PARKER ON THE IROQUOIS IROQUOIS USES OF MAIZE AND OTHER FOOD PLANTS 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK

Arthur C Parker | --- | --- | --- | 9780815601159 | --- | --- Iroquois Confederacy - History, Relations with non-native americans, Key issues

Thanks to the efforts of Ontario archeologists, we actually know a great deal about indigenous peoples in Ontario beginning AD. The Algonkian people in Michigan and New England were also corn farmers, but in Ontario and Quebec they were dependent with a few exceptions on hunting and fishing — and on trade for corn with nations like the Wendat. But when I asked him about the inclusion of the Wendat and other such nations, he had no advice. Much of southern Ontario was unoccupied for extended periods of time and the occupied areas changed over the centuries. Thomas and the Niagara River. There is ample evidence of Iroquoian culture north of Lake Ontario and into eastern Ontario during years prior to Champlain — people were closely related either to the Wendat, or to the Onondaga and Oneida people concentrated southeast and east of Lake Ontario. When French explorer Jacques Cartier visited the sites of present-day Quebec City and Montreal in , he encountered corn-growing people who are now considered to have been members of the Onondaga nation. From F. Iroquois Foods and Food Preparation. Details on how that corn was grown and on the many dozens of food dishes based thereon, are well described in two historically important books — by A. Waugh, National Museum of Canada, Details are provided below. Effort was taken to ensure varietal purity, though some cross pollination was encouraged. The well-tillered plants usually had two to three ears per stalk, and to kernels per ear. The men cleared the land by girdling trees and burning the dead tree skeletons a year or two later. Except for that, corn farming was done by women with help from children and slaves. Corn seeds were planted, several at a time, into holes three feet or more apart. The seed was often treated with a water solution containing extracts of several wild plants to discourage crows. Dead weeds from the previous year were cut off and removed at planting time. Weeds were removed by hoeing throughout the season. After corn emergence, beans were planted, sometimes in each hill, sometimes in every seventh hill. Squash was commonly planted between rows. Fertilizer was not used though ashes would have provided some nutrients and beans may have provided some legume nitrogen. Only certain East Coast tribes used fish as fertilizer and there is evidence that this technique was adopted only after contact with Europeans. Worth noting is that these folks were totally into no tillage, the only tillage being the opening of holes for seed planting with a sharpened stick, a piece of deer antler or something similar. Even the most ardent no-till farmer in the 21 st century does more tillage at seeding time than that. Then came dough-stage harvesting, and finally mature corn. Several foods were made from corn at each stage. Mature corn was harvested, husks attached, and carried to the village or a central location where all but two or three husks were removed — generally at large social bees. They say young men often helped because it was a good place to meet girls. Remaining husks were breaded to form strings of ears which were then suspended from the roof, walls and interior posts of longhouses until dry. Harvested ears were also stored in cribs made of poles and bark or, when dry, in long-term, hidden, underground granaries. These granaries, on well-drained sites, were commonly five-foot deep, lined with husks, grass or boughs, and covered when full with these same materials and then soil. In fact, the lucky discovery and theft, some say of in-ground corn granaries prevented the Pilgrims from certain starvation during their first winter at Plymouth in Enough corn was grown to provide a two- or three-year supply and also for trading. Fur traders were regular customers in later years. French governor Denonville and his troops spent ten days in burning Seneca corn bins and wrecking crops east of Niagara. His claim of 1,, bushels destroyed seems high, but they did demolish lots of corn. In , General Sullivan, as directed by George Washington, destroyed 40 Seneca and Cayuga villages and an estimated , bushels of corn. For a village of this meant about 17, bushels, or tonnes. No wonder that early visitors reported Iroquois villages full of corn. Hence, a village of might require acres of corn. The Lawson Prehistoric Indian Village museum London says the original settlement there numbered with at least acres of crops. References listed below provide ample details on planting and harvesting, and the many ceremonies and religious events associated with both. From A. This culture flourished in Huronia and among the Attawandaron until when the Wendat and Attawandaron communicates were attacked and annihilated by the Five Nation Confederacy from New York State later to become Six Nations when the Tuscarora nation from North Carolina moved north in about Although these were all Iroquoian people, there had been long-term hatred between Ontario- and New York- based nations. The attack was instigated partly because of that and partly because of a need for more beaver pelts for trade to Europeans. The Wendat blocked direct trade between the Five Nation Confederacy and Algonkian nations to the north. The Wendat and Attawandaron numbers were badly weakened at the time by deaths caused by European diseases. Also significant was a split within Wendat society caused by the conversion of some of them to Christianity by Jesuits. In any case, after about , the Wendat and Attawandaron communities in southern Ontario were no more. Some ended up in the Wyandot Reserve in Oklahoma. Some were absorbed by the Five Nations themselves, either as citizens or slaves. Only their memory remains in Huronia and the Attawandaron lands to the south. In the decades to follow, some Iroquoian settlements were established in southern Ontario, especially along the north shore of Lake Ontario; the present Toronto and Prince Edward County were two sites. These were subsequently driven out before by Algonkian nations from the north, especially the Ojibwa who were known in the Toronto-Hamilton-Guelph area as Mississauga. The Ojibwa were not farmers, at least not initially, and their culture in southern Ontario was mostly one of hunting and fishing. However, a series of land transfer agreements after meant that the Ojibwa people ended up in a number of mostly small reserves with limited potential for hunting. The final chapter of indigenous farm culture in Ontario involves the Six Nations. Washington accused the Six Nations of aiding the British though history suggests they were, on