A Critical Review of Homo Economicus from Five Approaches
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When Does Behavioural Economics Really Matter?
When does behavioural economics really matter? Ian McAuley, University of Canberra and Centre for Policy Development (www.cpd.org.au) Paper to accompany presentation to Behavioural Economics stream at Australian Economic Forum, August 2010. Summary Behavioural economics integrates the formal study of psychology, including social psychology, into economics. Its empirical base helps policy makers in understanding how economic actors behave in response to incentives in market transactions and in response to policy interventions. This paper commences with a short description of how behavioural economics fits into the general discipline of economics. The next section outlines the development of behavioural economics, including its development from considerations of individual psychology into the fields of neurology, social psychology and anthropology. It covers developments in general terms; there are excellent and by now well-known detailed descriptions of the specific findings of behavioural economics. The final section examines seven contemporary public policy issues with suggestions on how behavioural economics may help develop sound policy. In some cases Australian policy advisers are already using the findings of behavioural economics to advantage. It matters most of the time In public policy there is nothing novel about behavioural economics, but for a long time it has tended to be ignored in formal texts. Like Molière’s Monsieur Jourdain who was surprised to find he had been speaking prose all his life, economists have long been guided by implicit knowledge of behavioural economics, particularly in macroeconomics. Keynes, for example, understood perfectly the “money illusion” – people’s tendency to think of money in nominal rather than real terms – in his solution to unemployment. -
Property in Housing Lee Anne Fennell
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Kreisman Working Paper Series in Housing Law and Working Papers Policy 2013 Property in Housing Lee Anne Fennell Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/ housing_law_and_policy Part of the Law Commons Chicago Unbound includes both works in progress and final versions of articles. Please be aware that a more recent version of this article may be available on Chicago Unbound, SSRN or elsewhere. Recommended Citation Lee Anne Fennell, "Property in Housing" (Kreisman Working Papers Series in Housing Law and Policy No. 13, 2013). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Working Papers at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kreisman Working Paper Series in Housing Law and Policy by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHICAGO PUBLIC LAW AND LEGAL THEORY WORKING PAPER NO. 426 KREISMAN WORKING PAPER ON HOUSING LAW AND POLICY NO. 13 PROPERTY IN HOUSING Lee Anne Fennell THE LAW SCHOOL THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO April 2013 This paper can be downloaded without charge at the Public Law and Legal Theory Working Paper Series: http://www.law.uchicago.edu/academics/publiclaw/index.html and The Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection. Academia Sinica Law Journal No. 12 March 2013 Property in Housing Lee Anne Fennell Suggested citation format: Footnote: Lee Anne Fennell, Property in Housing , 12 ACADEMIA SINICA L.J. 31, 31-78 (2013). Reference : Fennell, Lee Anne. 2013. Property in Housing. Academia Sinica Law Journal 12:31-78. -
Mindful Economics: the Production, Consumption, and Value of Beliefs
Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 30, Number 3—Summer 2016—Pages 141–164 Mindful Economics: The Production, Consumption, and Value of Beliefs Roland Bénabou and Jean Tirole n the economic models of old, agents had backward-looking expectations, arising from simple extrapolation or error-correction rules. Then came the I rational-expectations revolution in macroeconomics, and in microeconomics the spread and increasing refinements of modern game theory. Agents were now highly sophisticated information processors, who could not be systematically fooled. This approach reigned for several decades until the pendulum swung back with the rise of behavioral economics and its emphasis on “heuristics and biases” (as in Tversky and Kahneman 1974). Overconfidence, confirmation bias, distorted prob- ability weights, and a host of other “wired-in” cognitive mistakes are now common assumptions in many areas of economics. Over the last decade or so, the pendulum has started to swing again toward some form of adaptiveness, or at least implicit purposefulness, in human cognition. In this paper, we provide a perspective into the main ideas and findings emerging from the growing literature on motivated beliefs and reasoning. This perspec- tive emphasizes that beliefs often fulfill important psychological and functional needs of the individual. Economically relevant examples include confidence in ones’ abilities, moral self-esteem, hope and anxiety reduction, social identity, polit- ical ideology and religious faith. People thus hold certain beliefs in part because ■ Roland Bénabou is Theodore A. Wells ‘29 Professor of Economics and Public Affairs, Princ- eton University, Princeton, New Jersey and a Senior Fellow, Canadian Institute for Advanced Research, Toronto, Canada. -
