their strength, but not one hour' longer.'4

212 By 1810 the North West Company was extended to the fur- thest reaches of the At hab asca -Mack enz le reg i on. No un- exploited fur sources remained to be trapped in the Northwest.

In comparison, the Hudson's Bay Company had been retrenching and keep fng overhead costs down while main- taining a frugal opera t ion. In the first decade of the nineteenth century it was under the influence of the economy and the con ser vat i ve pol icy of Andrew Wedder- burn, Lor d Selk irk rs broth er - in - Ia w. Ideas of bringlng 1n more men , or embarking on more aggressive po.llcles were doomed to failure; 'rin the present state of the Companyrs finances it would be madness.,'5 Wedderburn's pol icy also involved a change in approach to the Indians; he took on responsibiltty for the Red River Sett Iement, a haven for ret ired servants and their country-born offspring. The education of Indian as well as company children was encouraged. "Thls change in approach to the I nd ian marked a reversal of policy, but in itself it wðs not so important as the care for the servantrs families which plainly entalled support for sett lement. "6 Thes e changes in pol icy represented a dua I threat to the North West Company, LocatÍon of a major settlement c.Lose to the path of the fur brigades represented

213 an obv lous and ominous problem. 0ther related cha n ges whlch recognized mixed bloods were put tn place between 1800 and 1810, and had swee pin g effects. The services of.,.Native Youths are becoming every year more and more consplcuous. .. they are almost our sofe dependance I sic] both f or. sup- p 1y ing and su pp ort ing the Inland Statlons, as well as otherwise opposing the Canadians,7 Increased employment of natlve servants strengthened the Hudsonr s Bay Companyr s Ínfluence among At ha pas kan s Just as it did in other reg io ns among other I nd ian peoples. The oId Hudson' s Bay Compan y pol icy of maíntaining the quality of goods had been contlnued. "At heart they Ithe H.B.C.] nursed their otd conviction that the goods reither of the 0td or the New Canadian Company' were in- fer lor to th ose whlch they supplted bheir tr.aders, and even during the Napoleonic l{ar they were as careful as ever in seculing flrst quality trade goods.r'8 In the first decade during periods of extreme compet lt ion the comblnation of expensive goods and limited sales had a larming consequences for divldends; profits fell and prices for goods held or rose. The annual divldend was reduced from sfx to four percent in 1801 and by 1809 no div ldend was paid. To counteract declining profits, a new system of lncentives was introduced9 whÍch wou Id en cou ra ge more aggre s s lve approaches to the Indians with quality EngI I sh goods.

21 4 It had also been basic to Hudsonrs Bay Company policy to Defraln from retal.iating agalnst the North West Company. It was 'rrnot the lntention or the interest of the Company to create Contentions elther with the Nat ives or the Canadians, which may produce the most serious and mischevious consequences. "'10 In a few lnstances harassed servants did react against North West Company bullying, but 1n general the 'rlnslstence on avoiding incidents,.,.the wish to evade direct Iegal challenge, and the willingness to talk"11 with the opposition was followed. Their belief , held for one and a ha 1f centuries, wôs that the geographic advantage of sittlng on the Bay whi le supplying high guality goods would malntain high profits. This was coupled with their gu iet and t o Ierant poI Ìcy toward the Indians. It was not until the second decade of the nÍneteenth century that this policy began to pay dividends in the Atha bas ca country. The Iast untapped supplies of furs were reached in the first decade of the nineteenth century. DurÍng the time of competition the pedlars hôd e xten ded regular trade down the Mackenzle River to Fort Norman and to Great Bear Lake. Fort Nor.man was frequented mainly by

SIave Indians although some Mountain IndIans, Ha re, and Loucheux ventured to it. The pedlars moved near to the

215 mouth of the Mackenzie River where they met a number of Loucheux to whom they offered a post if they would trap beaver. 'rThey said they were not able to hunt for a fort[,] ttrat t hey often wa nt ed themseIves."l2 However the North l{est Company pu shed on to establlsh Fort Good Hope at the mouth of the BIue Fish Rlver in 1805. Attempts to establ ish trade north of Great SIave Lake had been unsuccessful untll about 1805. A post at 01d Fort Providence had been temp orar i ly establ ished in 1789 for the Dogribs and Yellowknives, only to be abandoned the following year.13 In 1793 a post was built at Lac la Martre by Duncan Llvingston but was abandoned ln three years for a more centraÌ establishment at 0ld Post, eighty miles below the Great Slave Lake.14 Three years later one tras establ ished on Bear Lake for yetlow- kn 1f e, Hare, Slave and Louc heu x Indians.l ! By 1804 two maJor posts had been bullt on the Mackenzie RÍver, one at the Forks of the Liard,16 and one on Bear Lake. In 1805 the post on Blue Fish Rlver was folLowed ln the same year by a post established at Fort l_iard near the mouth of the Nahanni.lT Ini.tially low, r,after 1g04 the retu rn s increased raptdIy"l S with the amalgamatÍon of the North lVest and XY Companies. But the posts were ma kesh i ft, belng located to maximize short - t erm returns and then were relocated as beaver supplles dropped or

216 mi dd Iemen closed off direct access. The Bear Lake Post catered mostly to the trade of

Ihe Yellowknj.ves. Not numerous, the Yellowknives had a Iong hlstory of lnvolvement in the trade, were famillar wit h its met hod s, and had become adeguate trappers and excellent provisionsr5.l9 In their knowledge of the trade ma i nly acguired at the hands of the Chipewyans, they were active trappers but acted also as middlemen to associated tribes.20 As a result they hovered around

Bear Lake Post charging a tariff to the Indlans who came in. At Nahanni River, George Keith in 1807 related that "had not the Yellowknife robbed them It¡re Beaver Indiansl of a part of the ír Hunt by worklng the Beaver Lodges it woutd have been much better than ib i..rr21 Further up the Liard, the mere mentlon of the

Yellowknives threw the Bea v er or S Iav es into a state of terrot.22

The red knives with mauvais Loup at their head had p i I laged t hem of all the furs they had & bes i des had ta ken 3 of their women from them - ïhis is t.he oId Custom of the red knfves they wish to revive former times - 1f they should unf ortunate.ly meet w ith my Indlans äbove the 0Id Fort.. .Adieu aIl hopes of returns for next Year.23

Methods used by the Y el lowknl fe rniddlemen differed lit- bIe from the North West Company 's manner o f condu ct i ng trade.

The YellowknÍves not only were dominating Bear Lake

217 Post but spread to the south stde of Great Slave Lake, down the Mackenzie and up the Liard Rivers. In lB07

George K elth reported from Nahan n i Ri ver that "the Red Knives of Slave La ke ha ve overrun the whole of the upper department in guest of Bea ver and that they ha ve greatly hu rt Lhe Trade with IIocal] Nat tv es. " 24 They were using methods slmilar to those imposed on them by Chlpewyan mlddlemen in early years of the trade and practised by the pedlars since.

It was in these recesses of the Athabasca and Mac- kenzie lowland reglon that the primary sources of rich furs were obtained in these years. Peter Fidler wrote in 1807 that the North West Company Ireturns in Furrs from lheir SettLements to the North of the Methy carrying place had been thls wfnter the greatest by far ever known amounting to 850 Packs.,'25 These returns were deceptive since it took two yeats for a catch to be removed; It was also approximately two years ea rl ier that the XY and North llVest retutns were combined, then supplemented by the furs extracted from the Hudsonrs Bay Company men. Blatant signs of a growÍng Indian reluctance to trade were becoming evident. A North l,Vest Company rule to forbid marriages to Ind ian *orun26 and not to allow famÍIies into the post s was largely reslsted and lqnored

?1 I by the Canadians.2T lhe Indian wÍves had served to cement trading relationships. 0ften they were sent afone or with their Canadian hu sban d s to trap for the winter with the Indians. To many of the pedlars, the women were key to the trade. In 1808 at Bear Lake post three

Indian women deserted thelr trader husbands ',with a great and valuable Booty'r28 and made thelr way up the River to the Pêace de Lièvres lands. Wentzel Iamented that an Indian "woman CIerk has not Iong ago been...ex- tolled as one of the best Tools that could be employed ln charge of a Post for the Summer ,,,29 but that situa- t lon was changlng. In the Peace River re gÍon, which had been the key to provlsioning the Athabasca fur trade, pressure on the

Indians to maintain suppltes of fur and prov lsions was great. Three Beaver Indians came into Pine Rfver Post ln 1808: rrtold them everything. .. Ithat ] would make them ashamed of their behaviourrr which was the failure to hunt successfully. The trader rrthreatened them of aban- doning the Fort in the Spring as well as beatÍng, and using them Ilke dogs 1f they did not work better for the future.rr30 At Beaver RÍver Fort, A.N. l"lcLeod gave his rra hunters very severe reprimand;,.. he took hold of one of them by the hair and tossed the other from one sÍde of the room to the other."3l The Indians, although in-

219 tlmidated began ta king except.ion to the treat ment . In another incident at P ine River Po st: LrHomme Seul's band arrived...I began to haran- gue them, and told them everything I thought cou Id make them ashamed of the scandalous hu nt they have made since they were here last. After abu sl ng them as much as I posslbly could wlth words, I stepped to L'Homme SeuI ln order to pull his ears, but he rislng suddenly took hold of one of my hands whilst his Son and several others surrounding me held the other, nithout however attemptlng to do me any harm or rnJury./?

The post master went on to verbally abuse the LtHomme SeuIrs band tellÍng them if they dtd not hunt, "they shall be abused, beaten and have their Ears cut."33 These pract ices may have contributed to the growing ani- mo slt y and eventually to the kill ing of traders by the Beaver Indians which occur.red near Pine Rlver Post in 1821.

In the older fu r- p r oduc inE areas where compet itlon and lts effects had been greatest, a few North West Com- pany traders contemplated the problem. \{.F. Wentzel underscored the effect of competition on the traders by noting the benefits whlch were realized but he also be- moaned the personalitles who gained in fluence in times of competition. From competitlon ar i ses a variety of clrcumstances which, for a moment, promote the inter- esb of many, in augmenting wages and unfurling capac it ies whlch, wlt hout thls, would perhaps never have been demonstrated, t hor 1t is often prejudiclal to morals and egually injurious to

220 the character of many. Besldes this, severa.I people who are rogulsh in private and dissem- bters in pubIlc...are the most not iced.34 He further suggested that the perlod of competition though bringlng short-term benefits in hÍgher prices for furs and Iower costs for goods was u I tlmat ely destru c- tive to the Indian for whom there tryere few Iong-term benef it s. Wlth respect to the Ind íans, the care and at- tention that ls paid...to them for the sake of their skins renders them much more clvitized and cunning. By this, they take a footing wh ich, w fth t ime, lnduces t hem to comm lt actions which otherwise they would not have dared to ment Íon. I ndolence, robbery and mu rder are the conseguences of an opposition in tradel people would suppose it would rouse thelr attent ion to industry, having goods at a lower p rice, but far to the contrary; drunkenness, idleness and vice are preferred.., , Thus no good can be derived from the turbulent struggles of opposition in thls co unt ry; it destroys trade, creates vice, and renders people crafty, ruins good mola I s, and almost tota I1y abol ishes ever y humane sentiment in both Christ ian and Indian breast 35 Much of the violence occur'red in attempts to maintain the loyalty of the Indians. The use of force though inltially su cce ss fu I, was not tolerated in the 1o ng run. The most tel I ing evidence lndicat ing dissatisfac- tion wfth the North l]vest Company 1n the Athabasca were the persistent treks by Indlans to the Bay. In 'l 807

"t he Northern I n d i a n s . . . a r r 1v e d Iat Churchlll] with a considerable quantÍty of fÍne furs. They... Iwere] chiefly strangers from the vlcinÍty of the Athapuscow

221 Lake.'r36 At the newly established post on Hay River the North \{est Company master, Edward Smith, was told in the same yea r that the Chipewyan Iea der Crand Blanc and man y of his relations rrintended to leave the River and go to there I sic] Lands.t'17 Another. leader at that post "the Three Thumbs... Iand hls band have] plans Iaid down to go to Churchill Factory next Season with his hunt,rr38 Word of FidIer's trip to BIack Lake must ha ve filtered northwest for many of the Indians expectant ly ì{aited for the English traders to come to the Athabasca regÍon.J9 At Fort Churchill, in part due to Chlpewyan trade, "Mr. AuId has got a far better trade here thls Year [ 1807 ] than has ever been slnce the place was settled in 17g3.u40 The Hudson's Bay Company moved to capitalize on Indian refuctance to trade with the North West Com- pany by travellÍng we st to Wollaston Lake. Pet er FÍdler followed an oId route rrthe tracks over the portages being very I itt le used,...Before the Canadlans sett ted i¡r the AthôpescotT, and some Beaver and Northern Indians used annually to pass this way in great numbers on their way down to ChurchilI to trade.',41 Fidler passed ,rthrol the Deer's IReindeer] Lake & c. which leads into the Eastern part of the Athapuscow Lake."42 He chose to establish a post at t'BIack Lake Iwhich] ls the place preferred about I days walk from the AÈhapuscow Lake.r'43

222 He met several Chipewyans en route who promÍsed to 'rlay up there Isic] winters hunts for us next summer."44 Fidlerrs pilot "after we partedrr was given rra very severe Drubblng and had even broke two of hls rlbs"45 at the hand of the North l{est Company master at Relndeer

Lake. Although F i dlerr s efforts were not followed through, the interest sh own by the Hudson,s Bay Company and the contacts made with Indians en route served to ent ice them down to the Bay in ensulng years.

By 1808 a few Indlan bands were relocatÍng in an effort to ensure food stocks rather than good trapplng grounds. Yellowknife Ind lans ln particular were hunting in the regions of the Upper Liard46 and west of Great Bear Lake.47 Chipewyans were hunElng in the Peace RÍver area as far as PÍne River Fort. Beaver Indians were hunting in the Llard area and had moved over to Hay River post to trade.48 Traders were attemptlng to aIIgn particular bands ln defined regions centering on a particular post.49 The ability of the pedlars to deploy Indíans in specif ic areas was. successful only with a few middLeman bands from the Chlpewyan and the Yellowknife trlbes. They had regular access to arms and ammunit ion and were famlllar with all aspects of the trade. Locat lona I changes and seasona] cycles, combined wit h periodic extremes of cI lmate had led to consider-

22) able hardshlp whlch could possibly be relieved only by at bempt ing to reta in some flexibil ity of movement. This occurled to the Indians around the Forks of Ihe Llard in 1807. W.F. l{entzel recorded, rrThe removal of the In- dians to thê Great Wl l Iow and Porcupine La kes for subsistence Irecently took place] - they being unable to find food elsewhere, theIse] sad disasters it is to be feared will little contrlbute to Iour benef lt].,'50 The Indians of the lower L lard region were starving5l ,na ' t some rtyoung men from Rock Mountain...or IUpperJ Liard brought sixteen skins and some f ood.'r52 A favourite hunter, rrCapet Rouge", arrlved in the faII saying "that he feared that he would not be able to find subsistence for the Fort,"53 He vowed to move off to lands mote familiar. The North I{est Company trader disa greed with this plan: I des i red them to abandon hunting any more Ani.- mals this spring to apply themselves to the Hunt of Peltries until the Animals gets Fat.,..They thlnk that I am very hard upon them for Beaver[; ] great complôints are made for wh ich I do not care ò curse.54 A continufng ptoblem of food supply on the Liard led Wentzel to attempt growÍng a vegetable 9arden.55 His efforts rrere of ltmited success as the post was apparently stlll in dire need of provislons. It was necessary to send a Canadlan off with orders to come as soon as possible wlth nhat Provisions he could possible make the In- 224 dians bring to the Fort as they may perhaps otherwise eôt the whole t hemse Iv es wfthout re- membeq!ng- that we are egually ln want of t hem. 56 Some Indiarrs traded what little provisions they had in order to get ammunition. But game resou rces were dwlnd- J-ing, particularly the Iarge mammals - buffalo, elk and moose. Time which had prevlously been spent in trappinq beaver was spent in attempts to replenish food supplies. There were a few sklns filtering down through the middlernen. But these furs were intercepted by the Chipewyans 1n part icu I ar who were optlng to take thern out to Hudson Bay rather than receive prices and possibly abuse from the pedlars. The stresses of maintaln- ing the level of fur retur.ns and of obtaintng a basic food su pp Iy increased and were channelled into intense pressure on the Indians.5T By the fall of 1807 l{entzel issued a threat suggesting that traders on the Lower

Mackenzie placed a prohibltion on all kinds of Peltries except Beaver - they promised to work that AnimaI - as soon as the Ice is taken over the Grand River they say they will go above to the Red Knife River - I also told them that if they did not stand to thls pledge of their Faith - I had orders from all the Chlefs of Athabasca to shut up my shop and Trade no more but send the goods in the Spring to the Loucheux who would give us Beaver in exchange. This threat was issued at a time when these same rrlndÍ- ans.. .were so poor that t hey Traded Moose Deer Slnews-