balance, neutral. The resulting starvation forced the people to move near Fort Niagara on the east side of the Niagara River near Lake Ontario, to secure food supplies from the British. The Six Nations brought their corn-based culture with them and became well-respected farmers in Ontario on arrival. For a number of reasons, farming and corn growing diminished in the Six Nations reserves over the decades, but there has been a renaissance underway since the year — also a fascinating story, but beyond the scope of this article. The European settlers in Ontario largely ignored corn except as a forage silage crop in most of the province, preferring to grow the grain crops that they had known in Europe the exception being a few counties in extreme southwestern Ontario where corn remained dominant. Then, starting about , there was a resurgence in interest in corn in Ontario and within a couple of decades, it became, once again, the dominant grain crop in the province. Hence, the second millennium ended in Ontario just as did the first — with corn the dominant grain crop — albeit with a few changes in technology over those ten centuries. Finally a note about corn in western Canada: Corn culture spread up the Missouri River Valley just as it did up the Ohio in years around and after AD. Account Options Sign in. My library Help Advanced Book Search. Get print book. Arthur Caswell Parker. This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book without typos from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. Some Unusual Iroquois Specimens. Anthropologist, new ser. In rare instances the figure was carved from a separate piece of wood and attached to the spoon handle with a peg. The wood chosen for spoons was usually curly maple knots, although knots of other woods were valued and often used. 10 Native American Inventions - HISTORY

Harvested ears were also stored in cribs made of poles and bark or, when dry, in long-term, hidden, underground granaries. These granaries, on well-drained sites, were commonly five-foot deep, lined with husks, grass or boughs, and covered when full with these same materials and then soil. In fact, the lucky discovery and theft, some say of in-ground corn granaries prevented the Pilgrims from certain starvation during their first winter at Plymouth in Enough corn was grown to provide a two- or three-year supply and also for trading. Fur traders were regular customers in later years. French governor Denonville and his troops spent ten days in burning Seneca corn bins and wrecking crops east of Niagara. His claim of 1,, bushels destroyed seems high, but they did demolish lots of corn. In , General Sullivan, as directed by George Washington, destroyed 40 Seneca and Cayuga villages and an estimated , bushels of corn. For a village of this meant about 17, bushels, or tonnes. No wonder that early visitors reported Iroquois villages full of corn. Hence, a village of might require acres of corn. The Lawson Prehistoric Indian Village museum London says the original settlement there numbered with at least acres of crops. References listed below provide ample details on planting and harvesting, and the many ceremonies and religious events associated with both. From A. This culture flourished in Huronia and among the Attawandaron until when the Wendat and Attawandaron communicates were attacked and annihilated by the Five Nation Confederacy from New York State later to become Six Nations when the Tuscarora nation from North Carolina moved north in about Although these were all Iroquoian people, there had been long-term hatred between Ontario- and New York- based nations. The attack was instigated partly because of that and partly because of a need for more beaver pelts for trade to Europeans. The Wendat blocked direct trade between the Five Nation Confederacy and Algonkian nations to the north. The Wendat and Attawandaron numbers were badly weakened at the time by deaths caused by European diseases. Also significant was a split within Wendat society caused by the conversion of some of them to Christianity by Jesuits. In any case, after about , the Wendat and Attawandaron communities in southern Ontario were no more. Some ended up in the Wyandot Reserve in Oklahoma. Some were absorbed by the Five Nations themselves, either as citizens or slaves. Only their memory remains in Huronia and the Attawandaron lands to the south. In the decades to follow, some Iroquoian settlements were established in southern Ontario, especially along the north shore of Lake Ontario; the present Toronto and Prince Edward County were two sites. These were subsequently driven out before by Algonkian nations from the north, especially the Ojibwa who were known in the Toronto-Hamilton-Guelph area as Mississauga. The Ojibwa were not farmers, at least not initially, and their culture in southern Ontario was mostly one of hunting and fishing. However, a series of land transfer agreements after meant that the Ojibwa people ended up in a number of mostly small reserves with limited potential for hunting. The final chapter of indigenous farm culture in Ontario involves the Six Nations. Washington accused the Six Nations of aiding the British though history suggests they were, on balance, neutral. The resulting starvation forced the people to move near Fort Niagara on the east side of the Niagara River near Lake Ontario, to secure food supplies from the British. The Six Nations brought their corn-based culture with them and became well-respected farmers in Ontario on arrival. For a number of reasons, farming and corn growing diminished in the Six Nations reserves over the decades, but there has been a renaissance underway since the year — also a fascinating story, but beyond the scope of this article. The European settlers in Ontario largely ignored corn except as a forage silage crop in most of the province, preferring to grow the grain crops that they had known in Europe the exception being a few counties in extreme southwestern Ontario where corn remained dominant. Then, starting about , there was a resurgence in interest in corn in Ontario and within a couple of decades, it became, once again, the dominant grain crop in the province. Hence, the second millennium ended in Ontario just as did the first — with corn the dominant grain crop — albeit with a few changes in technology over those ten centuries. Finally a note about corn in western Canada: Corn culture spread up the Missouri River Valley just as it did up the Ohio in years around and after AD. Corn was grown by the Mandan nation in the Dakotas, with evidence of it being grown in prehistoric times both north of Winnipeg and in south-western Manitoba. Wikipedia cites a reference stating that corn was grown by indigenous people at the mouth of the Red River, north of Winnipeg in , a decade before the