Gender Differences in Responsiveness to a Homo Economicus Prime in the Gift-Exchange Game
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Mertins, Vanessa; Warning, Susanne Working Paper Gender differences in responsiveness to a homo economicus prime in the gift-exchange game IAAEU Discussion Paper Series in Economics, No. 09/2013 Provided in Cooperation with: Institute for Labor Law and Relations in the European Union (IAAEU), University of Trier Suggested Citation: Mertins, Vanessa; Warning, Susanne (2013) : Gender differences in responsiveness to a homo economicus prime in the gift-exchange game, IAAEU Discussion Paper Series in Economics, No. 09/2013, University of Trier, Institute for Labour Law and Industrial Relations in the European Union (IAAEU), Trier This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/80863 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. -
Why Should the Consumer Be Sovereign
Lancaster University Management School Working Paper 2006/040 The moral and political economy of producers and consumers Steve Fleetwood The Department of Organisation, Work and Technology Lancaster University Management School Lancaster LA1 4YX UK © Steve Fleetwood All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission, provided that full acknowledgement is given. The LUMS Working Papers series can be accessed at http://www.lums.lancs.ac.uk/publications/ LUMS home page: http://www.lums.lancs.ac.uk/ The Moral and Political Economy of Producers and Consumers♣ Steve Fleetwood Abstract. There appears to be a kind of master discourse of consumption, consumers and consumer society, generated and sustained, primarily, by discourses of consumer sovereignty, and the customer-driven firm. To the extent that we, as consumers, accept (all or some of) this master discourse then we are partly responsible for the negative consequences that befall many workers producing the goods and services we consume – e.g. we often see relatively inexpensive commodities in terms of a ‘bargain’ rather than the result of someone else’s low pay. There is, however, a contradiction at work because we often do not accept all (or some) of this master discourse. We often do care about the plight of those who produce the goods and services we consume. The problem is the master discourse does nothing to encourage these ethical predispositions or to challenge us to probe our ignorance. The aim of this paper is to explore this contradiction. After reminding ourselves, in part one, of some fundamental facts of political economic life, part two introduces moral economy. -
Consumer Choice from the Heterodox Economics Point of View
The 10th International Days of Statistics and Economics, Prague, September 8-10, 2016 CONSUMER CHOICE FROM THE HETERODOX ECONOMICS POINT OF VIEW Lada Rusmichová ________________________________________________________________ Abstract In contemporary heterodox economics papers the main stream economics is most commonly criticized for its Homo Economicus concept. The paper considers this polemic senseless. As long as the neoclassical theory seeks to model with the use of mathematic instruments, it consequently must stay at the highest possible level of abstraction. The Homo Economicus concept is right within neoclassical axioms. This rational substation stays a part of decision of the agent in the institutionalised market from heterodox social economics point of view, it means, on the much lower level of abstraction. The basic part of rationality is utility - measure of consumer preferences satisfaction. Preferences are an individual and selfish impulse for rationality. Simultaneously, preferences are institutionalized; consumer derives his preferences inside psychological, cultural, historical, social consequences. This paper suggestion is that the wrong (irrational) decisions don´t exist as long as preferences are seen in these aspects. The preferences are institutionally influenced and transformed in real-world. The neoclassical conclusion about consumer sovereignty is the real and the most serious myth of mainstream economics which consequents into believe that continuing economic growth in developed countries is in concordance with growing needs of their citizens. Key words: Heterodox economics, rationality, consumer choice, consumer persuading JEL Code: A10, B50, D11 ___________________________________________________________________________ Introduction The reason why the neoclassical theory has been so influential and strong so far and that it is seen to be the main stream economics regardless real incapability of their representatives to comment contemporary economic problems is that it has been perceived as the common adversary for everyone. -