225 . . . for Beaver - For Maklng Hare Snares.'r59 Depleted resources pushed the Indlans to the limit. 0n the Peace River a North West Company trader abused two Beaver Indians when they did not bring in the desired amount of provlsions and furs; the trader at Dunvegan Post lII treated .bhem both for not havlng worked better than t hey have th is winter and assu red them that they wÍII be severely punished tf they do not act better for the future and that they might not doubt of the truth of what... Iwas] told them. _-I pulled their ears and gave each a few sIaps.60

At Hay River in 1 807 some of the Chipewyans threatened to ignore their credlts and go to the barren lands.61 When three Canadians were sent out to retutn thelr Indi- an rÌomen who had deserted from Bear Lake Post they were killed.62 A Chipewyan trapper was kil led by the SIa ves and Beaver of the Liard ln the same sp r ing.63 Trouble on the Liard reached a peak ð year later when the Beaver guarreled with the Mountain Indians rror Gens d'0rignal and twenty-two of the latt er including men , women, IandJ chlldren we re barbarously slaughtered.rr64 In March of 1808 some Indlans from the Athabasca brought considerable amounts of fu rs out to Churchill. William AuId declared that rrlet nothlng be undone to secure the approbation of these people. I strive to please them, their gratltude is clear and unequlvo-

226 cal.u65 He was told that the natives were "wonderfully irritated against the Ca na d ians they prom i se me I shall never be ashamed at the smaltness of my trade.',66 No doubt there was exaggeration in the promlse to trade all with the Hudson's Bay Company ln that these Chtpewyans were telling Auld what he wished to hear. But there is littIe doubt in the accuracy of the percept ion of theÍr irritation. They had Just travelled seven hundred miles or more to avold the Canadians. By 1810 Auld had received more Chipewyans from the Athabasca and welcomed the arrival of many Northern Indians from great distances ln the fall of the year and over whom I am anxlous to exert my influence in fixlng their regard towards at this crÍtical tlme while the Canadians are by their ha rd dealinqs barely enabling the poor wret ches to ex ist.67' Auld decided I'to glve a bounty to the natives who bring the more valuable furs exc.lusive of the usual prlce for them.rr He believed thls would act 'ras a new motive to draw down the Beaver hunters from the Athapuscow and Slave Lakes."68 Apparently the Chipewyans were bringing prime beaver for rrat no former year Idid Au]d]...remem- ber seeÍng such a quantity of fine furs. .. so early in the Season.rr He gave a bonus of ammunit ion and tobacco for every ten beaver sk ins,69 The Indians of the Mackenzfe lowlands increasingly displayed behavlour whlch reflected their dÍsenchantment wÍth the fur trade as practiced by the North \{est Com-

227 pany. The not always sympathetic Geor.ge Keith observed at Nahanni Forks on the L iard ! The na tives of this EstablÍshment entertain very just ideas betwÍxt right and wrong and decide matt ers of this nature as cooly and im- partially as could be expected from a set of people who are much attached to the most dlstant relations and have no determinate prlncipal or principal person for settling such matters'.70

DÍsenchantment w ith the trading p ract Í ce of the North lVest Company was augmented by a downturn in trade caused by wldespread starvation Ín 181 1 . Thls negatlve turn of events was experÍenced from the Mac ken z ie Mounta i n s to the Hu ds on Bay Coast. At ChurchiII, WiIIiam Au ld was completely mortlfled and depressed at the thoughts ôf the shocking situat lon of our affairs in almost every quarter but what is still more afflict ing we hear that out Indians have one and aII much less success in killÍng furs thls year than ever known before and in the latter end of that month and the beglnning of May several came in, in a state-even worse thôn our fears had led us to expect. / | Yet Indians stiII trickled in 72 f rom the Athabasca and Slave Lake areasT3 despite being "ín a very starving cond j.tion Idue to the] scarcity of Deer Icaribou],"74 The dlstress nhich had been peri od ica lly afflicting the Indians struck the NorrWesters of the Athabasca in 1811. W.F. Wentzel was the only European to survive at the Forks of the Liard. rrFrom...IDec. 13] to the 11th of March, we Iived upon nothlng else but dried beaver sklns.,..upward of three hundred...besides a few Iynx

228 and otter skins."75 Three men and a child died.76 The reasons given were the fallure to contact the migratfng caribou comblned with a "die-off of haresrr and a lack of fish. In addition there were rrpoor returns alI over the countrY.rrTT The North \{est Company had been well aware of the lntent of some Indiðns as early as 1811, In thôt year a tower had been built rrfor the purposes of watching the motions of the Indians, who lntended...to destro y the house and all its lnhabitants.r' The native Ieader at that tlme had forecast that rrthere would be a complete change in the fa ce of their country.r'78 Between 1812 and 1814 the fortunes of the North West Company in the Athabasca declíned further. The de- structlon of Fort NeIson by the Indians went by without penalty. rrAthabasca ltself ls Ín fact dwindling down to nothlng. The Indfans complain of the want of beaver, (the Iroquois having ruined the country).,'79 The ped- Iarsr cont inued use of Iroquois trappers in the Athabas- ca had long been resented. As a result of starvation, cont i nued abuse from the traders, and competit ion f rom the I roquo is, the natives, as Wentz eI recorded, formed a conspiracy last Spring to massacre aIl the wh 1t es of Fort Chipewean and Big IsIand, in the Peace River, as well ôs ¡4oose Deer Island Establishment at Slave Lake. The Chipewean trlbe appears to have been the flrst instlgators, and altho' the affalr seems to

229 have been laid aside and forgotten, still we are alive to the most palnful apprehensions for the saf et,y of our Iives.EU

Although there we re g enera I ly unsettled cond it lons among the natlves of the reglon ôt least some of the North l{est Company men still belÍeved it grew out of an lmmediate and temporary problem. Fort Chipewyan resÍdent t raders bel ieved that the Indians lntended...to destroy the house and alI its in- habitants. They had been instÍgated to thÍs rash design by the de.lusive storles of one among them, who had acquired great influence over his companlorrs by his supposed skÍ11 ín necromancy. This feIIow had prophesied that there would soon be a complete change in the face of their country that fertility and plenty would succeed to the present sterility; and that the present race of white inhabltants, unless they became subservient to the Indians, would be removed, and thefr place be fiIled by other traders, who wou 1d supp 1y their wants in every possible manner....None of these menaces, however, were put in executÍon. They were probably deterred from the at t empt by perce i v- ing that a most vÍgilant guard was kept over thém.81 The immedlate cause for the threat may have been a local nativistic prophet movement, but there was deep underly- Ing social unrest that gave widespread support to any call for a change in fur trade proprletorship. From a relationship of trust ln the earllest years the people of the At habasca - Ma c ken z Íe regÍon found themselves in a relat ion sh lp of great insecurity. 0n the lower MackenzÍe the relationship was equally unstabLe. In 1813 the Loucheux arrlved at Bear Lake

230 Post with a supp.Iy of pelts to trade. When they discovered a meagre su pp ly of trade goods, part icularly deco- rative beads, they tried to wlthdraw with their furs. An attempt was made to stop them and a massacre nearly resulted. Wentzel was of the opinion that the North West Company was flnished as a trading concern in the North. 0ne thing kept pace wlth another in the decllne of once famed Athabasca, formerly the detight and school of the North. The Canadlans, who were ever fond of the place and thought seldom or ever of their native country, are now dis- gusted at the treatment t hey receive and gather their money as fast as the sguaws gather berries, in order to get rld of the 'S...... pays maudit."82

George Ke lth was of a sfmilar opfnion and a year later he commented that rrthe returns these years ha ve unfortu- nately sunk to such a degree that one has no pleasure in mentioning them. I hope, however, that they have now reached their I owe st ebb. "83 In 1815, Wentzel openly stated that the pliqht of the North West Company was ðs much due to deterlorating relationships wlth the natives as to dwindl lng fur stocks. I cannot account for it, but, by some fatallty or other, the NatÍves have taken a dlslike to the lYhites, and the reductions of the returns may perhaps be as much attrlbuted to this unfortunate circumstance as it mav be to the pretended ruÍnerl state of the countïy.84

?31 Yet he went on to say that the partners belleved that a

Iack of beaver was their justificatlon for shutting down the Mackenzie Rlver Department fn that year. Apparently the partners nere unable or unwilllng to recognlze the extent of hostility to thelr methods. A year Iater the North l{est Company evacuated the

Mackenzie River posts. Alf personnel left I'in the summer Iof] 1815 to the great hazar.d of. .. ItheirJ ]ives, for the natives having obtained a knowledge of our in- t ent lons had formed the desÍgn of destroyi.ng us on our way out, "85 Wentzel dld return the following year wlth only one Iarge canoe and was received with 'rextravagant demonstrations of joy. "86 This apparent contradiction was a demonstration of the di.lemma which Athapaskans found themselves. Indignant to the point of conflict wi th the pract lces of the North We st Compan y, t hey ìvere nevertheless becomlng dependent on the goods which the t ra ders offered. The years 1812-14 had been crlElcal years for the fur trade of the Athabasca. The end of the Napoleonic Wars was ln sight and the markets of Europe nere to open up to the Hudson's Bay Company. In North America the

War of 1812 began and the Amerlcans captured Detroit and d isru pt ed North We st Company transport and supply.

By 1814 the Hu dson' s Bay Co mpa ny resolved to opp ose

?32 the North West Company in the Athabasca. In that year a study and lnventory of returns had Ìndicated that lnte- r ior post s where North West Company oppos it ion was experienced had produced better returns t han po sts by the Bay where opposltion was negligible. This indicated to Wedderbu rn that lethargy was more to be feared than opposit lon, and a plan to extend incentlves and Itnk sala- ries to productivity was introduced. rrAppeasement of the Northwesters should be replaced by active opposi- tlon, even in Athabasca. "87 The results of thÍs study set the stage for the Iast phases of actÍvity of the Hudsonrs Bay Company in the Athabasca. A more active opposition took place. Aggressive tactlcs would be countered. 0pposltlon to all North \{est Company posts was to be encouraged.

2)3 VI NOTES

1r.r Rich, The H lstorv of the Hudsonrs Bav Companv, 1670-1870, II( London: Hudson': Buy Record Society, 1959 ), p. 273.

2r¡i¿

3g. Coues, ed., The Mss. Journals of Alexander Henry and Davld Thompson , 1799 -1814, II (1897, rpt. Minneapolis: Ross and Haines , 1965), p. 474.

4Co 1in Robertson, as cited in ibtd., p, 340.

5lni¿., p. zg1.

6Ibtd., p. 295. Jennifer Brown postulates that prior to a ppl'ox imat e ly 1790 the offspring of native mothers and HBC fathers were brought up as I'English" or "Indian". After that date rrparental and company attitudes toward Lhem showed a new recognition of thÍs distinctive demographic group, its problems and lts potentialities.'r See J. Brown, Strangers in BIood, Fur Trade Families in the Indfan e oúTi pp. 158-59.

TJohn Thomas, Servants Requests and r' "Moose Resolves, 1803, W inn ipeg, Man, , HBC Archlves, Bl35lf ll.

8RÍch, Hudsonrs Bay Company, II , p.256

9l¡ia. , pp. 264-?7o

234 loInia. , p. 257.

11lria., p. zz1 .

124. Mackenzie, Great Bear Lake Joutnä1, 2 July 1806, MontreaI, McGill Mss, CH180, S162, n. pag. Ihis was Sir Alexander Mackenziers nephew.

13R Mackenz ie in L.F .R. Masson, Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord 0uest ,I ( 18se; rpt. ffiFFl-TnTT!ìãF ian Press , 1960) , pp. 292-93. The Dogribs were not very successful as middlemen in these years.

14W.f. Wentzel to R. McKenzle, ïhe Forks of the Mackenzle River, 23 Ma r. 1807, ibld., p 95,

15tnia

16w.r. Wentzel, Fort Enterprise, Winter Lake, 26 Feb. 1826, cited in H.A. Innls, The Fur Trade in Canada ( 1930; rpt . Toronto! Univ. of Toronto, 1964t; p. 2¡l .

17Thi" was Iocated near Fort Good Hope. A. Macken- zle, Great Bear Lake P ost Journal, 26 0ct. 1805, Montreal, McGiIl Mss., CH180, S162, n. pa g .

18Innls, Fur Trade, p. 202. See fragments of c. Ke it h' s Bt ska ga---Tlã-arìn.i l RÍver Journal, 4 June 1807 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, E1, Vol. 24, p. 9338.

19rrMr. Rochblavl has been pleased to inform me that the Red Knives wÍlI probably possess the Beaver Country again the ensulng summer and winter." F. Wentzel, JournaI, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 1807, MontreaI, McGilI Mss., CH176,5158, n. pag.

20(Th" Slave IndÍans) Wentzel tr ied to rea ssu re that the Yellowknlves would leave them alone. I'This however wiII not be enough to satisfy the timorous minds of my Indians.'r Ibid.

235 21c. Keith, Biska ga River J ou rna 1, 13 May 1807, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, 81, Vo 1. 24, 9. 93)7,

22vl .F . r,vent zer, Journal, The Forks of the Mac ken z ie Rfver, 15 Mar. 1808, ¡4ontreal, McGilI Mss., CH176, S158, n . pa g.

231¡i¿., 19 June 1808

24lni¿., 25 Sept. 1807.

25P. FtdIer,6 June 1807, Miscellaneous Papers Jour- na1, 1807, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archiv.es, E3/r, 1o. 2. Fid- ler goes on to say "whereas the other year 1799 when the greatest returns came out only Ithere] was then 648 packs.'l

26s y 1u lu Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties (\{innipeg: lTatson and Dwyer, 1980), e. 92.

2TSlmon Fraser, Letter to James McDougall, Makasteh, 21 Dec. 1806, 0ttawa, PAC, MC19, A9, VoI . 2, n. pag,

28W.f . Wentz e l, Journal, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 6 Mar. 1808, Montreal, McGill Mss., cH176, S158.

29 tni¿

30Pin" River Post J ou rna l, IFort St. Johnl, 26 Jan 1808 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, E1, Vol. 24, e 9375.

3lArchibald N. l4cLeod, Beaver River Fort, 1 Mar. 1807, 1bld., p. 9380.

321¡i0., 12 Apr. 1807, p. 93gq

l3l¡ia., 13 Apr. 1807, p. 9385.

236 34w.f. Wentzel to R. McKenzle, The Forks of the Mackenzle River, 27 Mar . 1807, in Masson, I, pp. 95-96,

35roia. , þ. 96

36FcPJ, 25 Apr 1807, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 842/a1132, fo 14.

lTEdwar d Smith, Hay River Po st Journal, 21 May 1807, 0ttawa, PAC, MC'1 9, E1, Vol. 24, p. 9341 .

l8t¡i¿., 23 May 1807, p. 9341 .

19l¡id., 12 oct. 1807, p. 97L5

4op. FidIer, 4 Aug. 18O7, Miscellaneous Papers Journal, Winnipeg, Ma n HBC Archives, E3/5, fo. 20 . See also 1bÍd., 29 July 1807 , f o. 17.

41f¡ia., 19 3une 1807, fo. 6 and ibid. , Ei13, fo. 8.

42l/,. AuId, FcpJ, 16 Nov. 1806, Winnipeg, 14an., HBC Archives, P421a1132, fos. 5 and 5d.

43rbid., 2 Aug. 1807, fo. 21 d, F idler commented: I'This way we have come 1s ver y short Ín comparison by passing the Isle a Ia Crosse and Methy Portage - but the water is much shoaler.rl

44FÍdler, 7 JuIy 1807, Miscellaneous Papers 3ourna1, ibld., E3 l3¡ fo. 17.

451¡ia., l5 Juty 1807, fo. 13

46c. Keith, Biska ga River JournaI, 13 May 1807, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, 81, Vo l. 24, p.9337.

237 47l,V, f. ì{entzel, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 1807, Montreal, McGlIl, Mss. , CH176, S158, n. pag.

48Ë . smith, Ha y River Post JournaI, 'l 5 0cL. 1807, 0ttawa, PAC, MG 19, E1 , Vol. 24, p. 9346, 49r¡i¿.

50W.f. Wentzel, JournaI, The Forks of the Mackenzte RÍver,5 Aug. 1807, MontreaI, McGllI Mss., CH'176, 5158, n. pa g .

511¡i¿., 16 Aug. 1Bo7

52tnta., 17 Avs. 1807

5ll¡ia. , 17 sept. 1807

54W.f. WentzeI, JournaI, The Forks of the Mackenzie Ríver, 6 Apr. 1806, 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, E1 , Vol. 24, p. 9303.

55"Everything 1n the garden comes up pretty well ibÍd., Sept . 1806, p,9298.

56w .F. Wentzel, JournaI, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 9 Sept. 1807, Montreal McGtll Mss., CH176, S158, n. pag'

5Tl{entzel told the Indians only to hunt beaver. "Several of the Indians had thrown away great numbers of Martln, Pichoux, and Carcajoux skÍns - on account of what I had told them ln the Fall.rr Ibid., I Nov. 1807.

58r¡i4., 15 oct. 1807,

59"¡¡" scarcity of an imals never appeared amon g these people more severely than this year. Some of them are

238 great 1y in danger of starving thls winter from want of sin - ews to make hare snares. " Ibíd.