start of the Red River Settlement, though after the first visits by European explorers and fur traders. Cornelius, C. Iroquois Corn in a Culture-Based Curriculum. State University of New York Press. Flynn, C. Ontario Archeology Society. The Archaeology of Ontario: A Summary. Parker, A. New York State Museum. Reproduced by Iroqrafts, Iroquois Publications, and Ray, A. Lester Publishing. Sioui, G. Huron Wendat, The Heritage of the Circle. UBC Press. Waugh, F. National Museums of Canada. Facsimile edition, , and reproduced by Iroqrafts, Iroquois Publications, Wright, J. The Ontario Iroquois Tradition. Bulletin Facsimile edition in Iroqrafts, Oshweken, Ontario. Lawson Archaeological Site, London, Ontario. The Beginnings Most readers will know about the transition of wild teosinte into corn or maize in Mexico about BC. Iroquoian Corn Culture From F. Share this: Twitter Facebook. Like this: Like Loading Posted in Uncategorized. Search for:. John Butler. British and American officials soon welcomed Indians as military allies. The Oneidas and most Tuscaroras, influenced by their Congregational missionary Rev. Samuel Kirkland, sided with the American revolutionaries. The Chemung Delawares seem not to have accompanied the upper Susquehanna Indians to the various conferences between the Six Nations and the American revolutionaries. John Butler and other officers conferred secretly with the Six Nations and their allies at Niagara in August-September Most of the Senecas, many Cayugas, some Onondagas, and Susquehanna Delawares, Nanticokes, and Conoys towns not specified declared their friendship for the Crown Wallace ; Stevens ; Graymont The Wyoming Valley settlers learned that nearby Indians apparently those on the Chemung had gone to the meeting at Niagara, not to the conference at German Flats. The Munsee Delawares on the Chemung may have declared their support for the British at the Niagara conference of late summer As a Munsee chief from Cattaraugus reminded John Butler during a conference at Niagara in , "At the beginning of the late War between the King our Father and the Americans, we were desired by you and by our Uncles the Five Nations, to take up the Hatchet, and assist his people; We listened with attention, and with one voice agreed to the request" IIDHD reel July 12, Everywhere "he was well received, called meetings and acquaint ed them with his adventures" NYCD ; WJP ; Bryant ; Kelsay , , ; Graymont ; Stevens , The results were soon clear. In May Wyoming Valley officials learned that the Susquehanna Indians considered recent meetings as a chance to spy on the Connecticut settlers, and as a ploy to keep them "quiet and easy" while war plans progressed Harvey , In June some "Delawares" delivered two suspects to British officers at Niagara: a mulatto from Wyoming who had been "disturbing their village Chemung , and discovering everything he could learn to the rebels," and a German immigrant known to be a Patriot militiaman GCP ser. Q, John Butler and R. Lemoult to Guy Carleton, June 16, The Chemung Indians made allies of their white neighbors to the south, the "Pennamites," some of whom moved up into the Chemung Valley. In the early s the Pennsylvania government had outflanked the Connecticut settlement in the Wyoming Valley by granting lands along the upper Susquehanna. By several dozen Dutch, German, and English families had settled at or near Wyalusing. The Pennsylvania and Connecticut claimants quarreled constantly and waged two wars with each other Ousterhout: ; St. The Wyoming settlers were Patriots and suspected the Pennamites of Loyalist sympathies. Pennamites were harrassed and in spring several were arrested and briefly imprisoned SCP ; Patterson 15; Stefon Hating the Yankees, many Pennamites sided with the crown. In the spring of most of the men in the Wyalusing area went to Niagara and formed a company of rangers under command of Maj. The green-coated Butler's Rangers were formally organized in the fall Cruikshank ; Harvey ; Stevens , , , , ; Palmer ; Ousterhout Like their Indian neighbors, the upper Susquehanna Pennamites sided with the crown because they thought it was the safer course. The Chemung Indians' remarkable invitation to the Pennamites was more than simple neighborliness. Some Pennamite families settled along the Chemung River, and more came in early This tactic is observable at other places and times within the dynamic frontier region. Most importantly, this strategy helps explain the multi- or inter-ethnic nature of the military force that opposed the Continental Army's advance at Newtown. Their target was the Connecticut settlement in the Wyoming Valley. As John Butler later recalled, the pretense for the attack was an invitation to Six Nations chiefs from Col. The commandant at Niagara directed Butler and his rangers to go with the Indians to protect Indian spokesmen and to obtain release of those already jailed FHP 21, "Narrative of Lt. Butler's Services". Diplomacy was not the real purpose. Objections of a few neutralist chiefs were quashed, and a large strike force was assembled at Chemung by early June. It included over Indian warriors mostly Senecas and "Delawares," also 40 Cayugas and a few others and about Loyalist rangers Graymont ; N. The battle in late afternoon, a classic ambush, was a resounding tactical victory for the native warriors and their Loyalist allies. Nearly militiamen died, many during a wholesale retreat. Indian and British casualties were few Cruikshank ; Harvey ; Graymont ; Stevens ; Williamson and Fossler: ; Mintz ; McGinnis ; Abler, ed. Denison accepted surrender terms on July 4. She sardonically declared that she had fulfilled his demand at the February meeting that she bring more Indians Franklin ; Miner , app. Disregarding the surrender agreement, the Indians now plundered the valley, and the remaining inhabitants fled. Warriors from Chemung transported much of the booty to their home town Hayden b: A general frontier war followed the battle of Wyoming. Chemung was a rendezvous for Indian and Loyalist forces traveling to and from Niagara, in the big raids on Cobleskill and Cherry Valley in and Minisink in GCP , , , Data on raids is incomplete, but Senecas and "Delawares" were reported to be "very active" during the winter of Many captives were brought through Chemung. At Chemung he was forced to run the gauntlet and badly injured by a tomahawk before reaching safety at the council house Draper MSS. Jasper Parrish was taken on the Delaware by Capt. Mounsh, a Munsee, and likewise forced to run for his life at Chemung Parrish He escaped running the gauntlet at Chemung because of his swollen bare feet; a kindly Mohawk ran for him Blackman Luke Swetland likewise escaped mistreatment at Chemung, though a comrade of his was beaten Swetland , The Chemung Valley furnished badly-needed food