Kranton Duke University
The Devil is in the Details – Implications of Samuel Bowles’ The Moral Economy for economics and policy research October 13 2017 Rachel Kranton Duke University The Moral Economy by Samuel Bowles should be required reading by all graduate students in economics. Indeed, all economists should buy a copy and read it. The book is a stunning, critical discussion of the interplay between economic incentives and preferences. It challenges basic premises of economic theory and questions policy recommendations based on these theories. The book proposes the path forward: designing policy that combines incentives and moral appeals. And, therefore, like such as book should, The Moral Economy leaves us with much work to do. The Moral Economy concerns individual choices and economic policy, particularly microeconomic policies with goals to enhance the collective good. The book takes aim at laws, policies, and business practices that are based on the classic Homo economicus model of individual choice. The book first argues in great detail that policies that follow from the Homo economicus paradigm can backfire. While most economists would now recognize that people are not purely selfish and self-interested, The Moral Economy goes one step further. Incentives can amplify the selfishness of individuals. People might act in more self-interested ways in a system based on incentives and rewards than they would in the absence of such inducements. The Moral Economy warns economists to be especially wary of incentives because social norms, like norms of trust and honesty, are critical to economic activity. The danger is not only of incentives backfiring in a single instance; monetary incentives can generally erode ethical and moral codes and social motivations people can have towards each other. -
Whatever Happened to Economic Anthropology?1
The Australian Journal of Anthropology (2009) 20, 285–300 doi:10.1111/j.1757-6547.2009.00037.x Whatever happened to economic anthropology?1 Chris Gregory Archaeology and Anthropology, Faculty of Arts, Australian National University In the 1970s, economic anthropology, along with kinship and ecological anthropology, was regarded as a core discipline in the teaching of anthropology. The centrality of all these subjects was reflected in the debates of the time. For economic anthropology, understanding the articulation of modes of production was the problem; the holy trinity—tribe, peasant, capitalist—provided the key terms of the debate. These terms, and this problem, are history. The discipline of anthropology has been de-cored over the past 30 years: economic anthro- pology, kinship and ecological anthropology are not even on the agenda in many universities today (ANU included). This presents us with a paradox because these academic trends are in inverse proportion to the importance of contemporary developments in the economy, the family and ecology as global problems facing humanity. This paradox must be addressed not by arguing for a rehabilitation of the core subjects of the 1970s—those days are long gone— but by taking a critical look at the implicit theories of value that inform anthropological thinking about the economy, the family and ecology today. I shall argue that, along with neoliberalism, ‘agency’ has been the key term of the new paradigm that emerged in the 1970s, that this paradigm is about to become history and that new ways of thinking about the economy will have to emerge as we all become victims of the ‘financialisation’ of Europe, the industrialisation of Asia and the desiccation of Australia. -
The Social Side of Homo Economicus
TREE-1308; No. of Pages 3 Update Forum The social side of Homo economicus Daniel J. Rankin1,2 1 Department of Biochemistry, University of Zu¨ rich, Building Y27, Winterthurerstrasse 190, CH-8057 Zu¨ rich, Switzerland 2 Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics, Quartier Sorge Baˆ timent Ge´ nopode, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland Many recent experiments in the field of behavioural cooperatively than traditional economic theory would pre- economics appear to demonstrate a willingness of dict [1,11]. humans to behave altruistically, even when it is not in their interest to do so. This has led to the assertion that Are humans especially cooperative? humans have evolved a special predisposition towards Cooperation in public goods games is unstable and most altruism. Recent studies have questioned this, and dem- players quickly realise that not contributing maximises onstrated that selfless cooperation does not hold up in their profit (see Figure 1 for an explanation of public controlled experiments. As I discuss here, this calls for goods games). Despite this, the public goods game fre- more economic ‘field experiments’ and highlights the quently results in higher levels of contribution than one need for greater integration of the evolutionary and would expect if individuals were selfishly rational and economic sciences. 