60Dunvegan Post Journal, 5 Feb. 1808, Ottawa, PAC, MC19, E1, VoI. 24, p.9279,

612. Smith, Hay River Post Journal, 17 Oct . 1807 , 0ttawa, PAC, MC19, E1, Vol. 24, p. 9348.

62W.f . Wentzel, ibid., 19 June 1808.

6ltul¿., 28 June 1808.

64c. Keith, Letter to R, McKen zle , Biskaga River Post, 1 Dec. 1808 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vo1. 51, p 19,

65 l{. Au rd, FcPJ, 17 Mar. 1808 , Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives , 842 la/133, fo. 5d.

661¡id. See also ibid. B42l a 1134, 26 Apr. 1809, f o. 7d. and 22 May 1809, fo. 8d

67rbid., 16 Aug. 1810, B42 lal136a, fo. 1

68rbid., 15 Sept. 1810, fo. 10

69rbid., 0 ct . Nov. 1810, fo. 12.

ToKelth goes on to relate two speciflc instances of this sense of justlce in action. G. Keith, Letter to R. McKenzie, Bískaga Rlve r Post, 28 Feb. 1810, 0ttawa, P AC, MC19 , C',l , Vol. 51, pp.3839.

71lv. Auld, FCPJ, May 18'l 1, 84?/al1J6a, fo. 21 ,

72çcpx, 25 }ct, 1811 , B4zlal'r37, fo. zd.

-2J9- 731¡i¿, , zg oct. 191i, fo. 3.

74Inid., 19 May 1812, fo. 10.

75w.r. Wen t ze l, Letter to R. McKenzie, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 30 Ap r. 1811, in Masson, I, p. 106-07.

76'rPou¿r1", PilIon an d Wm. Henry, all Canadians, and the child of Poudrle,rl G. Kelth , Letter to R. McKenzie, Great Bear Lake Post, 5 Jan. 181 2 , 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1 , Vol.. 51, p. 48.

77uta. ¡ þ. L9.

78Sir Jo hn Franklin, Narrative of a Journev to the Shores of the Polar Sea ( 1 Press , 1969), p. 152

79w .r . l{entzel, Letter to R. McKenzie, Bear Lake Posþ, 28 Feb. 1814, in Massonr I, p. 109.

Solntd.

81Sir Jo hn Franklin, Nqrrative of a Journey to the Shores of the PoIar Sea ( 1 Press, 1969) , p. 152.

82w.r. Wentzel, l-etter to R. McKenzie, Bear Lake Post, 28 Feb. 1814, ln Massonr Ir p. 1O9.

83c. KuÍth, Letter to R. McKenzíe, Mackenziers RÍver', 4 Feb. 1815r 0ttawa, PAC, MG19, C1, Vol. 51, n. pag.

84W.f . Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenzie, Bear Lake Post, 6 Mar. 1815, in Massonr I, p. 114.

85lbi¿,, pp. 114-15.

240 86lbi¿

87Ri"h, Hudson's Bay Company, II , p. )12

241 CHAPTER VII

RESTORED I,I0NOPOLY: REORGANIZATI0N, DEPLOYMENT AND CONSERVATION

Arrival of the Hudsonrs Bay Company after 1815 aggravated the cr it ica I problems whlch were plaguing the Mackenzie lowland reglon, Ihe most severe problems were in the Peace River country where the consequences of the exp Io itat lon of the prev ious twenty-flve years ttas mo st evident. This reg ion, once the storehouse of food support for traders down the Mackenz ie River and the sou rce of pemmican to fuel fur brigades to Fort WiIItam, was in disarray. Large mammals had almost disappeared and fur returns were marginal. DurIng the wlnter of 1815-16 at least sixteen employees of newly arrived Hudson,s Bay Company party starved to death on the Peace RÍver.1 Most Indians realized from the earliest days of the fur trade the value of competition ln enhancing the worth of their furs and in keepíng the price of trade goods down.2 Perlodically furs had been marketed at Churchill to realize higher returns or escape the preda- tory practice of the North West Company. Competition no doubt by 1815 had Ied to extremes whlch had come bo be identlfied wit h per iod s when competing mar ket s were available. A typical incÍdent occurred upon the arrival of the Hudsonrs Bay Company in 1815, "0ne of the Indians came up to Mr. IJohn ] Clark I e ] say ing the North llest had armed them...and was Endeavouring To Prevail on them to

destroy us all."J At Fort Resolutlon in 1816, a HBC t rader observed that the North West are following up their usuaL custom of ru nn Íng after the poor Indians in aIl dire ct ion s with armed men and dr Íves them before them Iike a flock of sheeÞ to their fort and Lredts Lh em as they think pro per .4 In the first year of revived compet it i on after 1815 the

Indians were mainly concerned that the Hudson's Bay Com- pany had the resolve to stay and the power to protect those who traded with it. This same HBC servant at

ResolutÍon recorded: " They said it was hard to joÍn us ..., but if we had an equal Istrength] with the North lvest they would soon JoÍn us."5 As HBC strength Ín- creased between 18'16 and 1819 the natlves became more calculatÍng in the event of a change of corporate d irec- t ion. George S imp son observed that

all their mea su re s are regulated by political views, they know the value of 0pposition and dread the terminat ion of it, theref oÌ.e in order to encourage both parties, knowing that it must very soon cease to exist, if they attached themselves a It og et her to either slde; they set- tIe among themselves who are to join the French and who the Engllsh: the head of a numerous Fam iIy almost invariably atta ches so man y to one si de and so many to the ot her, and individ-

243 uals freguently ta k e credit at each Fort and divide theÍr hunts. 6

But the I ndians were al so applying pres su re by choosing to carry greater proportions of their furs to the Bay than ever before. North \{est Company returns were reduced to nÍnety packs by 1818.7 Some were fearful of retaLiation and by 1819 were plaoing thelr stocks in hidden caches. Three Chipewyans at Isle à fu Closse

Lake "desire... Itheir stocks] might be sent for IOy HeC traders ]; the Indians havÍng declined bring ing either furs or meat themselves, since the opposition between the Companies commenced."S Yet by 1819 in the Peace River area "nearly 314 of the totalr' <¡f the Indians were trading vvith the Hudson's Bay Company.9 The fur trade had been in dÍsarray Ín great part due to the disillusionment of the natives with the trade. W.F. Wentzel wrote in 1820, rrln fact the Natives ôre so much dÍsorganized in Athabasca, that if they ate in the same train of IivÍng in other parts of the NorLh West, Ít wiIl not be too much to say that the fur trade Iis] ruined for some years to come."10 The state of the trade Ín At habas ca did not appear to provoke a change in the behaviour of the North lVest Company because in 1820 at Fort Wedderburn when rra North West Chief (Whiskey Jack) came over this mornÍng with the int ent ion of joining us Ithe Hudson' s Bay CompanyJ

244 ... IGeorge] Keith deta i ned his wife and sent two Half-

breeds a fter him."11 W.F. Wentzel in 1812 repeated his rrthe contention that whites at present possess but a

faint resemblance of t hat influence wh ich t hey f ormerly t u rned so well to their own emofument and thereby also

to the benefit of t heir country. " l2 George Simpson re-

corded in 1821 that natives were starvlng who rfor some

years pa st Ihad] been c o n s i d e r e d . . . t h e best hunters of theIir] tribe. rr13 With theÍr fort hunters starving, the resident s of Fort Chipewyan were reduced to the shortest provisions in years.l4 Athapaskans became depressed in such circumstancesl5 and stopped hunting, thus contrlb- ut ing to the malaise.l6 To further Lhe dislocation, smallpox struck the native people of the North West in 1820. FuJ.ly i1l5 of the population between Rainy Lake and Athabasca was Ies- timated to be] destroyed."17 AL Fort ResolutÍon many of the surv iv or s a ccord ing to their custom " dest roy ed their property and stopped hunt ing - the co nseq uence of which was they have not procured a single skin, and have starved ever since.,'18 George Simpson commented at Lake Athabôsca that the disease I'carried away whole bands, and they are now dispersing Ín aIl direct ions, hoping that a ohange of residence may arrest the progress of the contagion.rr19 0n the Peace River 3ohn CIarke re-

245 ported that many became sickly as they I'are naturally of a dellcate const itut io n, and so much addicted to spirit- ous liquors, that nine out of ten dies of a rapid decline. "20 Stmpson summed up that many Beaver Indians, an Iroquois¡ and three North \{est Company servants died. "There has been a great morta.lity amongst the Beaver Indians Iand] we have ]o st many valuable hunt-

""u.rr21 The decl ine of the Athabasca22 and peace rivers, part icu la r ly the once formidable resources of the latter, was complete. In the early 1820's the land around Fort Vermilion was reported as rrexhausted...in Large

Animalst'23 [moose, woodland caribou and buffalo] and further up the Peace river the land near Dunvegan was also rrtruly exhausted of Beaver and Iarge Animals.rr24 Later in the mid 1830rs Ít was reported that "there is no Buf faLo in that 0 uart en now, and the Extension of the Beaver Indians for these severaf Years pasL, in their

Circumscribed Grounds r wit h the En cou la gement held out by us for Provision and Leather has I beI ieve thlnned the Moose Deer consÍderôbly. 'r25 The report was accurate ln not in g the d i ssa ppeara nce of large mammals, the ex- t ent of emphasis on spec ia I ized hunting, provisioning, and leather production and why; the report was less accurate in dating when the declÍne had been evident.

246 In 1821 when the Hudsonr s Bay Company attempted to close the posts and withdraw its personnel they were attacked by the Beaver Indians. Four men were killed at Fort St. John. Another !Tas killed at Dunvegan Post in 1824 when it was closed. The Iroguois freemen were con- vlnced to leave and take up resldence at Lesser Slave Lake and remnants of the Beaver bands relocaÈed near the post at Fort Vermil ion.26

Further dislocatlon of the nat ives occulred when the YeIIowkn ife dominance as middlemen was ended by the Dogribs. Ihey had been subjugated by the Yellowknives s ince the 1790r s, A nat ive in f orma nt related lVe suffered our Wives, our Daughters and our Brot h er s to be taken from us wÍth their Child- ren. 0ur Furs a.lso, th is we considered of lit- tIe importance, they were only skins of Anim- als, but ev en our Nets up on which our existence de pen ded, were likewise ta ken from us, and f re- q uent ly our Axes, Guns and whatever wds most useful or necessary to our maintenance.2T

Arrival of the Hudsonr s Bay Company w ith its need for provÍsions from the Dogrib country Ied to trade Ín arms and a much stronger and p ro spero us native presence The Yellowknives, Ied by Akaitcho, were dlspersed. They event ua 11y a ban done d their locale on the Yellowknife

River and moved to the east end of Creat Slave Lake <¡r southeast of F ort Resolution.2S The predominance of DogrÍb over Yellowknife was the result of changed pr i or it ies in supplying food. Deple-

247 ted food stocks on the Peace River Ied the fur trade companÍes to tu rn to bount iful carlbou herds on the edge of Dogrib lands. Ihe Peace River had been depleted of larg e mammals and the At ha bas ca did not supply adequate amount s of meat. Tradit ional provisioners, the Cree and Beaver Indians, were periodically starvÍng. 'rThere is more danger to be apprehended from St a rvat ion here than in any parù of North America, and unless the greatest pr ecaut ion is taken the people must inevitably perish" George Simpson wrote in 1821.29 This condltion persisted throughout Lhe whole of the Mackenzie Basin. 0n the

Iower Mackenzie a It houg h the SIave, Hare, and Loucheu x desired restoration of trade, there were no attempts rrto penetrate further on account of the danger of famine.,,30 In 1819 the fur traders and many native trappers switched their main dependence to carlbou meat. 3ohn

Franklin found in that year 0Id Fort Providence was mainly a provislonÍng depot rrfor the convenience of the

Copper and Dogrib IndÍans, who generally bring such a quant it y of rein - deer meat that the residents are en- abIed, out of their supelabundance, to send annually some provision to the Fort at Moose - Deer IsIand.,,31 The Dogribs became vital to the reorganÍzed trade, aI- though at Fort Resolution on the south shore of Great

Slave Lake, remna nt s of the Y e I Iowk ni ves and Chipewyans

248 traded in carÍbou meat.32 Necess it y had tu rned the fur traders to encouraging

the hunting of large caribou herds. The Hudsonr s Bay Company encouraged dÍvisÍon of labour leadÍng the nalive people to adopt fu rt her specialized roles . The Company, and George SÍmpson in particular, was responsible for the labelling of the Chipewyan bands which we know today.33 He was the first European to use the term rrcari- bou eater.rl

The Carribeau Eaters are those who confine themselves to thefr own barren lands and so called from the cí rcum sta nce of their devoting the whole of their at to hunting the CarrÍbeau or Re in Deer. 3t4ention Simpson re.lated that the caribou-eaters and yellowknives mainly traded at Fort Resolution. rrThe post at Montagne

Island Ís the prov Í s ion depot of Mckenzie River...provi- s ions is.. .the main object, which they obtain on moder- ate terms in great abundance so that they seldom feel the miserles of Famine."35 The Ye l lowkni ves al so traded there after they were driven from the vicÍnity of the Yellowknife River by Dogribs; there they rrexchange provisions and the few furs t hey colls¿¿.rr36 Ihe third group noted by Simpson were the Montag- ners. rrThe Mountainees are those l1ho have been in the h,lbil for many years past of Trading with the North West principa.L Establ ishments, are chiefly Fur hu nt ers, and

249 previous to the opposition were tolelably industrl- ous."37 This group was termed by Simpson as "rhome- guardst Iand] devot ed their at¿ention exclusively to Fur Hunting except when in search of immediate sustenance.rrJS They tïere ttexpert Beaver hunterstt and had in earlier years indulged Ín lengthy journeys rrin search of that valuable animal into the Cree and Beaver Indian hunting Grounds....IThey made] a circu it easterly by Carribeau Lake; to the South by IsIe a- Ia Crosse; and Ìlesterly to the Banks of the Peace River.'r]9 Their extensive range led lo conflict with other bands since the Chipewyans we¡e paid a higher price than any otherst saving often as much as five skins for a gun. Edward Smith noted at Fort Simpson thôt "They can afford to ba rt er their property wit h the Slaves and have handsome profits....If not t ime 1y stoped Ithis] may be f ollowed up wit h some disagreeable consequence.,. it being for the benef it of the Concern in general to keep the Indians at thÍs River dist inct and separate from mixing with Chipe- wyans.rr40 These conflicts provided an additional incen- t ive for division of labour and organization of bands around pa rt Ícu 1a r posts. In the 1820's the HBC attempted to regularize relationships with the natÍves. Certainly the Hudsonrs Bay Company led by George Simpson was f irm, even sometlmes

?50 harsh; but it attempted to induce a relatÍonship based on more fair treatnent. Women and children were no J.onger abducted and held hostage i.n exchange for furs. rrSimpson was emphatic that the use of splrits ranked a.Iongside improper familiarity with IndÍan nomen as a cause of serious differences with the Indians."4l He worked to end the scenes of debauchery which had formerly marked post lÍfe and by 1825 remarked that 'r!Te are now than k God merely distressed by the recollect ion of such scenes, as from one end of the country there is not a single skin purchased by liguor.r'42 Simpson was speaking in reference to the Athabas ca -Mackenz ie regi.on only, yet by 1821 he had succeeded in cuttlng rrthe quan- tÍly of spirits taken into the country,..to less than 1/12 part of that which the two companÍes had taken in during opposition. "43 He bel ieved that the lÍquor traffic was one of the critical elements of the problem of contact. ttf n nine out of ten where serious differences arise between the natives and the people of the Estab- Iishments I am of opinion that the cause may be traced to ourselves."44 This was certainly an oversimplifica- tion of the p rob lems a ss oc iat ed with fur trade in previous years but an end to the 1Íquor trade would lead to a reduct ion in t ens ions brought on by drunkenness, par- t icularly in the Peace River country.

251 The decision to cut back on the liquor trade was Ín part the cause of a serious confrontation at Fort St. John in 1821. The Beaver Indians who had been under the in f luence of the liquor trade since contact were distressed at the cutback 1n supply and struck out when they aÌso discovered their post was to be closed in fa vou r of Rocky Mo unta i n P orta ge.45 When this post and Fort Dunvegan were later closed to allow the fur and food stocks of that section of the Peace RÍver area to recover, the Beaver Indians were forced to move down to Fort Vermilion. The freemen from the region were removed to Lesser Slave Lake and the Peace River country quÍckly recuperated.46

Nat iv e people had a Iong history of expo su re to attempted or gan izat ion of the trade. Special izat ion had been encouraged since the tlme of the earliest North \ryest Company establishments ln the Athabasca region. Cree Indíans had been encouraged to be prov isioners and were limited to that role after the smallpox epidemlc in 1781-84.47 Beaver Indians had been encouraged to hunt primarily the buffalo, m oo se, and elk in the Peace River area.48 Yellowknife Indians took the role of middlemen in the peripheral areas and began provÍsioning Bear Lake

Post and F ort Resolution w ith ca rÍ bou meat.49 The Mont - ag ner band of Chipewyans orlglnalJ.y from the Lake Atha-

252 basca area were encouraged to range over lhe Upper Church ÍI I, the Athabasca and Peace River dra inages to trap furs.50

Acute problems of depletion by 1821 rev ea led to the HBC that the earl.ier attempts to encourage specialized rofe s were haphazar.d and in need of rev lsion and strict observance. By 1821 the depletion of food stocks caused Indians to consÍder alternative hunt j.ng regions. Specialization when 1t had succeeded in the early period was hampered by the speed and extent of changes occurring ln the region and was due, not to a policy of long-term planning, but in no small part to the rap- acious policies followed Ín the early fur trade perÍod.