for Loyalist and Indian war parties. The great corn fields planted by Indians and Loyalists were burned or chopped down by Sullivan's army. Cattle flourished on the grassy flats, but demand outstripped supply. War parties and their prisoners were often hungry as a result. John Wood, captured at the battle of Minisink, suffered from hunger while being held at Chemung, and was "obliged to eat hides that was S—" Twichell By late the revolutionary government considered Chemung a prime military target. After the attack on Wyoming, Gen. George Washington ordered Lt. Hartley decided to attack Chemung. In late September about Continentals and militiamen marched from the West Branch. They skirmished with the enemy and captured some prisoners, and learned that Capt. Walter Butler and several hundred men had left Tioga Point for Chemung. Hartley thought his force was too small to confront the enemy in the "defiles" narrow valleys of the lower Chemung Valley. Even then Sayenqueraghta was hastily summoning Seneca warriors to confront Hartley's force, after a Delaware messenger had warned that the Americans were coming to destroy the "Delaware nation of Susquehanna. Hartley's troops burned Sheshequin, Queen Esther's "palace" [text deleted], and Tory houses at Tioga, then started back down the river. On September 29, near Wyalusing, about Indians attacked the American force, who repulsed them after being nearly surrounded. He conceded that many of their young men had fought well in the recent engagement. But he warned that their country would be made desolate by "fire and sword," if the warriors were not restrained. He protested the "inhuman Murders" committed "by the Young Men of your Country, upon Helpless Mothers and Infants" in bloody raids on West Branch settlements the previous summer see Sipe He urged the chiefs to prevent such atrocities, and also "that if possible more Barbarous Practice of killing and burning Prisoners. Nathan Denison and other Wyoming militiamen, survivors of the battle and members of Hartley's force. The United States government debated how to eliminate the threat to the frontiers. Early in Schuyler urged an attack on the Senecas and Cayugas, and on June 11 the Board of War authorized expeditions against the Seneca towns and Detroit. That vague plan was shelved by the end of the year Flick b: , 67; Graymont ; Mintz , In late and early American leaders were concerned about a threat from Chemung, because Hartley had learned from a prisoner that the enemy was fortifying the place. On October 13 Congress ordered Washington to prevent the British from "occupying a post at Chemung" and to repel attacks on the frontiers. Schuyler and Gen. Edward Hand initially proposed a January expedition against Chemung, then changed their minds. Both the Congress and Washington agreed, especially because bad weather would make transport of cannon impossible JCC Oct. However, Washington was now making bigger plans. The scheme for the expedition into the Seneca and Cayuga country developed gradually, as Washington considered advice from senior officers. In August Gen. John Armstrong of the Pennsylvania militia called for men to destroy the towns of the Senecas and the "inferior tribes" PA ser. In November Washington asked Gov. Philip Schuyler proposed in letters of February 4 and March 1, , a complex movement of several thousand troops advancing west from the Mohawk Valley using routes by land or water or both. A small body of five hundred men would attack Chemung "to keep the Delawares and Mingoes in that quarter in alarm. Instead, he decided on a three-pronged invasion, closely resembling advice of Gen. Nathanael Greene. Washington badly needed intelligence about the Chemung River, known as the "Cayuga" or "Tioga" branch of the Susquehanna. No published map of the region provided adequate data. In mid-February Washington asked Hand, Schuyler, and others to obtain intelligence about routes into the Seneca country, by sending spies up to the Chemung and interrogating released prisoners GWP: Washington to Hand, Feb. Washington prepared a questionnaire concerning distances up the Susquehanna and Chemung Rivers, the rivers' capacity to carry boats and canoes, the condition of the paths, the topography of the country, and the Indian towns. The answers from General Hand and other officers confirmed that an army could invade the Indian country from the south PCC item , , repr. Flick a: Hicks had been held captive by Delawares in the Ohio country during the s and later was an Indian trader. He spoke Delaware fluently. Dressed and painted like an Indian, Hicks took the "common road" to Chemung. On his return Hicks provided Washington a reassuring report: Chemung was not the formidable depot it was rumored to be. The stockade was vacant; the barrels were empty of their salt pork and flour; the warriors were subsisting on deer meat, corn meal, and maple sugar; and the inhabitants of Chemung were considering moving to the Seneca country GWP: Washington to Zebulon Butler, March 1, William Patterson to Washington, March 28, Apr. In sum, the town of Chemung was frequented by war parties, in which many of its men took part. The people were short of food and apprehensive about an American attack. Their worst fears were soon realized. When the news reached Chemung, it caused "the wildest excitement, and on the part of some of the warriors, exhibitions of violent rage," as a white captive remembered Mathews When the army approached, the people of Chemung fled to the Genesee River. There the "Delawares" and some of the Senecas were determined to resist the enemy and built a breastwork. Butler and Brant argued that the Indians must find safety at Niagara, and so it was decided Flick a: , , b: ; Norton But the frontier war continued until the autumn of , and "Delawares," sometimes identified as being from Chemung or Choconut, often participated FHP 21,, 21,, 21,, , , , 21,, , ; MIA Raids occurred even during the terrible winter of and reached their height during the next two summers Graymont Conditions at Niagara during the winter of were terrible, and hundreds of Indians died from famine and disease Calloway The refugee Munsees from Chemung lost their veteran chief Echgohund "Occoagan" , who was killed in a dispute with another Indian about March 1, Guy Johnson paid him tribute by conducting the condolence ceremony, first with the chiefs of the Senecas and "Delawares," then with the women. In the spring of "Delawares" of "Shamung" under their new chief, many Senecas, and people of several other nations moved from their squalid camps at Niagara to Buffalo Creek. There they planted corn and built houses FHP 21, Other Senecas returned to the Genesee Valley. The Delawares and other displaced allies of the Six Nations now had to decide where to go. In the spring of several "Delawares" left Buffalo Creek for the Grand River after hearing rumors of the peace negotiations between Britain and the United States. British officers at Niagara tried to prevent more from leaving Kjellberg Governor Haldimand formally granted a reservation along the Grand River later in Graymont ; Kelsay Most of the refugees from Chemung soon found a new home on the upper Thames River, west of the Grand River. They seem to have migrated there in early , when there was a sudden drop in the "Delaware" population on the Grand River Kjellberg 14, The two Indian towns, Traditionalist and Christian, continued to have the same familial connections and inter-cultural tensions as their predecessor communities on the upper Susquehanna—Chemung and Wyalusing Zeisberger and Sabathy-Judd, ed. The War of threatened the native communities in Upper Canada as American armies invaded the province from both Niagara and Detroit. They were ultimately repelled by British, Canadian, and native forces Benn A cultural shift occurred in the s, when Methodist preachers, one of them the Mississauga Peter Jones, converted some of the people of Muncey Town. Anglican ministers had more success and established a congregation. By the s Traditionalist ceremonies were said to have been discontinued Kjellberg Though the native language and most traditional customs have been lost, Muncey Town, Ontario—the successor to Chemung—continues today as a reserve for one of Canada's many "First Nations. The Chemung Valley was a strategic locale during the American Revolutionary War, and the town of Chemung played significant diplomatic and military roles. Confronted by European-American expansionism, including military threats and attacks, the people of Chemung defended their homes. That elemental motive requires no explanation. The historical issue that requires discussion is the relationship between the Hauenosaunee and the Delawares in the Susquehanna region—including the people of Chemung. The association was sorely tested during the wars of the mid- eighteenth century, but it endured because it was mutually beneficial. While the Onondaga council exercised general authority over dependent peoples, the Cayugas were mainly responsible for overseeing the non-Iroquoian native peoples on the Susquehanna and its branches, as far upriver as Choconut on the east and Chemung on the west. Thus Seneca and Cayuga chiefs were dual spokesmen for the Munsees at the peace treaty of Easton in The Senecas received Munsee refugees after their towns were destroyed by order of Sir William Johnson in and The Munsees, apparently the majority of the residents of Chemung in , had resided in the Chemung-Susquehanna region for several decades, by permission and under protection of the Six Nations. Chemung was only the latest and not the largest of several Munsee Delaware towns located at various places in the southern borderland of the Haudenosaunee. In the mid-eighteenth century Unami-speaking Delawares who migrated from the lower Delaware Valley had towns at Shamokin, at the forks of the North and West Branches, and at Wyoming Merrell ; Becker Kent The Delawares had a complex relationship with the Five, later Six Nations and with their immediate overseers, the Cayugas and Senecas. No one term adequately describes it. They were "nephews," the term implying a close, positive yet junior status. But the Delawares were also subordinate to the Five Nations, to whom they occasionally rendered tribute in the form of wampum. The appellation of "women" was fundamentally honorific but occasionally derogatory Weslager , ; A. Wallace ; Miller The ritual expressions of the relationship are mostly lost. Both traditions appear to have simplified and skewed an intricate and obscure historical reality. The Mahicans and the Mohawks fought a war during the later s, in which the Mohawks prevailed. Several Dutch documents of the s and s state that the Mahicans and other "River Indians" of the Hudson Valley paid annual tribute in wampum to the "Maquas" in meetings at Fort Orange now Albany Jameson, ed. During the s the Mohawks went to war with the Algonquian communities of northern New England Calloway , whose allies and friends were the Mahicans and the Delaware bands of the lower Hudson and Delaware regions DP , , , , ; NYCD , ; Hanna ; Weslager Starting New York officials tried to stop the war between the Mohawks and the "River Indians" because it disrupted the fur trade. Peace conferences at Albany in , , and achieved only partial, temporary truces Christoph and Christoph, eds. In August the easternmost Mohawk town was attacked, and subsequently the opposing warriors fought a fierce battle near the lower Mohawk River and another battle on an island in the Hudson River Snow, Gehring, and Starna, eds. In John Norton, an adopted Mohawk and associate of Joseph Brant, recorded the traditions of these engagements and stated that afterward the Mahicans "sued for Peace. The Mohawks, in granting it, put on them the garb of females, and gave them the implements of agriculture and those for pounding corn, stiling them their Niece, and imposing on them a tribute of wampum. This humiliation is improperly applied to all the Delaware race; but it is only true, so far as it respects those who inhabited the banks of the Hudson River" Norton They remained "nephews" of the Six Nations. While the Tuteloes and Nanticokes had been adopted by the Six Nations as "younger brothers" in , the "Delawares" were considered "Children of all these Nations. Their status was affirmed in , when refugee Munsees at Cattaraugus conferred with Seneca and Cayuga chiefs and with Col. Guy Johnson about where they should settle. A Cayuga chief "spoke to the Delawares on the belt they had bound themselves by to the 6 Nat ion s. Its inhabitants were not anonymous "Indians" seemingly without a history—as books of military and local history imply. The Munsee Delawares had been forced to surrender their homeland in the valleys of the Hudson and Delaware Rivers. They had endured great injustices and hardships, and they avenged those wrongs in three wars with the European-American powers during the mid-eighteenth century. The Munsee Delawares accepted but sometimes resented their nephew-uncle relationship with the Six Nations. Remaining loyal and retaining their honor, they paid a terrible price in August Figure 5. Figure 6. The term "Chemung" was used by both British and Patriot writers. Unfortunately, Lodge's Map No. Chemung was a base of Crown-allied forces for their operations against Patriots living on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and New York. The permanent inhabitants of Chemung included some Haudenosaunee, but the population was primarily made up of Delawares and perhaps some other inhabitants from Indian nations such as the Tutelos. The New