10% of participants contribute in the long run [1,12]. This has led to the conclusion that humans have a special Kto nekradne, okra´da svoju rodinu degree of cooperation, or ‘other regarding preferences’, (He who does not steal, steals from his family) that cannot be explained from a purely selfish perspec- Slovak Saying tive and that has been used as evidence that humans behave more cooperatively than theory would predict The apparent puzzle of human cooperation [1,12]. -
Memory, Attention, and Choice
Memory, Attention, and Choice Pedro Bordalo, Nicola Gennaioli, Andrei Shleifer1 Revised May 7, 2019 (original version 2015) Abstract. Building on the textbook description of associative memory (Kahana 2012), we present a model of choice in which options cue recall of similar past experiences. Recall shapes valuation and choice in two ways. First, recalled experiences form a norm, which serves as an initial anchor for valuation. Second, salient quality and price surprises relative to the norm lead to large adjustments in valuation. The model provides a unified account of many well documented choice puzzles including experience effects, projection and attribution biases, background contrast effects, and context- dependent willingness to pay. The results suggest that well-established psychological processes – memory-based norms and attention to surprising features – are key to understanding decision-making. 1 The authors are from University of Oxford, Universita Bocconi, and Harvard University, respectively. We are grateful to Dan Benjamin, Paulo Costa, Ben Enke, Matt Gentzkow, Sam Gershman, Thomas Graeber, Michael Kahana, Spencer Kwon, George Loewenstein, Sendhil Mullainathan, Josh Schwartzstein, Jesse Shapiro, Jann Spiess, Linh To, and Pierre- Luc Vautrey for valuable comments. Shleifer thanks the Sloan Foundation and the Pershing Square Venture Fund for Research on the Foundations of Human Behavior for financial support. 1 1. Introduction Memory appears to play a central role in even the simplest choices. Consider a thirsty traveler thinking of whether to look for a shop to buy a bottle of water at the airport. He automatically retrieves from memory similar past experiences, including the pleasure of quenching his thirst and the prices he paid before, and decides based on these recollections. -
A General Theory of Economic Flow, Social Exchange, and Hegemonic Relationship
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1992 A General Theory of Economic Flow, Social Exchange, and Hegemonic Relationship Donn Robert Grenda College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Economic Theory Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Grenda, Donn Robert, "A General Theory of Economic Flow, Social Exchange, and Hegemonic Relationship" (1992). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625722. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-kwnn-9j14 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A General Theory of Economic Flow, Social Exchange, and Hegemonic Relationships A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Anthropology The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Donn R. Grenda 1992 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Author Approved, April 1992 f Norman Barka Theodore Reinhart ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i v LIST OF TABLES..................... .................... v LIST OF FIGURES......................................... vi ABSTRACT............... vii INTRODUCTION............................................ 2 CHAPTER I. AN EXAMINATION OF THE FIELD AND ITS FOUNDERS............................................ 7 CHAPTER II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A GENERALTHEORY.... 52 CHAPTER III. A GENERAL THEORY OF ECONOMIC FLOW, SOCIAL EXCHANGE, AND HEGEMONIC RELATIONSHIPS...... -
Who Are the Behavioral Economists and What Do They Say?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Heukelom, Floris Working Paper Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say? Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. 07-020/1 Provided in Cooperation with: Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam Suggested Citation: Heukelom, Floris (2007) : Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say?, Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. 07-020/1, Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/86489 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu TI 2007-020/1 Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say? Floris Heukelom University of Amsterdam, and Tinbergen Institute.