IndÍans were periodically fa ced w ith maJor dislocation due to the rapid deptet íon of resources. By 1819 the extent of disorganization of the fur trade in the region was recogn i zed by natives and Euro- pean alike. George Simpson placed in the Company record his growing awareness of the Indian problem from the fur traderrs perspective: rrwhen they have both duties to perform, it frequ ent I y happens that they are compelled to devote the whole of their attentlon to the support of themselves and Families and in ¿he spting are unable to liguidate any part of theÍr Debt s. " 51 But European and Indian alike were aware of the need for a more conserva-

25J t,ive policy in the Athabasca. Natlves had in many instances gra v itat ed Lo new regions to relieve hardship. 0ther gl.oups were anxious to relocate and allow areas to recover. Changes which reflected attempts to reI ieve ha rdsh ip brought on by profligate practices were wel I underway by the time of the arlival of George Simpson in

1819 . As the officer in charge of the Ma ckenzie region,

Simpson was resp ons 1b Ie for carrying out the reorganiza- tions already underway and recorded the chang ing rea 1- it ies of the fur t rade of the period. Simpson methodically examÍned the potential for each of the trading regions. Some areas he preferred not to re-establish and thus they would be allowed to recover.52 0ther aleas, particularly the rivers draÍn- íng into the south side of Great Slave La ke, were rich in fur and food resources and trade was encouraged by establishing posts at Hay RÍver and on the Liard.53 Simpson was aware of the potential for agriculture in the area of Fort Vermil ion and recommended 'rextensive gardens...." "Crops of Graln, Potatoes, and other Veg e- tables and its contiguity to the Buffalo hunting gl.ounds renders it the most desirable abode in this part of the CounLly.r'54 Cardens were also recommended for Fort Dun- vegan and St. Mary's Post.55 F reemen, I roqu o is and dÍs- charged servants who were "more expert Ín hunting the

254 Buf fa lo and Deer than the Natives"56 were enco u ta ged to locat e ín reg Íons trhere returns were poor. In areas where nat ive confidence in the fur trade had reached a low ebb the hunters were giv en encou rag e- ment. rrln order to regain the confldence of the Beaver Indians and Free Iroquois about Peace River and the Rocky Mount aintt5T an attempt was made to restore stabÍt- ity. Food supplies Ín the Lake Athabasc¿t area were re- assessed and reorganized; it wôs believed that they "haId] never yet been sufficiently attended ¡o.rr58 Simpsonrs confidence dld not Iead to Ímmediate changes since in 1821 rrmany of the Beaver IndÍans...Ir] one of ...Itfre Bay'sJ Iroquois, and three belongÍng to the North West Company"59 starved to death. As late as 1824, he concluded the Chipewyans rtcan never be rendered dependant lsic] much less become s t a t i o n a r y . . . . ,' 6 0 Still the deployment went on. Some Chlpewyans t?ere encouraged to go down the Mackenzie River in 1825.61 0thers were encouraged to move out onto the barrens to subsist by hunting 'reindeer, r62 especlally those of Peace River. Slmpson linked the problems of conserva- t ion and the need to hel p rehabilitate the Beaver Indi- ans ìrith the murders on the Peace River in 182i.63 The Peace River was effectively closed and rrthe freemen were ordered to be removed, by compulsÍon 1f necessary, to

255 Canada or Red River, and the Companyrs servants... Ito]

use their inf luence to per suade the Ch i pewya ns to return

to the Barren Lands and live off deer. "64

Large mammal food stocks in the MackenzÍe lowland reg lon nere subject to rapid depletion in the Peace and Athabasca rivers af ter approximately 1790. Regíons in proximÍty to the historic path to Churchill were sub- jected to hunting pressures in the earller middleman period of trade. But as the Montagner Chipewyans moved sout h and west Ínto the rí ch trapping grounds after the 175Ots, there was a decline in pressure on caribou herds, part icularly the Beverly and Kaminuriak. Further easing of pressure on these herds occurred after the smallpox epidemic of 1781-84 reduced the Chipewyan population. It was after 1788 with the establishment of Fort Chipewyan as the maln provisioning depot for the Athabasca on the edge of the r ich Athabasca Delta near the Peace River, that hu nt ing pressures intensified. Food reserves of the Peace Rive r, At habasca, and Upper Churchill RÍ ver s, which were so plentiful at the time of European arrival, were quickly reduced. Bountiful stocks of buffalo, moose, elk and woodland caribou which were referred to as the "grand magazin'r of the Athabasca in the 1790's were no longer available in suffÍcient

256 numbels to support the additÍonaI populatÍon after 1805. Natlve trappers returned in considerable numbers after 1805 near bountiful food stocks. A few moved to the south shore of Great Slave Lake where fish were available. Many returned to the edge of the barren

grou n ds where caribou were ava il abl e. Since the barrens were scarce in beaver and marten the natives provided few marketab.Ie furs, the trade su ffered, and the Indians obtained a minimum of goods. By 1821 the bands were wtlling to trust in the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. The desire to continue obtainÍng the benefits of the fur trade and at the same time have some assur- ance of food stocks led a number of them to accommodate to speclalized t ra pp ing or hunting.

257 VII NOTES

1w.r. l{entzeJ., Letter to R. McKenzie, Fort Chipewyan, 28 May 1816 Ín Masson, I, p. 117.

2At Lake Athabasca the lndians welcomed compet it Íon Ín 1815. Fort Wedderburne J ou rna l, At haba sca Lake, 18 Sept . 1815, Winnlpeg, Man., HBC Archives, 839/a16, fo. 18.

3lbtd., 28 Sept. 1815, fos . 17d-'lA.

4Fort Resolution Journa I, 1 Nov. 1818, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 8181/a11, fo. '14,

5t¡i0., 6 ocL. 19i6, fo. 14d

66. SÍmpson, L ett er t o Governor and Committee, 18 Ma y 1821 in E.E. Rich, ed., S impsonrs Athabasca Journal ( Toronto: Ch ampla Ín Society, 1938), p. 358

7\ry.r. WentzeI, Letter to R. McKenzie, Great Slave La ke, 15 Apr. 1819 in L.F.R. Masson, ed., Les Bourgeois de Ia Compaqnie du Nord-0uest r I (New York: Antiquarian Press, 1960), p. 12?.

I Sir John Franklin, _\qrrative of a Journey to the Shores of the PoIar Sea ( '1823 i rpt. New York: Greenwood Press, 1969) , p. 126.

9St. Maryrs Post Sournal, 181g, Win n ipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 8190la/2, fos. 8 and 17.

'l 0W.f. Wentzel, Letter to R. McKenzie, MountaÍn IsIand, 23 May 1820 in Massonr I, p . 127,

258 11ForL Wedderburne, 5 0ct. 1820 in Rich, Simpson's Sourna l, p. 74,

l2rui¿

13G. Simpson, Fort Wedderburne, 9 Dec. 1820 in Rich, Simpson's Journal , p. 197.

14lni¿., 2o Dec. 1820, p. 202

15Iuio 1 l Jan , 1821 , p, 223

16suu Ibid. 9 De c. 1820, p. 197,

17w.F . WentzeI,23 May 1820 in ¡4asson, I, p. 130

lSwitIiu* Brown, Fort Resolution JournaI, '12 Jan. 1820, WinnÍpeg, f4an,, HBC ArchÍves, 8181lal?, to. 61,

19G. sirpson, Fort Wedderburne, 13 0ct. 18 20 in Rich, Simpson's JolIIqL, p.81.

20John Clark, St. Mary's Post Jou rna I , 24 Apr. 1820, WÍnnipeg, l'lan., HBC Archives, 81 90lal2, fo. 92,

21"There has been a great mortality amongst the Beaver Indians" and rrwe have Iost many valuab.Le hunters. " G. Simpson, Lett er to Du ncan F inlayson, Fort lVedderburne, Sept. 1820, ibid., p. 61 , See also C. Simpson, Fort Wedderburne, May 1821 in Rlch, Simpson's JournaI, p, 318,

22The post, P ierre au Calumet ha cl been abandoned in De c, 1818 "orì account of the residents not being able to procure provisions from their hunters, having been disabled by the epidemic sickness wh ich has carried off one-third of the Indians in these parts.rr F rankl in, p. 137, Ibid., May 1821, p. 338.

259 23See Fort Vermilion P ost 3our.nal, Winn i peg, Man HBC A¡chlves, 8224lCl1 f o,2d.

24Dunvegan Post J ou rna I, ibid. Bl9l bl2 fo. 23.

25lnia., B)9lbl5, f o. 29,

26t,2, Rich, ed , ïhe History of the Hudson's Bay C omp ¡ ¡Jz 1670- 1870, II ( London: Hudsorr Bay Record Society, 1959), pp. 474-75,

2TDogrib Chief Kanoohaw speaking Lo F" WentzeI, Letter to John McLeod, Fort Simp s on J ourna I, I Apr. 1824, Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 8200/a /4, 1os. 4-6.

2 SSeu Geolge Back, Arctic Land Ex edition to the South of the Great Fish ver o on: r 9¡ pp. ee so m p. 252n and 457,

2q^ Simpson, Fort Wedderburne, 18 May 1821 ln Rich, Simpsonrs Journal p, 392

3ol¡i¿ . , p. 395 .

llFrankIin, p, 208-09.

320nly twelve packs of furs were traded. Rich, Simosonrs Journal , ?. 32

l3C. Simpson, Fort Wedderburne, 16 May 1821, ibÍd,, p. 369. l4r¡i¿,

l5tui¿., 18 May lBZ1, p.37 1,

260 36I¡id.

37lui¿, , 't 6 Ma y 1821, p. 369 lSInia,

l9IbÍd., 18 May 1821, p, 355

4oEdward Smith, FSPJ, 10 Apr, 1825 , Winnipeg, Man., HBC Archives, 8200la 16, los 3-4

41Ri"h, Hudson's Bav ComDa n v II , p. 477 42I¡id.

¿r?-,'-toro. . .

44After 1826 I'no Ilquor of any descriptlon shou l.d be taken to any post north of CumberLand,'r Ibid., p. 478, George Simpson quoted in ibid,, p. 475,

45lni¿.

46,,The freemen were ordered to be removed, by compulsion if necessary, to Canada or Red River.'r Ibid., pp. 474-75,

47See chapter IX, n.5, n.45, n. 46, and n.79

48See chapter V, n. 63

49BeryI Gillespie, "An Ethnohistory of the Ye.ì-Iowknives,'r in -Contributions to Ct¡!!s!J3n__lJ¡lgL9gJ, ed. D.B. Carlisle y Serv ice Paper No. 27 (0ttawa: Nat ional Museums of Canada, 1971) , p. 213.

261 5or¡i¿

51Ri"h, Hudson's Bay C ompa ny, II , p. 47

52 ¡ . Simpson to Governor and Committee, 18 f4ay 1821 in RÍch, Simpson's Journal rP ¡o1

531¡id., p.386.

54rbid., p. 379.

551¡i¿., p.3Bo.

56t¡i4., p. 381.

57t¡i¿,, p. 378.

58I¡ia,, p.355.

59 D, ncu n FinÌayson to G. Simpson, lbid,, p. 338.

60Fort Chipewyan, Rep o rt on DistrÍct, 1824- 25, ibid p, 356

6lEdward Smith, FSPJ, 10 Apr 1825, Winnipeg, Man HBC Archives, 8200 lal6, fos 7 -4,

62c. Simpson in Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, II, p 474

63lbio

64lbi¿,

262 CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Certain In d ian grou p s of the Arct ic d ra inage low- .lands underwent considerable change by 1821 as they

a dapte d from traditlonal seasonal patterns to the fur trade. Changes whÍch were more than merely locattonal. began to occur early in the fur trade. This thesis argues that the flrst years of contact saw the rise of middlemen trading bands among the Athapaskans; indivÍd- ual ChÍpewyan chiefs experienced a rÌslng status as they wer e outfltted and treated by Euro pea ns and by vittue of their skill and influence wit h newl y acguired guns . The specÍalized trading bands also experienced other changes ôs a cultut'e adapted to subsÍstence mainly on caribou was modified to accommodate yearly trips to Hudson Bay.

The Beaver Indians developed uniq ue chara ct er i st ics as a result of contact, thus becoming more dlst inct f rom the other Athapaskans. 0ther Athapaskan people began to devote more and more energy to trappÍng in th is period. An emphasis on valuab.le furbearing animals such as beaver, marten and lyn x began to Ldke precedence over Iarge mammafs which prev ious I y were more efficiently hunted for food or clothing. Certain Chipewyan bands who lived on the edge of the barrens distant from suppl ies of marketable furbearers cho se to move in these years lo the south and west. This prooess was hurrÍed in the 1780's when smallpox devastated those in cfose contact with European posts and goods; many more bônds moved to fill the void left by those killed in the epidem ic. Populat ion dislocaLion was consÍderable in the 1780rs. The 1790's began with a period of attempted deployment of Indlan bands to reso.Ive food supply problems and Iater the decade was marked by unrest ra i ned compet i- tion, Early in the decade the Peace River became recognized as the provisionÍng center for the fur trade in the Athabasca. Buffalo and elk supplemented by other Iarge mammafs were kilLed mainly by bands of Beaver Indians and some Cree and were processed into pemmÍcan. Canoe loads were th en transported to Fort Chipewyan f or use as winter food stocks, or to supply canoe brlgades leaving for Grand P orta ge in the spr'1n9. Towar d the end of the decade arrival. of the competing XY Company and the Hudson's Bay Company traders as well as specialized Iroquois trappers in the Peace River, led to rapid reduction of food stocks there. By the end of competition

264 in 1805 some Indian bands were starving, othels were

g iv ing up a speciaÌized trappÍng ex i sten ce, and a few were decimated by the excesses of liquor used in the attempts to ext ra ct food. Between 1805 and 1821 the Athabasca region was the scene of considerable disruption and realignment of native and European groups in the fur trade. North West

Company methods wh ich included stripping of ful stocks from some regions, int imidat ion of recalcitrant Indian peopl e and vicious th rea ts agaÍnst and bullying of the

opposit ion traders were openly resisted by Indians. A

few Indian peo pl e resisted the bullying with a v iolent respon se. 0thers responded by ta king their furs on the long trek to the Bay. A few withdre!r to regions with more rel lable food supplies, mainly to ùhe vicinity of the barren-ground caribou herd s. By 1814- 15 the North West Company was unable to continue trading on the lower Mackenzie River so it closed Íts posts and withdrew to

F ort Chipewyan. The return Ín force of the Hudson's Bay Company to the Athabasca-Mackenzie in 1816 malked the

beg in n ing of the end for the Northwesters. Indians previously subdued and bullied began to tuln to the more restralned and by 1816 more forceful Hudson's Bay traders. The last year or two of competition and the first

265 years of a renewed monopoly tTitnessed changes br.ought about by concerned Indian trapper.s and European trader s. Indian groups who were unable to ensure a stable food supply opted to move to areas where food was as-

sured; either a stable fishery which they could exploit ,

or near to other cäribou hu nt íng bands, who wou 1d ser.ve as supplieI.s. The Bay traders encouraged other bands to

concentlate on food produ ct i on wh ich by this time was the barren-ground caribou. These bands were centered

near the Beverly Her d wh Ích ranged northeast and south of Fort Resolution. 0ther bands emphasized carlbou hunt ing from 01d F ort Providence and hu nt ed the Bathurst Herd which wintered to the north of Great SIave Lake. People of the Peace River were encoulaged and in at least one instance pressured by the closure of posts to move away from the beleaguered upper Peace River and closer to the rlch trapping grounds of the Athabôsca Delta. I ndia ns Ín the vicinity of Isle à La Crosse were encouraged to prepare pemmican from the buffalo of the plaÍns for the b riga des passing by. The object of this thesis has been to place the Indian peop l es of the eastern subarct ic and Mackenz ie lowlands region at the center stage in the history of the western fur trade between 1717 and 1821 .

In that per Í od the Ea st ern Athapaskans tlere at the

266 very least partners with the companies in the fur trade. Pollcíes in the region were assessed, accomo-

ddted, or rejected according to Indian advantage. To rev i se the history of this reg i on sources not consulted previously revealed Edstern Athapaskan lifeways at the t ime of ear ly contact; wildlife behaviour and the nutri- t ional needs and food habits of the peoples wer e linked wit h the obser ved social changes as recorded in ethno-

grap h ies and the do cum enta ry record. The disciplines of history, archaeology, ethnography, and linguistics have been examined for their approaches to the problem. This study ind icat es t hat the baselines for Athapa- skan existence by 1821 were adapted to fur trade needs.