York-Pennsylvania border included Delawares and the members of several other Indian nations because at various times during the s they had left their original homelands that were being overrun by colonial expansion and they had taken refuge within the territory of the Haudenosaunee. Other residents at Chemung included a few "rangers" attached to the British Indian Department. There were also a few rangers in the British unit known as "Butler's Rangers. Loyalist families were also in Chemung because they were fleeing Patriot-occupied territories; in , the Patriot Colonel Thomas Hartley of the Continental Army noted that "Niagara and Chemung are the asylums of those Tories who can not get to New York [City]" Williams It is possible that the Patriots also referred to "Old Chemung" and "New Chemung" as the "lower" and "upper" towns, [text deleted]. Lower end- General Sullivan described how part of the army moved "towards the lower end of the Town. Lieutenant Obadiah Gore described how the army's first encounter with Crown pickets occurred at "the lower end of Chemon Flats. Marched all night, and at day break reached the lower end of Chemon Flats, where the enemy's advance picket were posted Flick c But after the battle Rogers interviewed the officers and garnered some detailed descriptions that make his journal very valuable. Rogers describes one cornfield as being "an upper field. As General Poor's brigade were destroying an upper field they were fired upon by the Indians. He had one man killed and two or three more wounded Cook By , the Indian population at Chemung was distinct enough as a population to be labeled by the British as "Shimongs" Smy II While this may only signify their location, it is also possible that Shimongs were regarded as a population distinct from "the Delawares," because in the same British list there is also a separate listing for "Delawares. Because the towns of New Chemung and Old Chemung served as a base for those Crown-allied forces that attacked Patriot settlements along the frontier, Old and New Chemung were regarded by both the Patriot and the Crown strategists as crucial locations, albeit the Patriot view of Chemung was negative. The significance of the base at Chemung was summarized by the Reverend William Rogers who, as noted above, did not accompany the attack on Chemung but whose interviews of those who did provided the details in his journal :. From the quantity of corn and potatoes stored there Chemung was judged to be designated for a magazine to supply their future wants Cook Warriors who used Chemung as their base went south to the Pennsylvania frontier Patriot settlements in July I was met here by Samuel Harris's party of twenty warriors. They went off from Shimong two days before my arrival and have taken two prisoners and three scalps, a little below Fort Wallace. Because it was a major base used by Crown forces, Sullivan was afraid forces from Chemung would attack a Patriot army under General James Clinton that was coming southwesterly from Otsego Lake along the Susquehanna River and was intended to link up with Sullivan's army. Sullivan's assault on Chemung was his first major offensive act in a campaign that was intended to destroy the food supplies and the towns of the Haudenosaunee. Sullivan hoped to take Chemung by surprise, but because both sides had sent out scouts for weeks, Sullivan was overly optimistic. His attack fell upon two empty towns that the Crown forces had evacuated as the Patriots made their not-so-secret night approach. But when some Patriot forces went in pursuit of the retreating Indians, a small party of Delaware warriors ambushed their Patriot pursuers, killing six before quickly fleeing in the face of overwhelming odds. One Delaware was killed Smy II. The attackers only numbered between twenty and at most fifty Delaware Indians and were under a Haudenosaunee leader Captain Rowland [Roland] Montour of the Indian Department rangers the Indian Department rangers were not part of Butler's Rangers. Gen'l Hand [and some of his troops] Hand returned the fire and charged them with the bayonet Cook Then, while the Patriot forces burned both Old and New Chemung and destroyed some of the nearby cornfields, Crown forces returned and killed one more Patriot. But the Crown forces could no longer use Chemung as a supply base from which to attack Clinton's army coming down from Lake Otsego. Sullivan returned to his base at Tioga [text deleted]. On August 22, Clinton's army joined Sullivan at Tioga. On August 28, the united armies under Sullivan reoccupied Chemung. The next day, August 29, the combined armies under the overall command of General Sullivan, marched west to Newtown where the Patriots were victorious over the Crown forces that had rallied there. Both Patriot troop movements and those of the Crown forces will probably be found in the archeological record on all sides of both New Chemung and Old Chemung. This is because, on August 13, armed conflict occurred sporadically throughout the day and at several separate locations: initially at the "ambuscade" west of Chemung and then in the cornfields — probably in the cornfields of both "New Chemung" and "Old Chemung. The constant state of flux means that there was no "face off" of opposing forces at Chemung and thus no set-piece series of military maneuvers. Unlike the Battle of Newtown on August 29, the Patriots' August 13 assault on Chemung did not involve a clash of two opposing forces that began the battle facing each other and then maneuvered to gain an advantage. Instead, a constant state of flux marks both the movements of Crown forces and the Patriot assault on Chemung. The Crown forces were busy evacuating civilians, cattle, supplies, and furnishings prior to, and even during, the initial stages of Sullivan's attack. The Patriot movements consisted of very complicated maneuvers that had been ordered by General Sullivan. In these movements, specific units were assigned by Sullivan to surround and then attack Chemung. The major resistance by Crown forces involved an ambuscade west of Chemung and then, later in the day, irregular sniping by Indian warriors who shot at the Patriot soldiers who were burning cornfields. The complexity of the Patriot assault on Chemung also raises concerns regarding how archeologists can best locate the areas plural of the Patriot assault. The complexity is magnified by the fact that Sullivan's guide was initially confused and "could not find the town" Colonel Adam Hubley in Cook August 12, Thursday: By 8 P. The "Battle" of Chemung; Or, What's in a name? I have chosen to use the term "battle" to describe the clash at Chemung for the reasons that are explained below. Here is the "evidence" regarding choices:. Comparative history and the use of a single standard: The "Battle" of Lexington and the "Battle" of Chemung. This report uses "battle" because there is a compelling argument for the word "battle. The Patriots defending Lexington numbered no more than seventy milita, and perhaps as few as thirty-eight. The Crown-allied Indians defending Chemung numbered about thirty but perhaps as many as fifty. At Lexington, the Patriot defenders lost eight killed, while the British Redcoats had only one wounded and none killed. At Chemung, the defenders lost one killed, while the Patriot attackers lost six killed immediately, with one killed later in the day. If Chemung was only a "skirmish," but Lexington was a "battle," the different usage raises the issue of a double standard. If a brave stand at Lexington is a "battle," why isn't Chemung a "battle? Boatner By the s, the Delawares were divided between pro-British, pro-French, and neutral factions. The Delawares at Chemung were refugees from Pennsylvania who had moved into the Chemung Valley gradually, but especially after In , the capture of the French city and trade depot of Montreal marked a last phase of the French and Indian War , after which English trade goods and military strength would dominate the Northeast; and then, after , anti-English Delawares who had taken refuge in the Chemung River Valley during Pontiac's War were defeated by pro-British Haudenosaunee, bringing relative stability to the valley. The Montours were an important family on the Haudenosaunee frontier. Rowland Montour's father was probably Andrew Montour. Ironically, the rout of the anti-British Delawares in had been carried out by an expedition led by Captain Andrew Montour Sullivan et al. Andrew Montour's expedition is important because it demonstrates how warfare and burned-out towns were a part of the Chemung Valley's history in , more than a decade before the Sullivan invasion in After the successful expedition against the anti-English Delawares and Senecas was completed, a colleague of Sir William Johnson wrote an account at least partially based on Andrew Montour's report, and sent it to Benjamin Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette. This account demonstrates not only how frontier warfare was devastating, but that its publication clearly indicates that such tactical victories were applauded by English colonists of all political persuasions -- except perhaps for pacifists such as the Quakers. Thus the account in Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette serves as a reminder that Sullivan's tactics in destroying towns were not unique, nor were the tactics employed by Crown-allied Indians in their attacks on settlements both before and after Sullivan. After this, Montour proceeded to the large town of Kinestio, containing sixty good houses, which were likewise burnt; and there, as well as the other towns, killed a number of cattle, which could not be brought off; and sent parties in pursuit of the enemy [Delawares and Shawnees], who have fled to the Southward, whilst with the few remaining [with him], he destroyed four other villages of the enemy, on the branches of the Susquehanna Sullivan et al. IV, The background of Rowland Montour also demonstrates the cultural and ethnic complexity of frontier life — a complexity that could be seen on virtually all European-Indian frontiers. When she was about ten, she was captured during a Haudenosaunee raid on Canada. Hewitt, a scholar and a Tuscarora member of the Haudenosaunee, stated in that she was adopted, "probably by the Seneca, for at maturity she married a Seneca named Roland Montour, by whom she had 4, if not 5, children, namely Andrew, Henry, Robert, Lewis, and Margaret" Hewitt in Hodge , I, ; and Wallace , That said, Madame Montour married an Oneida after the death of her Seneca husband, and it is possible that Andrew was their child. To further complicate an understanding of this lineage, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian James Thomas Flexner states that Andrew's father was a Delaware Flexner , Added to this is the fact that Andrew referred to himself, and was also often known by others, as "Henry. But no matter who was the father of Andrew, if Andrew was the son of either Madame Montour's first husband, a Seneca, or her second husband, an Oneida, Andrew and Rowland would have been regarded as Haudenosaunee because of the matrilineal descent from Madame Montour, who had "probably" been adopted by the Senecas. But perhaps what is most significant is that Andrew and Rowland are typical of the multi-ethnic peoples who bridged the cultural and ethnic frontiers of European colonists and Indians. While most Crown attacks from Chemung struck at the northern Pennsylvania frontier, Chemung was also a base for raids to the east. The importance of Chemung is illustrated by the fact that Chemung was used by the famous Mohawk war leader Joseph Brant Thayendanegea. The following example of one of Brant's expeditions is an example of Chemung's importance. This expedition took place in July , less than a month before Sullivan struck Chemung. Brant's forces left Chemung and traveled to Oquaga before moving eastward to Minisink. Brant hoped that the raid would cause the Patriots to alter their plans to invade the Haudenosaunee homelands, and that he would also be able to collect cattle for the always under-supplied Haudenosaunee and other Indians such as the Delawares who were also allies of the Crown. He and his warriors conducted successful raids beginning on July 19, and on July 22, won an overwhelming victory against militia that attempted to ambush Brant and his forces. Despite the victories, Brant was unable to bring off enough cattle. Leaving Minisink, Brant and his men went to Oquaga "Oghwage". Brant noted that perhaps even as he was writing, Sullivan's Patriot army might already be at Chemung, the base Brant had left just a few weeks earlier. We have taken 40 odd scalps, and one Prisoner, a Captain. Perhaps by this time they may be at Shimong, where I have sent my Party to remain 'till I join them; I am now set[t]ing off with 8 men to the Mohawk River, in order to discover the Enemy's motions [i. Clinton's army]. In the documents, "Chemung" is usually a shorthand in both Crown and Patriot documents that refers to "New Chemung," but caution in reading the documents is required because "Chemung" was also an umbrella term used in both Crown and Patriot documents to identify two Indian settlements known as "Old Chemung" and "New Chemung. New Chemung was described by General John S. Clark in as "an Indian town of fifty or sixty houses, occupied in , [text deleted]. Thomas Grant, a member of the Surveyor's Party, mentions almost one hundred houses at Chemung, at least twice the number mentioned by other Patriots when those Patriots were describing just "New Chemung. August 13th. This Morning about 6 o'clock a. The