The patterns of change, rapid in pace prior to 1821 , were sLowed by the imposit ion of mon'opoly in that year. Nat ive bands had by 1821 deployed t hemselv es, or were encouraged by the Hudsonrs Bay Company to adopt a special i ze d hunting or trapping existence, some of wh ich were fal lemoved from their prehistorÍc lands. Social changes adapted to fur trade needs had also been put in place. Because the eastern su ba rct ic and Mac ken z ie lowland region was so important to the fortunes of the fur compan ies, the act ive involvement of the Eastern Athapa- skans in trade dyndmics led to influence ov er the policies, practices and the eventual shape of trade organi-

267 zat ion in the Athapaskan area aft er 1821. This work also has implications for further revis- ionist history in the early contact period. The en-

v ironmenta I ba se of the native people needs further ex-

am inat ion. Ap p ropr iat e histories for th is form of re-

sea rc h a ppI icat ion would in cl ude early contact change among the \|estern Athapaskans of the Yukon basin; study of the same period which would focus on the people of the north central pJ.ains; and the history of changes occurring to the peopJ.e of the interÍor plateau and

Co lumb Ía River reg ions. lnformation obtained in the study of this period also has some bearing on the ensu ing patterns which developed in the region. In large part the location of the lndians was fixed by 1821 and for most of the Iarger bands thelr relative geographical locations would be maintained as -Long as the fur trade was the economic

base. Soc ia I cha ng es wh ich were accelerated in the period under study may have slowed in the period of monopoly fur trade, at least until arlival of the missionar- ies. Apparently the làrge mammal populations of certain regions, in particu.lar, parts of the Peace River valley, after being reduced by 1821, hâve not returned to the levels known in the early sLages of the perlod under study.

268 Legend: Location of Athapaskd¡ bands ðfter 1B2l " l_Map adapted from John McLean, tloles of a ô Tr.lenty-f ive Years' Service in t¡õÎu¿son's. lt! Bav Teiri tõiy. ãa ".yds. wai lã?ãl-frõiõñto: fhe Champìain Soc¡ety, 1932). See folder map in cover..ì ! MOUNTAIN

,/ (

I (* o\ \o ¿] ô f\ d I :

Ì{ uDs

\,'*.

.i¡ eí ,/ \;r / \ SARCEE (2 BIBLIOGRAPHY

P r imary Sources

Unpublished

Auld, Wlll iam. Fort Churchill Post Journal, 10 Sept. - May 1811. \{innipeg, Man., Hudson's Bay Company Arch j.ves, B42l al 121a - B42l al136a. Bird, James. Buckingham House Post Joulnal, 31 Aug. 1799. Winni Pe9r Man., Hudson's Bay Company Archives, 8104 la/1

Brown, Wi Il lam, Fort Resolution Journal, 12 Jan. 1820. Winnipeg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives, B181lal2. Char-les, George. Journal, I July 1794. WÍnnipeg, Man., Hudsonr s Bay Company Archives, B83lal1. Dunvegan PosL Journal, 5 Feb. 1808, 0ttawa , Public Archives of Canada, MG19, E1, Vol 24.

F idler, Peter. Fo rt ChurchiII Post Journal, No v. 1804. \{innipeg, Man., Hudsonts Bay Company Archives, 84?lal129

Joulnal, 27 3an. 1800-4 Aug 1807. Mis- ce I Ia neou s Pa per s, Winn ipeg, Man., Hudson' s Bay Company Archives , E3 l2-83 l5 .

Journal of a Journey from Cumberland Hou se to Red Deerr s Lake, 30 Sept. 1799 - 29 Jan, 1800. Winnipeg, Man. , Hudsonr s Bay Company Archives, 8104la l1 . Journal from Greenwich House to Lesser Slave Lake, 27 Jan. 1800. Winnipeg, Man. , Hudson' s Bay Company Archives, E3 12.

270 . Notting ham H ouse Post Journal, 23 3an. 1801 -2 Sept . 1804 . Winnipeg, Man., Hudson t s Bay Com- pany Archives, 839 lall - 839 lal41, Fort Churchill Post Journal, 27 Aug. 1783 - 19 May 1812. Winnipeg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives, 842/a/103 - 8421a1137.

Fort Resolution Journal, 6 Oct. 1816 - 1 Nov. 1818. Winnipe s Man., Hudson's Bay Company Archives, 8181 I a I 1 Fort \{edderburn Sournal, Athabasca Lake, 18 Sept. 1815- 28 Sept. '1815. \{innipeg, Man., Hudson's Bay Com- pany Archives, B39 lal6.

F ra ser, Simon. Letter, Makasten, 21 Dec. 1806. 0tt,awa, PubIic Archives of Canada , MEl9, 49, VoI. 2. a dflr Andrew. Fort ChurchiIl Post Journal, 29 June 1774. Winnipeg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives , 842 lal88. Grant, Cuthbert. Athabasca Journal, 5-8 Apr. 1786. Winn ipeg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives, Miscel-laneous Pa per s F .2 /1. 0ld Establishment JournaI, 1786. IVin- n ipeg, f4an., Hudsonrs Bay Compa n y Archives, F.211. Hearne, Samuel. Fort Churchill Post Journal Dec. 1783 - 31 July 1788. Winn ipe g, Man., Hudson s Bay Com- pany Archives, B42lbl26 - 8421a1110. Letters, Prince of Walesr Fort Post Jour- na I, 30 Nov . 177 6 - 19 Jan. 1784. t,Vinnipeg, Man. , Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives , 842 lal94 - B42lb I 26. Jefferson, William. Letter, Fort Churchill Post J ou rna l, 18 JuIy 1789. Winnipeg, Man -, Hu dsonr s Bay Company Archives ¡ 842 lal112.

Ke it h, Georg e. Letter, Mackenziers River, 7 Jan. 1807 - 4 Feb. 1815. 0ttawa, Public Archives of Canada, MEl9, C1, Vol. 51.

Biskaga RÍver Journa I, 13 May 1807 - 4 June 1807. 0ttâwa, Public Ar ch Í ves of Canada , ME19 , E1, VoI . 24.

27 1 Lett,er, Bear Lake Post, 9 Nov . 1812. Mont- real 14cGi1l Univ. Manuscript Collection, cqz3, s59, ?.414 - 15 . . Letter, Bear Lake Post, 5 Jan. 1812. Otta- wô r PubIic Archives of Canada, l1G19, C1, VoI. 51.

. Letters, Nahanni River Post, 1 Dec 1808 28 Feb. 1810. 0ttawa, Publ ic Archives of Canada, MG 19, C1, VoJ.. 51. Macdonnell, John. An Account of t.he Athabasca Indians by a P art n er of the Northwest Company, 1795. 0t- tawa, Publ ic Alchives of Canada , MC19 , Cl , VoL. 55.

An Account of the At haba sca Indians; 0r.i- gint Manners and Customs of the Athabasca lndians. Mont rea I, McGiIl Un iv. Manuscript ColIec- tion, CH22, 558, No s. 4-7. Lake Athabasca, An Accou nt of the Chipewy- ans in 1793 . Montreal, McGill Univ . Manuscript ColJ-ect ion s, cH22, 558, 2352, No. 5 - cH23, S59, 2414. Lake Athabasca, An Account of the Chipewy- ans irr 1793 , 0ttawa, Pu bl ic Archives of Canada, MG19, C1 , V oI. 52. McGilIi!ray, WilI iam. Journa.I , Rat River Fort neat Riviere MaIigne, 9 Sept. 1789. 0ttalTa, Publ ic Archives of Canada, MG 19, C1 , Vol 5. Trade of the Posts on the Engl ish River, Rat River Fort Jou rna I, Sept. 17 89 . 0ttawa, Pub- lic Archives <¡ f Canada, MG19, C1, VoI. 4.

Trading Ëxpedit ion to the En gl is h River, 22 Jan. - 14 June 1809. 0ttawa, Pub lÍc Archives of Canada, MG19, C1, No. 5

Mackenzie, Sir Alexander. Letters, At haba s ca Fort , 18 Mar. 1788 - 22 May 1789. 0ttawa, Public Archives of Canada, MG19, C1 , Vol. 32, Nos . 2-6. McKenzie, Alexander. Great Bear La ke Sournal, 26 0ct. 1805 - 16 June 1806. Montreal-, McGilI Univ. 14anu- script Collection, CH 180, S162.

)'7 ) Mackenzíe, 3ames. Fort Chipewyan JournaJ., 17 Jan. 1800- 20 Aug. 1800. Montreal, l4cGill Univ. Manuscript Collection, CH175, S157.

McKenzie, Alexander. Lettets, The Forks of the Peace River, 8 May 1793. 0ttawa, Publ ic Archi.ves of Canada, MG19, C1 , VoI. 32. McKenzie, Roderic. An Account of t he At habas ca Indians by a Partner of the North West Company, '1795. Montreal, McGilI Univ. Manuscript CoIIection, CH23, 559, 2352-2355, No. 4 Letters, Athabasca, 2 Dec. 1787. 0ttawa, Public Ar ch i ves of Canada, MG 19, C1, Vol 3 2 , No . 15,

Ma rte n, Humphrey. Remarks and 0b servat i ons on the In- l¿n d JournaIs, York Factory, 4 Aug. 1780. Winni- peg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives, 8239lal 78. Norton, Moses. Lettet, Fort Churchill, 177). Winnipeg, l'4an. , Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives , A11115. Pine River Post Journal, 1 Mar. 1807 - 26 Jan. 1808. 0ttawa, Pub.lic Archives of Canada , MC19, E1, Vol. 24.

Porter, James. Slave Lake Post SournaI, 18 Feb. 1800 - '14 F el¡. 1801 . 0ttawa, PubIic Ar chi ves of Canada, MG19, C1, Vol. 6 PrÍnce of lÏalesr Fort Post JournaI, 0ct.1768 - 13 Apr. 1769. Winnipeg, Man. , Hudsonrs Bay Company Ar.chives, 842 l¿/74 - B+Zlb/15.

Ross, Ma lcolm. Lake Athabasca Journa I. 2 Sune 1791. ì{innipeg, Man., Hudsonrs Bay Company Archives, 89 lal1 . Smith, Edward. Fort Simpson Post Journal, 10 Apr. 1825. Winnipeg, Man. , Hudsonrs Bay Company Arch- ives, 8200/a/6.

Sm it h, E. Hay River Post Journa l, 21 May 1807 - 17 Oct. 1807. 0ttawa, Publ ic Archives of Canada, MG19, E1, Vo l. 24.

273 Staynor, Thomas. Fort Churchitl Post Jour.nal, 29 July 1793 - 19 A s . 179 6. Wlnnipeg, Man., Hudson's Bay Company Arc h t ves, B42 la/118 - B42lal121a,

Swain, Thomas. ChÍswick Ho use Post J ourna l, Sla ve Lake, 22 Sept. 1803 - 6 May 1805. Winnipeg, Man., Hud- sonrs Bay Company Archives , 839/a14.

Mansfield H ouse Post Journal, 4 0ct , 1802 - 20 De c. 1803. Wi nn ipeg, l4an., Hudsonts Bay Com- pany Ar chives, 841/a/1 - 8224 lal1. Thomson, John Journal, Riviere Rouge or Grand Mar- rais, 4 Nov. 1798 - 22 July 1799. 0ttawa, PubIic ArchÍves of Canada, MG19, C1 , Vol . 5, 7 -'15. Journal, Riviere Rouge on Peace River, 14 Aug. 1798. 0ttawa, Public Archives of Canada, MG19, C1 , Vol. 15.

Wentzel, W Í I I a r d - F e r d i n a n d . Gra nd River Journal, 13 Ja n. 1805. 0ttdwa, Public Archives of Canada, MG19, C1, V oI. 8.

JournaI, The Fo rks of the Mackenzie River, 9 Sept. 1807 19 June 1808. MontreaI, McGiIl U n i v . Ma n u s c r i p t Collection, CH176, 5158. Journal, The Forks of the Mackenzie River, 6 Ap r. 1806 - 9 Feb. 1807. 0ttawa, Public Alch- ives of Canada, MC19, C1 , Vol. 24.

Published

Ba ck, Sir Georg e Narrative of the At'ctic Land Expedi-

Burpee, L.J. The Journal. of Antht-rn Henda fr Factor to t ac oro o3 an- a na ouse, Butler, Sir W.F. The Wild North Land : BeÍng the Story of a llinter ¡"r",^"V, -itt O"g tig, 1968.

?74 CatIin, George. Nolth American IndÍans: Be in Letters and Notes r âmes wr en r n s ra!e amon e est r ans n orth r vo S. n urg Ìan

Davies, Keith ed. Letter s from Hudson Bav , 1703 -40 . L ondon: Hud sonl s Bay Record Society , 1965 Dobbs, Art hu r. An Account of the Countries Adjoining to Hudson's Bay Ín the Nort h we st Pôrt of Ame¡ica.... 1745i rpt. New York: Johnsoñ, T927.

Dought y, Ar¿hur G., ed. The Xelsey Papers. 0ttawa: PAC; Belfast: Publ ic Records 0ffice of Northern Ire- land, 1929.

Foxe, Luk e. North-west F ox, or', Fox from the North-west P assaqe . . . .1635 i rpt . Toronto: S.R. Publishers and Johnson, 19 65 Ia France, Joseph Narrative in Great Britain House of Commons. Journ epor rom ee o the House of Commons Appo inted to Enquire into the State and Condit ion of the Hudson's Bay and of the Countries adjoÍning to Trade Carried on There, 1749. Franklin, Sir John. Narrative of ä Sourney to the Shores of the Pol 1821 and 1822 1823i rpt. New York: Greenwood FTñã;-T9Z- of a Second Ex edition to the Shore s o t o ar ea n r ; rp on on: UT s Fraser, Símon, rrFirst Jou rna l. . . from April 12 to July I , 1806 ll Canadian Archives Report for 1929 . 0 ttawa 3 K in gr s Printer , 1930. rrLetters from the Rocky Mountains from Aug. 1 ,1806 to Feb. 10, 1807.rt Canadian Archives ReporL f or 1929. 0ttawa: Kingrs Printer, 19JO Glover, Richard, ed. SamueI Hearne: A Journev to the Northern 0cean in the Years 1769 1770 1771 oronto: acm afì,

275 , ed. Samuel Hearne; A Journey from Prince of Walesr Fort in Hudsonrs Ba to the Northern cean ;r oron o: acm dfl r Hea rn e, Samu el A Journe from Pr ince of Walesr Fort in Hudsonrs ; rp etr or apo ress,

He lm, June, ed. rrThe PooIe FÍeld Letters.rr Anthropo.lo- gils , N o. 4 (1957) , 47-60.

Henry, Alexander. Travels and Adventures in Ca na da and the Indian Territories between the Years 1760 and '1776....Ld. James tsain, 1901; rpt. Ldmonton, Hur- TTl,--T',îãg .

Hooper, Lt. llilliam Hu lme. h

n eal.c o r o n ran on- on3 o n utray,

Houston Cfarence Stuart. ïo the Alctic b Canoe 1819- 2 The Jo rnal n n rea c n u e .reremì e, Nicolas. Twentv Years of York Factorv 1694- 1714. Trans. and eds. R. Douglas and J.N. Wal- Tace. 17201' rpt. 0ttawa: Thorburn and Abbott, 1926.

Kenney, James F. , ed. The Found ing of Churchill beÍng the Journal of Ca ain James Kni ht Governor in e n son em er oron o3 âtì ons, King, Richard. Narra¿ive of a Journe to the Shores of the Arctic cean n an on R icha rd Bent ley, 1836. Lamb, l{. Xaye, ed The Joulnals ônd Letters of Sir A Ie xan der Mackenz ie. Torontos Macmi.llan, 1970 ------, ed. Sixteen Years in the lndian Country: the Sournals of Daniel Williams Harmon, 1800- 1816. To¡onto: l4acmi.Ilan , 1957.

McCIÍntock, Francis. A Narrat ive of the D iscover of the Fate of Sir ran n an n ons. ; rp mon on: Ul' 9t

276 McDonald, T.H., ed, Ex Iorin the Northwest Territt¡r AIex Mackenzi ar orman, a oma: n v. o a oma ress,

McGil-livray, Duncan. rrSome Account of the Trade Carried on by the North West Company.tl In Report of the Public Archives of Canada, 1928 0ttawa: Kingrs Printer', 1929 McLean, John. McLean I s Notes of a Twenty-five Years Service in the Hudsonrs Ba Territor Ed. l{.S. a ace. oron e amp n c y , 1932. Mackenzie, AJ.exander. Voyages from Montredl through the ffiContinent of North America. 1801; rpt. Edmontona

F Masson, Louis ra nco is Rodrique. _ Les Bourgeois de la om ô nre du Nord-0uest: Rác its des Vo a es [ãt: res et a rts s. ; rp etl or n uar a Press, 1960 Morton, Arthur S., ed. The Sournal of Duncan MrCilliv- ray of the North ll the Saskatchewan 1794-95. Toronto: Macmillan, 't929 .

Pond, Pete r' Map presented to the Honourable Henry Hamilton, L ieut enant -G ov ern or of the P rov Ínce of Quebec, 1 I Apr. 1785. In Canada. Report on the Canadian Archives. 0ttawa: Queenrs Printer, 1890.

Rich, Edwin E., ed. Col in Robert son I s Correspondence Book, September 1817 to September 1822. Toronto: Champlain Society, '19)9

, ed. Hud son I s Ba Co book of Letters Com- mlssLons Instruct utnar oro o: amp n oc v or e U son s Bay Record Society, '1948.

¡ and A.M. Johnson, ed s. Cumberland House Journals and Inland Journal 177 ,-EZ First Se- ries, 177 5 -79, Second S€ries J 779-82; rpt. Lon- don: The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1951-52

and A.M. Johnson, ed s. James I shamr s 0b ser - vation s on Hudsonts Bav, 174Jffi

277 vatiorìs on a Book Entitled a Vovaqe to Hudsonrs Bay in the Dobbs GalIery London 3 Hudson' s Bay Record Society, 1949. Simpsonrs ALhabasca SournaI , London: Hud- sonrs Bay Record Societyl T9IE.

Richardson, Sir John. Arct ic Searchi Ex di Journaf of a u s an an r omman o r n rôn o s. on n: ongman, rowrì, reen an ongmans , '1951 Robson, Jo sep h. An Account of Six Yearsr Residen Ì I Hudson s Ba y. i rp ew or o nson print Corp., 1965.

RusseLl¡ F rank. Exploratlons in the Far North, Being a t=lliversity of Iowa during the Years JE9 Zl 93--ã ã 94. Iowa City I The University, 1898.

Seton, Ernest Thompson The Arct ic Prairies n Journe of 2 000 miI ES n r or âr es cl' ner s ons, Simpson, Thomas. r Ì overies on the N h e cers o e U son s a om an UT t ears ondon: R. Ben eY r

T v T r t t , J. Burr, ed Documents I n rl H s oron amp a n e v , ed. Journey from Prince of WaIesr Fort 17 69 1770 1771 and 1772 b Samuel Hearne. Tor- onto: amp a n oc e Yt , ed. Journals of Samuel Hearne and Phili Turnor. Toronto: amp a n oc Yr Wallace, WiIIiam S. ed. Documents Re.latin to the Northwest Company. oron o3 e amp a @;-1e3r: Williams, GIyndwr, ed. Andrew Graham I s 0bservat ions on Hudson's Bay, 1767 cord Societ y , 1969.

278 , ed. Hudsonrs Bay Miscellanv , 1670-1870. London: Hudsonrs Bay Record Society, 1975. Secondarv Sources

Unpublished

Brown, Jennifer S.H. I'Company Men and Nat ive Families: Fur Trade Society and Domestic Relatlons itr Canadars 0ld Northwest.rl Diss. UnÍv. of Chicago, 197 6.

Coats, Kenneth S. rrFurs along the Yukons Hudsonrs Bay Company-Native Trade in the Yukon River Basin, 1810-93.rr M.A. Diss. Univ. of Mani.toba, 1979. Feit, Harvey A. "Waswanipi Realities and Adaptations. Resource Management Among Sub-Arctic Hunters.rl Diss. McGill Univ., 1977. Foster, John E. rrThe Country-Born in the Red River Set- tlement: 1820-50." Diss. Univ. of ALberta, 1972. Frisholz¡ John. I'Ethnohistory of the Northern Fur Trade, '1715-87.tt TS, Paper f or History 11.733, Univ. of Manitoba, 6 Mar. 1972. Janes, Robert R. rrDispersion and Nucleation Among Nine- teenth Century Mackenz ie Basin Athapaskans ! Ar- chaeoJ.og ica I , Et hnoh i st or ica I , Ët hnog ra ph ic I nt er- pretations.'r Microfiche. Diss. Univ. of CaIgary, 1975, Jalvenpa, Robert. rrThe PeopIe of Patunak: The Ecology and Spatial 0rganization of a Southern Chipewyan Band." Diss. Univ. of MinnesoLa, 1975. Leonard, DougIas. 'rA Bibliography on Bil ateÌality in Band Society for the Northeastern Sub-arctic Region of Canada, Nor¿h America, The Chipewyan.'l 0ttawa: National Museum of Man, Xerox, n.d.

McCleLlan, Cat ha r Ín e. rrCul-ture Change and Nat iv e Tra de in Southern Yukon Territory.rl Diss. UnÍv. of Calif ornia, 1950. McGhee RoberL . I'Copper Eskimo Archaeology Diss. U niv. of Calgary, 1968. -279- MilIar , J. I'Archaeology of Fishermôn Lake, Western Dis- trict of Mackenzie.rr Diss. Univ. of Calgary, 1968.

0stenstat, William L. "The Impact of the Fur Trade on the Tl ing it du r ing the late EÍghteenth and NÍne- teenth Centuries.rr M.A. Diss. Univ. of Manitoba, 197 6.

Pannekoek, Frits. rrThe Churches and the Soc Ía I Stru c- ture Ín the Red River Area, 1818-70.rr Diss. 0ueen' s Univ., 1973. Ridington, R.W. rrThe Envlronmental Context of Beaver IndÍan Behavlor.rr Diss. Harvard Univ. , 1968. Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Microfilms, 1968. Rotstefn, Abraham. rrThe Fur Trade and Emplre, an Insti- tulional Analysis.r' Diss. UnÍv. of Toronto, '1 967.

Sharp, Henry S. "ïhe K inship System of the Black Lake Chipewyan." Duke Univ. Ann Arbor: Univ. Micro- f ilms, 1973.

SIobodÍn, Richard. 'rBand 0rganization of the Peel River Kutchin. " Diss. Columbia Univ., 1959. SmÍth, David M. rrFort Resolution People: An Hlstorical Study of Ecological Change. " Diss. Univ. of Min- nesota, 1975. Stager, John K. rrHistorical Geograp hy of the Mackenzie River VaIley, 1750- 1850.r' Di ss. Univ. of Edin- burgh, Scotland. Stewart, Ethel. rrFort McPherson and the Peel River Area.rr M.A, Diss. 0ueen's Univ., 1953. Tanner, Adrian. rrBringing Home Animals: Religious Idea- Io gy and Mode of Product ion among MistassÍni Hunt- ers.r' Microfiche. Diss. Univ. of Toronto, 1976. "The Structure of Fur Trade Relations.rl M.A Diss. Univ. of British Columbia, 1966, Van Kirk, SyIvia. "The RoIe of Women in the Fur ïrade Society of the Canadian ltlest, 1700- 1850. '' Diss. Univ. of London, 1975.

280 Yerbury, J.C. rrAn Ethnohistorical Reconstruction on the SociaI 0 rga n i zat ion of Athabascan Indians in the Alaskan Su ba rct ic and Pacific Drainage.rl Diss. Simon F raser Unil ., 1975. rrïhe Social 0 rga n izat ion of t,he Subarctic At hapaskan lndians; an Ethnohistorical Reconstruc- tion.rr Diss. Simon Fraser UnÍv., 1980.

Pub-Lished

Books

Asch, Michael I. Dene Nation-the Colony Within. Ed M. Watkins. Toronto: Univ, of Ioronto Press, 1977,

Axte I l, James. e Euro an and the Indian: Es IN h r o a or er cä ew or X or Ìess,

Biccieri, M.G. , ed. Hunters and Gat herer s Tod New York: Holt, Rine art an NS oR r

Birket -Sm it h, Kaj. The Ca ri bou EskÍmos' MaterÍ n Soc Ía I Life an t e r o e or U e X edition 1921 -24 . o pen agen: v en a e g n f ãTF-Fãr Iag, '1929 ,

ns to chi ew an Ethnolo Vol. 6, No o to t e X e tion 192't -24. open agen: v en â s e og an- de1, Nordisk Forlag, 'l 930 Bishop, Charles. The Nort heÌn the FuÌ Trade: An Histori câ n oronto: o ne r an NS otr r

Bone, Robert, E.N. Shannon and S Ra by. The Chipewyan of the Stony R ap ids Region Mawdsley Memoir 1, In st itut e for Northei¡t Stuiies. Saskatoon: Univ. of Sa skat c hewa n Press, 1973. Brown, Jennifer S.H. Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade FamÍlies in lndian Cou¡rt r Vancouv er: U.B.C. ress, Burpáe , L.J. The Search for the \!estern Sea. Toronto: Musson, 1908

281 The Sea rc h for the Westeln Sea. ToI. onto, MacmÍllan,

Campbel I R.B. The Discover nd Y k P TI o o ea ssons ea ers ecia I Ca na d lan Ser ro n o omas son an on ân ames mp ll and Son, 1882. Coope r, John Montgomery. Snares, Deadfalls and other Traps of the NorLhern Al qonq u ian s and Northern Athapaskans. Washington:ffi America , 1938 . Cox, Bruce, ed. Cultural Ecology: Readings on the Canadian lndians and Eskimos. Toronto: Carleton Pa per bac k, 1973 Curt is, Edmund S. The Nort h American Indian. Vol. XVIII of The n ns o e n ïhe Domini n i rp ew r nson,

Dahlberg, Frances, ed. lToman the Gatherer. New Hav en: Yale Unir. Press, 1981 Davidson, Gord on C. ïhe North West Company. Belkeley: Univ. of Calif orn Ía , 1918. Driver, HaroJ-d E. Indians of North America. 2nd rev ed. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1969. Duchaussois, Pierre. Mid Snow and lce: The Apostles of the North-lryest. 0ttawa: Missionary 0bIa t es of Mary Immaculate and 0ttawa Univ. 1917. Dugas, Geolges. Un Voyageur des Pays dren Haut. Mon¿- real: Libra irie Beauchemin, 1924.

Dyen, I s idore and David F. Aber I e. Lexical Reconstruc- tion: t,he Case of Lhe Proto-ATlãïãffiffiñTõ- System. Cambr idg e: Cambr Í dg e Unil. Press, 1974

Farb, Peter. Manrs R ise to Civilization as sh nb the Indian o eu or oñ r

F isher, Rob in. n o Relations I n r ancouver ! n v. o r s o um a ress, 7

282 Foster, G.M. et. aI. !qng-Term Field Research in SociaI Anthropology. New York: Aca dem i c Press, 1979.

Francis, Dan iel and Morantz, Toby. Partners in F urs, a History of Lhe Fur Trade in --Eã sT eä--Tãmë3 1600- 1870 Montreal: McC@ J es-T--

Fridle v , Russell W., ed. Aspects of the Fur Trade. St. P aul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1967.

Fumoleau, Ren e. A L and Sha 1l Last: A Histor' an oron c e an an tewart, n

Gates, Charles M. and Crace Lee Nute, ed s. F ive Fur Traders of the Northwest. st. PauI: M-Ï;;;:;Tã Histolical Soclety, 1965.

HaIl, Roberta L and Henry S. Sharp, ed s. Wol f and Man: El'olution in ParalleI. New York: Aca dem ic Press, 1978.

Hallowe-lÌ, A. Irving. Cu ltu re and E xper ience. Phila- delphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania P ress, 1955, Hanbur y, David T. Sport and Travel in the North lan d of Canada. Lcr ndo n: E. Arnold and Nãw f orF: MacmTl- fã il-1e04 . Harper, F. Caribou Esklmos of the Upper Kazan Rlver, Keewatin. La wrence, Mã@ HarrÍs, Marvin. Cannibals and KÍngs: The 0riqÍns of Cultures. New Yorks Random House, 1977. He iden re ich, C.E. Huron ia : A History and Geography of the Huron Indians 1600-50. Toroñto: EceIèTIãnã and StewarL , '1971. Helm, June, ed., Subar.ctic. Vol. VI of Handbook of North American I nd ians. Ed. William C. Sturte- vant. Washington, D.C.l Sm lth son ia n Institution, 1981 . HeLmer r 3.W., S. Van Dyke, and F.J. Kense, eds. Prob- lems in of the North Ame r icanE6l âr e on, a a n o a gaÌy rc og ca ssoc t ion, 19

283 Hlady, lVa lter, ed. Archaeology in Man itoba . Ten Thou- sand Years. Alt ona, Man.: Ma n it oba Historical

Honigmann, 3 ohn, ed. Ethno ra hic Stud of Churchill Chap el Hill, N aro na ! ns U or esearc in S ocial Science, Univ. of North Carolina, 1968. Innis, -societ),J970Harold A. Peter Pond, Fur Trader and Adventur- er. Ïoronto: Irwin and Gordon , '19J0. The Fur Trade in Canada. Toronto! Univ of ToronLo Press, 1962 Jaenen, ColnelÍu s J. Friend and Foe, Aspects of French - Amerindian Cu ltu ra I Contact in the Slxteenth and Seventeent h Centuries. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, '197 6. Senness, Diamond. The Indians of Canada. Toronto: Univ. of T oronto Press, 1977, L1932 J

J ohn son, F.3. and H.M. Raup. Geobotanical and Archaeo- logical R econna is sa nce. VoL. VI of Investigations in Southwest Yukon. Andover, Mass. : Robert S @dation for A rchives, 1964. 3ud d, Carol M. and Arthur J. Ray, eds. 0Id Trails and New Directlons. Papers of the Third North Ameri- can Fur Trade Con ference. Toront o I Univ. of ïor- ont o Press, 1980.

Kehoe, Al ice B. Nort h American Indians: A Comprehensi Account. N

Krech, Shepard, III. The Subalctic Fur T ra de: Native SociaL and Econ Univ. of British Columbia Press, 1984. Leacock, Eleanor B. and Nancy 0. Lurie, eds. North American lndians in Historica.l Pers ective -G ork: n om ouse,

, and R.B Lee, eds. Politics and H istory in Band Society. Cambridge: Cambr idge Univ. Press, 1982. Lee, R.B. and lrven DeVore, eds. Man the Hunter. Ch ica go: Aldine, 1968.

284 Ma cAn drew, Cra ig and Robert B. Ldgerton. Drunken Com- portment: A S ocia I Explanation. Chicago: Aldine, 19 69 Martin, Call'in C. rrThe Ecological. Effects of Indian- WhIte Relat i on s: Major Eu ro -Amer ica n Inf Iuences.'l VoI. IV of Handbook of North American lndians. Ed. William C. Sturtevant@: Sm it h son ian I nst Ítut ion , 1976.

Ma rt in, Calvin c Kee ers of the G me: Indl d t ma Ì I ra er e ey ! n v. o or n ress, lulason, 14ichael H . The Arctic Forests. London: Potter and Stoughton, 1924

Morice, Re v. Adrien Gabriel. Histor of the Catholic Church in Western Canada rom a U l. a cean VO s oron o: US- sen, 1910. Ïhe Historv of the Northern Interjor of B.C 660- 18 80. Fairfield! Ye Galleon Press, 1971 . Morton, Arthur S. A History of the Canadian l{est to 1870-71. 1939; rpt. Toronto: UnÍv. of Toronto Press, 1973. Murie, 0laus J. The Elk of North America. Washington, D.C.: \{ildI ife Ma nagement Institute, 1951. NeIson, Richard K. Hunters of the Northern Forest. Desi ns for S rV U c n. cdgo: n v. o cago ress, 0swaIt , WendelI H. ThÍs Land was Theirs: A Study of North Amer ican Indian. San Francisco: Chandler, 19 67 Peterson, R.L. North Amerlcan Moose. Toronl,o: Univ. of Toronto, 1 9tr. Petitot, Emile F.S.3. Autour du Grand Lac des Esclaves. Pari s: Al bert Sa v ine, tditeur, 1891.

Etude Sur la Nât i on Monta na ise ou Tchi wavne yon: es ss ons a o ques,

285 Ex loration de la Re ion d 0urs dr S equ ra re- eut, MonographÍe des Dené-Dindje. Paris: E. Leroux, En Route pour la Mer GlaciaIe. ParÍs: G.P Ma i son neuv e et Larose, Tditeurs, 1887.

Traditions: I n d iennes du Canada Nord- 0uest . Paris: G.P Maisonneuve et Larosè, tãI: teurs , 1887.

P ike, Warburton. The Ba r ren- G rou nd of N ort hern Canada. London: Macmillan, 1892. - Polanyi, Karl, C.M. Arensberg, and A.W. Pearson, eds. Trade and Market in Early Empires: Economies in HÍstory and Theory. New York: Flee Press | 1957. Prudrhomme, L.A. Les MonLaqna i s ou Tchippewavan. Mont- rea I: Revue Canadienne, '19 09

Ra y t Arthur J. Indians in the Fur Trade: Iheir Role as Hunters, Trappers and Middlemen in the Lands

, and Donald Freeman. Give Us Good Measure: An Economic Ana I sis of Rel a ons an t n e ore oron o: n v. o oro o ress, . rrThe Hudsonrs Bay Company Fur Trade in the Eighteenth Century: A Comparative Economic Study." In Eur ean Settlement and Dev Ìo Amer ca 3 ssa s n or o rew r ames son oton o3 oron o , '197I Rich, Edw in E. TheJl istory of the Hudsonrs Bay Companv, 1670-1870. 2 vols. London: Ihe Hudsoni- Bãy Te- õõiì-EãIet y, 1e59 . ---, €d. Simpson I s Athabasca Journal. Toronto: The Champ Ia i n Society, 1939.

Sahl ins, Marshal I. Stone A e Economics Chicago: A I d i n e / At h e r t o n ,

286 Savishinsky, J oel S The Trail of the H r Li ew or or on an reac Servlce, E.R. Cultural Evol ut ion ism: Theor y in Prac- tice. New The Hunters. Eng.lewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- t ice-HaII , 1966 . . PrimÍtive Social 0rganization I An Evolu- tionary PerspectÍve. New York: Random House, '19 62. Seton, Ernest Thompson. Life-Histories of Northern Mammals. 2 vols. N effi SïÇ1rro.

Smith, James G.E. rrThe Chipewyan Hunting Group ín a Vi-llage Context.rr In Cultural E"olrgy_E=udlg."_g! the Canadian Indians affi Lelland and Stew- arL , 1973. Smith, R.A. and J. \{., eds. EarI Man and Environments Ín Nort,hwest North Amer ca a g ar y 3 tu- dentsr Press, 1970

Steward, Julian H. rrThe Economic and So cia I Basis of Primitive Bands.rr In fssays on Anthropoloqv Ín Honor of Alfred Louis Kroeber. Ed. C. DuBois Berkeley: Univ. of Callfornia Press, 1936.

Iheory of Culture C ha nge. 1955; rpt. Urb- ana, llI.: Univ. of lllinois Pless, 1973. Trigger, Bruce G. 'rChamplain Judged by his Indian Pol- icy." ln PÍlot Not Commander: Essays in Memory of Diamond Jenness. Eds. James and Patricia Lotz. õffi-in t PauI Univ., 197 1. f the H on Peo e VO on l.ea ee n s

TyrrelI, 3. Bur r, ed David Thom sonrs Narrative of his Ex oron o: amp a n oc Yt

287 TyrleI I, Joseph W. Across the Sub-Arct ics of Journe of 3 es nows oe ro on on: er n n

Van K irk, Sy.lvia, ender T ies: Women in Fur Trade Soclet in Western an nn Pe9r an. ! a son an wyer,

VanStone, James W h s: Hunters and Fi e U ar c orests. cago: tr€ r

WalIace, William S. The P edla rs from Qu ebec and 0ther Papers of the Nort h l{est Compa son Press r l-

Periodicals

Asch, Michael l. I'The Impact of ChangÍng Fur Practices on the Economy of the Slavey Indians. " Proceed- ing s Second Congress Cana d ia n EthnologicãTEE ety . Eds. J. Freedman and H. Barkow. Vol. Il. 0rr awa: National Museum of Canada, 1977, 647-57. I'Some Effects of Late Nineteenth Centu I v Mode rn izat i on of the Fur Trade on the Economy o f the S 1a vey lndians.r' lVestern CanadÍan J ourna I of Anthropoloqv 6 , No. 4 W Ba les, R.F. rrCultural Differences in Rates of Alcohol- ism.tt uarterl J es on AIcohoI , 6 ( March BaIl, Timothy. rrA Dramatic Change in the General Circu- lation on the West Coast of Hudson Bay in 1760 A.D.: Synoptic Ev i dence Ba sed on Histor.lc Records. Rep ri nted from: Cl imat ic Change in Ca na da 5: Crit- ÍcaI PerÍods in the Quaternary CI imat i c History of North America. Edíted by C.R. Harington. Syllogeus No. 55 (1985), 219-22.8.

rrlnstrumental Temperature Records ôt Two SÍtes in Central Canada: 1768 to 1910tt Cl.imatic Change, 6, (1984), 39-56.

288 rrTh e Migration of Geese as an Indlcator of ClÍmate Change in the Southern Hudson Bay Reg f on Between 1715 and 1851r' c Iimatic Cha n qe ,5, (1983), 85-93. rrLegends Bel I, Robert. o f t he Slavey lndians of the Mackenzie River.'l Journal of Amer ica n FoIkIore 14 (1901) , 26-29. Bishop, Char.les A. and Arthur J. Ray. "Ethnohistoric Research in the Central Subarctic: Some Conceptual and Methodoloqical Probf ems.rr l{estern Canadian 't',t6-44, Journa.l of Anthropology, 6, No. 1 (1976 ) , and Shepard Krech III. rrMatrÍorganization: The Bases of Aborig Ína 1 Subarct ic SocÍa I 0rganiza- tion.rl Arctic Anthropoloqv 17, No. 2 (1980), 34 -45 .

Burch, Ernest J r. rrThe Caribou/l{ild Reindeer as a Human Resource. Amer ica n Antiquitv , 37, No . 3 (1972), 339 -68 .

Campbel l, 3ohn M ed. Prehistori bet n h em era e o,ìes o ort ec n ca aper o. ontrea c- c rìs Ítute o f North AmerÍca , 1962. rrEco.lo Cowan, I.M. s v and Northern Development. " ELll:, 22 (1969), 3- 1 2 Dobyns, Henry F. rrEstimating Aborig ina I American Popu- lat ion: An AppraÍsaI of ïechniques wit h a New Hem- ispheric Estimate.rl urrent Anthr ol ,7 (1966) , 395-416. Dozier, Edward P. rrProblem DrinkÍng among American In- dians: The Role of Sociocultural Deprivation.rl arterl J ourna I of S di 27 (March '

Dumond, Donald E. 'rT<¡ward a Prehistory of the Na-Dene, with a General Comment of Population Movement s among Nomadic HunLers.rr American Anthropoloqist 71 (1969),857-63 Ferìton, William F. 'rHuronia: An Essay in Proper Ethno- history.rl Rev. of C h i Idren of A¿rtaent s ic by Bruce ïrigger'. America@ ( 1978), 923 -35 .

289 Gibbs, George. "Notes on the Tinneh or Chipewyan In- dians of British and Russian AmerÍca.rr Annual Re- port of the Smithsonian In st it ute. llashington, D.C.: Smithsonian InstÍtute r '1872. Gillespie, BeryI C. rrChanges in Territory and Tec hnol- ogy of the Chipewyan.'l Arct ic Anthropoloqv , 13, No. 1 (1976), 6-11.

Godda r d, Pliny Earl Beaver T ext s. Anthropological Papers of the A merican Museum of Natural History, 10, No. 5 . New York: The Trustees , 1917 . Graves, Theodore D. 'rAcculturation, Access and Alcohol in a Tri-Ethnic CommuniLv. " American Anthroor.¡I- 991s!, 69, Nos. 3-4 (Jan.'-Aug.-ß@-- Hall, Edwin S., Jr. "Speculations on the Late Prehis- tory of the Kutchin Athapaskans.rl Ethnohistorv 16, No. 4 (1969) | 317-J4. Hardin, G. "The Tragedy of the Commons.rr Science, 162 (1968), 1243-48. Hardisty, WiILiam L. rrNotes on the Tinneh or Chipewyan lndians of British and Russian America: The Louch- eux f ndians.r' In Annual Report for the Year 1866 of the Smithsonia InstitutÍon llashÍngton, D.C.: U.S. Government PrÍnting 0f f ice, 1867. Harp, Elmer, Jr. The Archaeo-lo of the Lower and Mid- dLe ïhelon ort west err or es. ns tute of North@I Paper No. g. MontreaI3 Arctic Institute of North America , 1961 . rrEcological Continuity on the Barren- Grounds Polar Notes, 1 (1959 ), 48-56. rrPrehistory in the Dismal La ke Area, North- west Terri¿ories, Ca nada Arctic, 2 No. 4 ( 1958 ) , 218-49 . rrThe Moffatt ArchaeologÍcaI Collectlon from the Dubawnt Country, Canada.rl American Antiquitv 24, No. 4 (1959), 412-22.

Harper, F. The Barren-Ground Caribou of Keewatin. The M useum of Naturô I History, Miscellaneous Publica- tÍon No. 6 Lawrence, Mass.: Univ. of Kansas, 1955.

290 Helm, J une. rrBiLaterality in the Socio-Territorial 0r'- gan iza¿ ion of the Arct i c Drainage Dene. " EthnoI - ogy, 4 (1965), 361-85. Helm, June. rrContemporary Folk Beliefs of a S-lave 1n- dian Band." Journal of American Folklore, 67 (1954), 185-98 rrLeadership Among the N ort h ea st ern Athaba- scans.lt Anthropologica, 2 (1956) , 131 -63. r'0n Responsible Scholarship on Culture Con- tact in the Mackenzie Basin.rr Current Anthropol- W: 19 (1978) , 160-62. , and VitaI Thomas. rrTaf es fron the D

rrThe Horton , Donald. F u nct ion of Alcohol IN Primitive SocietÍes: A Cross Cultural Study." 0uarterlv Journal of Studies in Alcohol 14 ( Sep r. 1943),

Irimoto, ï. Chipewyan Ecology Group Structure and Cari- bou Hunting System. Senri Ethnological Studies No. 8. 0 sa ka: Nat iona I Museum of Ethnology, 1981.

'to 4 Isbister, Ale xan der Kennedy. "Some Account of Peel River, North America.rl Journal. of RovaI Geoqraph- ical Society, 15 (1845), 332-45. rr0n the Loucheux Indians." Journal of the RovaI Geoqrd Dh i ca I Societ v 17 ( 1847) , 121 -22 Janes, Robert R. 'rThe Athapaskans ônd the Fur Trade, 0bservat ions f rom Archaeology and Ethnohistor Y.tt WesLern CanadÍan Journal of Anthro oIo , 5, 3-4

I'Culture Contact in the Nineteenth Centu ry Mackenzie Basin Canada. r' Cu rren t Anthropology, 17 (June 1976) , 344-45. rrlndian and Eskimo Contact ln Southern Kee- watin¡ An Ethno -H Í st or ica I Approach rr Ethnohis- 20 (Winter 1973) )9 -54 . ,!!" Y. ' , "More on Cultule Contact in the Mackenzie Basin." Cu rrent Anthropology, 18 (1977), 544 -56 .

Jarvenpa, Robert. rrlntergroup Behaviour and Imag er y : the Case of Chipewyan and Crees.t' EthnohÍstory, 21 (1982), 283-99.

¡rSpatial and Eco I og ical Factors in the An- nual. Economic CycIe of the English River Band of Chipewyan.'r Arctic Anthropology, 13, No. 1 (1976), 43-69. Jenness, Diamond. "The.Chipewyan lndians: an Account by an Early ExpJ.orer rr Anthropoloqica , 3 (1956), 15- Ji.

Kemp, William B rrThe Flow of Energy in a Huntin g Soci- ety.tt Scient ific American , 2.24, No. 3 (1e71) , 104-16

Kilupaq, Nua, et al. rrChasses Collectives aq Caribou dans le 0u ebec Arctlque.rl Études/Inu ltl Studies 1, No. 2 (1 977),97-'.t10. KooIage, William W., Jr. rrConceptua.l Negativism in ch ipewyan Ethnology. " !.t.L[-ropo.ljg!gg.' 17' No. 1 (1975), 45-60 r¡Dif f erential Adaptations of Athapaskans and 0ther Native Ethnic Groups to a Northern

292 Town.rl Arct ic Anthropoloqv 13, No. 1 (1976), 70-73.

Krech, Shepard, Ill. rr0n the AborÍg inaJ. Po pu I at ion of the Kutchin.rl Alctic Anthropoloqy 15, No. 1 (1978), 89-',t04. t'Disease, Starvation, and Northern Athapa- skan Social 0rganization. " American Ethnoloqist 5, No. 4 (1978), 710-J2. "The Eôstern Kutchin and the Fur Trade, 1800- 1860. rt Ethnohistorv , 23 (1976), 21J-35.

Re v. o f rrEthnohistory and Ethnography in the SubarctÍc.rl American Anthropoloqist 86 (1984), 8o-86. . rrThe lnfluence of DÍsease and the Fur Trade on Alctic Drainage Lowlands Dene, 1800-1850." ?ournal of Anthropological Research, 39 (1983) , 123-46. I'Northern Athapaskan Ethnology in the 1970 | s. rl Annua.l RevÍew of Anthroooloov 9 (1e80), 83 - 100. de Laguna, Frederica. The P reh i st ory of Northern N orth America as seen from ffi gy, No. J. Ed. Doug 1a s S. Byers. Su pplement to Amer ican Antigui- !J-, 12, No. 3, Part 2 (1947). Leacock, Eleanol Burke. t'The Montagnais Hunting Terri- tory and the Fur Trade.rr American Anthropoloqical A ss ociat ion Memoir No. 78. Menasha, lVit.; Ãmer:i: can Anthropologica I Association, '1954.

Leeds, Anthony and Andrew P. Vayda, eds. Man Culture ole of Animals in H uman Ecol Ì ca ustments U ca on o. s oñ r r can Assoc Íat i on for the Advancement of Sc ience , 1965. Lemert, Edwin M. I'AlcohoI and the Northwest Coôst Indi- ans. " University of CalifornÍa Publ icat ions in Iture and Societ ,2rNo;W Lowie, Robert H. "The Chipewyans of Canada. r' Southern Workman, 38 ( 1909 ) , 278-83. r¡C h ipewyan TaIes.rl Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. 10 (1912), 171-2OO rrAn Et hnolog ica I Trip to Lake Athabasca.rl American Museum JournaÌ 9 (1909 ), 10-15.

Lurie, Nancy 0estreich. " The Worldrs 0Ide st 0n-Going Prolest Demonstrat ion: North American Indian Drinking PatLerns.rr Pacific Historical Review, 40 (Aug. 197 1), 311-32.

McCLellan, Catharine. "Culture Contacts in the Earl v Historic Per io d ln Northwestern Nort,h America. Arct ic Anthropo.loqv , 12, No. 2 (1964), 3-15. . rrlntroduction to Special Issue: Athabascan Studies.rr l{estern Canadian Journal of Anthropol- !ÐJ-r2,No'ffi McGhee, Robert rrExcavations at Bl oo dy Falls, N.ÌV.T., Canada.rl Arctic Anthropology, 6, No. 2, 53-72.

MacNeish, June Helm. rrContemporary Folk Beliefs of a Slave Indian Band. " Journal of American Folklore 67 (1954), 185-98.

rrLeadership Among the Northeastern Athabas- cans. " Anthropolo gica 2 (1956) , 'tJ1-63.

MacNeish, Richard S. I'The Pointed Mountain Site Nea r' Fort Liard, Northwest Territoríes, Canada.rl Amer- ican AntiquÍtv , '19 (1954) , No. 3, 23t+-53. rrA Speculative Framewor k of Northern North Amerícan Prehistory." Anthropologica, 1, Nos . 1- 2 (1959),7-2). Mason, J. ALden. Notes on the Indians of the Great S lave Lake Area. Yale Un.iverslty Publications in Anthropolo 9Y r No. J4. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 194 6.

Morris, M.l{. rrGreat Bear Lake IndÍansl A Historical D emography and Human EcoIogy.'r 2 parts. Musk-0x, 12 (1972), 3-27 and 12 (1973), 58-80 Morton, Arthur S. rrForrest 0akes, Charles Boyer, Jose ph Fulton, and Petel Pangman in the North-West, 176 5- '1793.tt Transactions of the Roval Societv of

294 Canada. Section II, '1937.

Na sh, Rona Id. Archaeo.lo -tC I n ions in the Transiti tì one: ol. ern an t a n nn Pe9 r an. : e an to USCUM n an Nature, 197 5 NobIe, l{ilIÍam C. rrArchaeological Survey and Sequences Ín Central DistricL of Mackenzie, N.W.T.rr Arctic Anthropology, 8, No. 'l (1971), 102-35.

0sgood, Cornel ius B C ont ribu t ions to the Ethnography of the l(utchin . Anthropology, No. 14. New Haven: YaIe Univ. Press, 1970. The Dist r ib ut ion of the Northern Athapaskan In Yale University Publications in Anthro- po ogy, No. 7. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1936. Pa r ker, James. rrThe Fur Tra de and the Chipewyan Indi- an.rr I{estern Cana d ia n Journal of Anthropoloqv. 3, No. 1 (1972) , 43-57

Peake, F.A. rrFur Traders and Misstonaries: Som e Ref Iec- tlons on the Att itudes of the Hudson's Ba y Company Towards Missionary lVork ômong the Indians lvest- Tß-raW:ern Ca na dian Journal of Anthropology, ), N-õ--T Penald, J.M. rrLand 0wnershlp and Chieftaincy Among the Chipewyan and Caribou Eaters.rr Primiti* Manr 2 (1929), 20-24

PerrauIt, Sean Baptiste. rrNarrative of the Travels and Adventures of a M erchant Voyageur in the Savage Countries of North AmerÍca Ieaving Montreal the 20 of May 1783.rr Ed. J.F. Fox. M ich Íqa n Pioneer and HistorÍcal Collect lon s ,37 ( I 909- 10 ) , 508-619 Perry, Richard J. rrVarlations on the Female Referent in Athabaskan Cultures.rr Journal of Anthropological Research, 33 (1977), 99-118. Petitot, tmile F.S. rr0n the Athabasca District of the Canadian North-West Territory .r' Proceedings of e Ro al Geo ra hical Socie ,40 (Nov. 1883). rrlndian Legends of Northwestern Canada.rl Trans. ï. Habgood. In Athabascan Studies Special

295 Issue of WesLern Canadian Sournal of Anthropology, 2 , No. 1 (197 0) , 94-121 . Prultt, W.0. Jr. Behaviour of the Barren-Ground Cari- bou. Biol ogical Papers of the Unilersit y of ffiska, No. 3. Fairbanks: Univ. of Alaska , 1 960.

Raup, Hugh M. Range C ond it ions ln the l{ood Buffalo Park of l,ve st ern Ca na da with Notes on e S r son. r r can ee ol. t errìat iona I l{ildlife Protection, 193).

Ra y, Arthur. "Some Co n ser vat ion Schemes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1821-50: An Examination of the Prob- lems of Resource Management in the Fur Trade.rl Journal of Hi"@glgg!.y, 1, No. 1 (1975), 823". Rich, -InEdwin E. rrThe Indian Traders." Jh" B*, Out- fit 301 (Winter 1970), 4-20. Rich, Edwin E. rrTrade Habits and Economic Motivations among the IndÍans of North America. Canadian Journal of Economics and Political 5(.)t \1960), 35-53. Ross, Bernard R. rrlhe Eastern Tinneh.rr In Annual Re- port for the Year 1866 of the SmithsoniailäEiG ti<¡n. l{ashíngton, D C.: U.S. Government Printing 0f f ice, 1867. Rogers , Edward S. rrLeadership Among the Indians of Eastern Subarctic Canada.rl Anthropologica , 7 (1965), 263-84. Rotstein, Abraham. rrTrade and Politics: An Institution- al Approach.rr llestern Canadian Journal. of Anthro- -P&.9Y.' 3 (1e72 ). rrThe Two Economies of the Hudsonrs Bay Com- pany.t' Western Canadian Journal of Anthropoloqy 3 (197 2) Savishinsky, Joel S. rrMobility as an Aspect of Stress in an Ar ct ic Community.r' ,American Anthropologist, 73 (197 1),604-18. Sharp, Henry S. 'rThe Caribou-Eater Chipewyan: Bilatera- Iity St rat eg ie s of Caribou H unting, and the Fur' Tra d e. rl Arctic Anthropoloqy 14, No. 2 (1977), 34 -40 .

296 . rrlntroducting the Sororate to a Northern Saskatchewan Chlpewyan VÍ1lage." 14, No. 1 (1975),71-82. ElllglggJ, rrThe Chipewyan Hunting Unit.rr Amerlcan EthnologÌsL, 4, No. 2 (1977), J77-92 rrMan: WoIf: Woman: Dog. Prelimlnary State- ment of a Chipewyan Metaphorical Dilemma Arct ic Anthropoloqy, 13 , N

297 Eat er Chipewyan.rt Arct ic Anthropo-loqv 13, No. 1 (1976) , 12-24. r¡Local. Band 0rganization of the Caribou- Eater Ín the Ei gh¿ eent h and Early Nineteenth Cen- turies ." \{estern C a na dian Journal of Anthropol - oqy ¡ 6, No. 1 (1976) r 72.-90: . rrPreliminary Notes on the Rocky Cree of Reindeer Lake.rr In American Ethnological Society, l.vllgrat ion and Anthropology. 0ttawãl Univ. of 0ttana , 1970. Soper, J. Dewey. rrHistory, Range and Home Life of Lhe Nolthern Bison.r' Ecoloqical Monoqraphs ,2 (0ct. 1941), 347-412. Stager ¡ Sohn K. "Fur Trad ing Posts in the Mackenzie Reglon up to 1850 rr Canadian Association of Ceo- g¡31¿!y, No. 3 (1e62), J7 -+7 .

Sturtevânt, l{llliam C. trStudies in Ethnoscience, Pa rt II.r¡ Amerlcan Anthropoloqist 66, No, 3, 99-131. Townsend, J.B rrEthnoarchaeology Ín Nineteenth Centuì:y Southern and lryestern Alaskar An Interpretive ModeI.rl Ethnohistory, 20, No. 4, 393-412. Trigger, Bruce G. 'rThe Mohawk-Mahican ltfar, 1624-28: The Establishment of a Pattern.rr C a nad ian HistorÍcal RevÍew, 52, No. 3 (5ept. 197 1), 287 -305 . . "Trade and Tríbal Warfare on the St. Lawr- ence in the Sixteenth Centurv.rl Ethnohistorv ¿, No. 3 ( Summer 196?), 240-56. Vachon, Andle. rrLrEau-de-Vie dans la Societe indienne.rl Canadian Hist,orical Association Annual Reoort..

Wesù, Frederick Hadleigh. "0n the Distribution and Territories of the Ì}lestern Kutchin Tribes.r' Anthl'opologica.l PapeLs of the University of AIaska, 7, No. 2, 113-16. lVheeIer, David, ed. "The Dog- Ri b Indian and His Home.rl Bul I et in of the Geo r f Philadel-

298 Wi-lmeth, Roscoe. rrThe ProtohÍstorlc and Historic Atha- pa ska n 0 ccupat ion of Brit Ísh CoI umb ia: The Alch- aeological Evidence.'r lVestern Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 5, Nos. 3-+ (t975), 4-20. Wissler', Clark. rrCuLture of the North Amerlcan Indians 0ccupying the Caribou Area and Its Relation to other Types of Culture.rr Proceedings NatÍonal Academv of S ciences , 1 (1915) , 51-54, rrA lryuelherick, Robert G. Histor v of Fort Chipewyan and the Peace-Athabasca Delta Þ egion.'l Commis- sioned b abasca De ro ect uperv sor regor, Yerbury, J.C. rtThe Post-Contact Chipetryan: Trade Rival- ries dnd Changing Ierritorial Boundaries.rr Ethno- history, 23, No. J (Summer 1976), 237-63

rr0n Culture Contact in the MacK enz ie Basln.rl Current Anthropology, 18, ( 1977), 3 50 -52. rrFurther Not es on the Ethnohfstory of the MacKenzie Basin.tl Current Anthropology, 19 (1978),458-59.

Canadlan Government Publ ication s

Banfield, A.l{.F. The Balren-Ground Caribou. 0ttawa: Ca na d ian Wi 1d Life Se rv ic e, 19 5'l . . Preliminary lnvestÍqation of the Barren- G rou nd Caribou. 2voIs@ letfn Series 1 0ttawa: Canadian Wildlífe Serv- ice, 1954.

BeaIs, C.S. and D. A. Shenstone, ed s. S c ience, H istory and Hud son I s , 2 vols. 0ttawa: Department of nelgy, nes an d Queen's Printer and ControLler of St at ioner y, 1968 Borden, Charles. 0rigins and Development of Early Northwest Coast Culture to affi cury Series, Archaeological Survey of Canada Paper No. 45. 0ttawa: Nat iona I Museums of Canada, 1975.

Canada. R ort f h P a nada . 0tta- wa 3 een s r n €r r

299 Canadian Forestry Selvice. Vegetation Types of the Mac- K enz ie Corrldor Environmentaì. SocialTonrmÍttee, Northern Pipel ines Report No. 73-46, 0ttawa ! Canadian Forestry Selv ice, Env ironment Canada, 1974.

CarIis.le, D B. , ed. Contributions to Chipewvan Ëthnol- ogy. Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology Serv ice Paper No. 31. 0ttawô3 National Museums of Canada, 197 5.

Cinq-Mals, 3a cq ues. Prel iminary Archaeoloqical Studv, Mac kenzie Corri r. Z vols. Report for the Envi- ronmen a oc a rogram, Northern Plpelines , Task Force on Northern 0iI Development, Nos . 73-10 , 74- 11. 0ttawa: InformatÍon Canada, 1973-74.

Clark, Annett e McFa dyen. Koyukuk R iver Culture. Mer- cu ry Series, Canadl an Et hnol ogy Serv ice Pa p er No. 18. 0ttawa: Nat iona I Museums of Canada, 19 7 4,

Proceedings: N ort hern Athapaskan Confer- ence. 2 vols Merculy Series, Canadian Ethnology 5Fi ce Pa p er No . 27. 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada, 19 7

Cohen, Ronald and James l{. VanStone. rrDependency and Self-Sufficiency in Chipewyan Stories In C on - tr lb ut ion s to Anthropology, 196'l -62 Part --Ifl Natlonal Museums of Canada BuIIEtJn No. 194. 0ttawa3 Department of Nort hern Affairs and Natural Resources, 1964.

Cunnin g ha m, G.C F orest F Iora of Canada. F orestry Bu I - I etin 21. 0ttawa: Department of Northern Af f airs and Natural Resources, 1958.

Damas, David, e d. C ont ribut i ons to Anthropology: Band Societies. Anthropological Series 84; Ã[attonaT Museums o f Canada Bulletin No. 228. 0ttawa! NatÍonaI Museums of Canada, 1969a.

Cont r ibut íon s to An hr l Essays. ropo og ca er es a ona Museums of Canada Bullettn No, 230. 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada, 1969b.

F reedma n, James and Jerome H. Barkow, ed s, Proceedings of the Second Congress, Canadian Ethnology Soci-

300 Service Pa per No. 28. 0ttawa: Nat ional Museums of Canada, 197 5. r'An Gilles p I e, Ethnohistory of the Yellowknivesrrl C on - t T ibutions to h hnolo ed õ;8. a r 5 e, ercury er €s r anð thnology Ser- 11 ce Papel No. J1, 0ttawa: National Museums of c a nada, 1975. Grant, John Charles Boileau. Anth"og,sJ:y._ of thu ChÍpgwyan and Cree IndÍans offi Lake Athabasca. AnthropoIogiCaI S--fGa 14,--EuTr TæTn 6-----õt t a na ! Nat ionãt Museum of Cãnada, 1930.

HaIliday, \{.E.D. A Forest C la ss i f ícat lon for Canada. Forest Service Bulletin 89. 0ttawa: Canáda Department, of MÍnes and Resources, 1937.

Helm, June. The Lynx Point Peop Ie: The Dynamics of a Northern At ha a skan Band , AnthroþõIosiaãl Sèìles at onô useums o Canada Bullet in No. 17 6. 0ttawa: Na t Íona I Museums of Canada, 1961 .

Jacobsen, Ro ildti fe Habitat in the G ear a e ons nv 1'onmen d U s tawa: pa men of Indian and Northern Affa irs, 1979. Jenness , Diamond. The Sarcee Indians of Alberta. An- t hropological SerÍes No. 23, National Museums of Ca nada Bulletin No 90. 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada, n.d. . The Sekani Indians of British C<¡lumbla. Anth ropo f Cana da Bulletin No.84. 0ttawa: National Museums of C anada, 1937.

KeIsalI, John P. The M ig rat ory Balren-Ground Caribou of Canada. Monograph No. 3@ Indian Affa i rs and Northern Canadlan Development, Canadian Wildlife Service, 1968.

Knight, Rolf EcoIo Ìc I han l-n Econ- za on mon e U ert ouse ree t ropo og ca aper o. awa: Nat iona I Mus eums of Canada , 1968,

J01 Kuyt, E. Food Habits of Wolves on Barren-Ground Caribou . Canadian WiIdIífe Serv i ce Series, Rep ort 1. 0t.tawa: CanadÍan WildIife Service, 197 2. MacNeish, Richard S. Archaeological Reconnaissance Ín the Ma ckenz le River Drainage. Nat iìnaT Xuser.lns oi ffi: National Museums of Canada, 1953. . r'An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Northwest Territories.rr In Annual Re f h National Museum of C nad U e n o awa: ona useums o nada, 1951 Mason, J. Alden. "0n Work Among Northern Athapaskan Tribes, 191J.u In Geologícal Survey of Canada, Summary Report for 191J. Seslioñãl Papèr No. %. 0ttawa: Kingrs Printer , 1914. I'Les Michea, 3ean. C h I t r a - g o t t i n e k e ; Essai de Monogra- phie drun Groupe Athapascan des Montagnes Roche- uses.It In C ont ribut i ons to Anthro olo 19 60 Part II, pp a ona USCUMS O ana Bu 11et i n No. 190. 0t ta wa: Department of Northern Af f a irs and Natu la l Resources, '1963.

Millar, J.F.V. and G.J. Fe d irc hu k. Repolt on InvestÍqa- t ions: MackenzÍe Ilver Archaeological Survey Report of the E n v I r o rì m e n t a I - S o c i a I Comm itt ee, Nor- thern Pipelines, Task Force on Nolthern 0iI Devel- opment, No. 74-47. 0ttawat Information Canada, 1975. Minni, Sheila J. The Prqhistqqic 0ccupatÍons of Black Lake, Nort hern Saskatchewan Mercury Series, Archaeolog ica I Survey of Cànada Paper No. 53. 0ttaÌTa: Nationa.l Museums of Canada, '1977.

0 sgood, Co rnel iu s B. rrThe Ethnography of the Great Bear Lake Indians. " In A nnua I Report of NatlonaI Muse- ums of Canada 1931 Bulletin No. 70. 0tta14a! Department of Mlnes, 19j2 . Parker, Gerald R. Total Numbers Mortalit Recruit- ment and Seasona str n. ar o o roun OU na an e erv e port r ES 0ttawa: Ca na d ian WildI ife ServÍce, 1972,

302 Trends in the P of Barren-Gro nd Carlbou o eca es: cca- s ona aper wa: ana an \{ildlif e Service, 't971 . Petitot, Emile F.S.J. Les Amerindiens du Nord-0uest--lTT Canadien au 19 e S iecle Selon. 2 voli. a w Department of IndÍan Affairs and Northern Develop--" ment, 1970.

R s r 5 ) Edward S. The Huntin G ntin ïerrÍtor c o Iex Amon s n n ans. ropo o s r es o U t o. 195. 0ttawa 3 N ational Museums of Canada, 1 96 3

Th for Food and Furs: T assrnt U ca ons n no o9Y r awa: a ona I Museums of Man itoba , 1 973. rrSubsistence . Areas of the Cree-0 J ibwa of the Eastern Sub- a rct ic: a Pr eliminary Stu dy. " In Contrib o Anthro oIo 196 Part II a ona useums o ana u e n No. 204 0ttawa r Depa rtment of Northern Af fa irs and Natural Resources , 1967. Rowe, J.S. Forest Regions of Canada Canadian For- estry Service. Publicatlon Nã. 1300. 0ttawa: Department of Env ironm ent , 1972. fqqest Regions of Canada. Forest Branch Bullet in No. 123. 0ttawa: -epartment of Northern Affalrs and Natura.l Resources , 1959. Savishinsky, Soel S. and Susan B. Frimmer. The Middle Ground: Social in an Arctic rcury er €s r ana a n no ogy ervice Paper N o. 7 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada, 197 ).

Sharp, Henry S. ChÍ ew an Marri Mercury Series, Ca nadian Ethno o sy rv e No. 58. 0ttawa: Nat Íona I Museums of Canada,

Slobodi n, Richa r d. Ba nd 0rganization of the peel R iver Kutchln. Mercury Series, Can@ ïffi!er 179. 0ttðwa! NatÍonal Museums of Can- ada, 1962.

303 Smith, David M Ikonze: Ma ico-Reli lo n T n ra n a or ana ercury r es a na t ogy erv ce aper No. 6. ottawa: NatÍonal Museums of Canada , 1973. Symíngton, Fra zer. Tuktu: A 0uestion of Survival 0ttawa ! Canadian Wildltf e Service, '1965.

ïhomas, D.C. P opu lat i on E st imät es and D ist r lbut ion of Barren-Ground Caribou in Mackenzle District as c ew a n a n e r a a r c a na an e erv e epor es Þa pãr No. 9. 0ttawa: Canadlan Wildlife Service, '19 69

ïyrreIl, J. Burr and D.B. Dowling. rrReport on the Coun- try between Athabasca Lake and Churchill River.rl AnnuaI Report of the Geological Survey of Ca na da Report D, 1895. Usher, Peter. The Bankslanders, Economy and Ecology of a Frontier Trapping Community. 3 voIs. Northern ScÍence Research Group. 0ùtawa: Department of In- dfan Affairs and Northern Developnenï,, 197 1. VanStone, James W, The Changlng CuLture of the Snow- drift Chipewyan. Anthropological Series 74, BUL- letÍn No. 209. 0ttawa: National Museums of Can- ada , 1965. Voorhis, A.M. d Tradin Pos¿s of the F rench Re me an t e n s UT râ es. Ita: epar me o e n er of r a u ra Resources I nt el l ig ence Service, 1930 . Wright, James V. rrCree Cultul.e History Ín the Souther.n Indian Lake Region.rr In Archaeology, Vo1.7 of Contributio ns to Anthropology. Bulletin No. 232 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada, 1968. The Pre-H fstor of Lake Athabasca an Ini- tial Statement. ercury er €s r rc ðeo og ca Survey of Canada Paper No. 29 0ttawa: National Museums of Canada , 1975. Young, R.J. A Prospectus of Historic Sites in the Northwest T err it or ies. Mlscellaneous Report No. 81. 0ttawa: Department of IndÍan Affairs and Nort her n DevelopmenL, 1970.

104