country from Tioga to Shamong the most level land I have seen marching. On the bottom bordering on the creek, large medows several miles in length, rich, fertile, and easy to be cultivated. Its timbers on the low lands, nut and oak; on the highlands chiefly pine; soil very indifferent. Shamong [is] an Indian town lying on the north of the creek, consisting of about thirty huts covered with bark. The Indians who inhabit it raise large fields of corn, beans, squashes, potatoes and pumpkins in abundamce [sic], which they subsist on in the winter season, with what deer and bears they kill, with other beasts of the wood. Our troops after destroying their huts and fields of corn which we suppose to contain about a thousand bushels returned unmolested to Tioga Cook The situation of this village was beautiful; it contained fifty or sixty houses, built of logs and frames, [text deleted], and on a most fertile, beautiful, and extensive plain, the lands chiefly calculated for meadows, and the soil rich Cook General John Sullivan, in his August 15, letter to General George Washington, described the town of New Chemung that included a building Sullivan labeled as a "chappel. There were fields of corn, the most extensive that I ever saw with great quantities of potatoes pumpkins, squashes, and in short every other thing which any farmer could produce Flick c: In contrast to Sullivan and Norris, the Reverend William Rogers made no reference to a chapel and described the main building in New Chemung as a council house. But it also must be recalled, as noted earlier, that Rogers based his conclusions on interviews he made because he did not accompany the army to Chemung:. Its situation was beautiful, being on the banks of the Tioga branch. The houses in general were good, some built of logs, others of hewed slabs, in numbers, upwards of thirty with a council house Cook Lieutenant Colonel Henry Dearborn, the commander of the 3rd New Hampshire Regiment, Poor's Brigade, noted two large buildings that he labeled as public houses:. Marched all night, and at day break reached the lower end of Chemon Flats [lower end meaning Old Chemung? Sometime after 1 P. The Reverend William Rogers, the chaplain of the Third Brigade under Brigadier General Edward Hand, described how the army finished burning the cornfields and marched away, [text deleted]. After the Patriots withdrew from Chemung, the Delawares, the other Crown-allied Indians, and the Loyalist forces reoccupied it. Ironically, the prominent Mohawk war leader Joseph Brant arrived at Chemung late in the day of August 13 -- just as the Patriots were withdrawing after burning the town and corn. Butler also noted that the enemy was not militia as Bolton believed they might be, but Continentals. I was favoured with yours of the 15th inst. Yesterday and have also received the amunition [sic] you sent [from Niagara] by the Horses —. The Indians have driven off several of their Horses and taken two or three Scalps, but I have not yet been able to get a Prisoner, tho' there are Scouts constantly at their Camp. You certainly must be misinformed in regard of these People, for form the accounts of every Prisoner that has been taken, they are some of the best of the Continental Troops commanded by the most active of the Rebel Generals, and not a Regiment of Militia among the whole Flick c Most of the cornfields were on the south side of the Chemung River opposite New Chemung. There probably were cornfields near "Old Chemung" as well. The Patriots destroyed some of these cornfields on August 13 before returning to their base at Tioga [text deleted] but the Patriots saved some of the cornfields because they intended to return to Chemung in their greater invasion of "Indian Country. Lieutenant Erkuries Beatty, of the 4th Pennsylvania Regiment, Hand's Brigade, noted that about forty acres [text deleted] were destroyed and that during the burning of the fields one Patriot was killed by Indians and Loyalists:. Lieutenant John Jenkins, one of Sullivan's guides, noted that about fifteen acres of corn were destroyed, [text deleted]:. Other crops were destroyed as well. Thomas Grant, a member of the "Surveyor's Party," wrote in his journal for August 14, , that. Ebenezer Elmer, the Surgeon in the Second New Jersey Regiment, believed that a total of two hundred acres of various crops were destroyed:. The men in confusion, all they do was to, get off — Finding it impossible to catch them after destroying all we could, we marched off for Tioga — On this side was a large patch of corn wc. Land was one of the major strategic motivations for both the Haudenosaunee and the Patriots. The Haudenosaunee wanted to protect their remaining lands while the Patriots wanted to obtain additional lands. This tension was not unique to the Haudenosaunee frontier, because this tension existed throughout both the northern and southern colonies. Similar limitations were placed on the southern colonists by Southern Indian Superintendent John Stuart's negotiations with the Cherokees in , , and In , John Stuart also negotiated with the Creeks along the South Carolina-Georgia borders Alden , and ; Adams These lines granted significant land cessions to the white colonists. But the strategy of the Haudenosaunee, the Cherokees, and the Creeks was to cede lands on their respective borders that were often the territories of smaller Indian nations they had conquered decades and even a century earlier. For example, at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, the Haudenosaunee ceded lands that the Haudenosaunee claimed because of their conquest of the Delawares and the Shawnees. Thus most of the lands that the Haudenosaunee ceded at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix lay primarily beyond their core homeland and south of the Ohio River — southwestern Pennsylvania, most of West Virginia, and most of Kentucky Cappon ; Venables Despite the treaty lines, all drawn under the authorization of King George III, the colonists still wanted more land. In contrast, the Haudenosaunee, the Cherokees, the Creeks, and the other Indian nations along the colonial frontier expected the treaty lines to halt white expansion. Lord Dunmore encouraged this frontier war because he was allied with land speculators. Lord Dunmore's War rolled over into the frontier wars of the American Revolution that had begun a year later in But the war also spilled west of the Treaty of Fort Stanwix line into the western territory of the Seneca Nation of the Haudenosaunee, and thus the western sections of Haudenosaunee territory were involved in war even before the Revolution. When the Revolution began, Patriot promises at Fort Pitt Pittsburgh in and to end frontier warfare were not enforced Downes In addition, British negotiators with the Haudenosaunee used the Patriots' greed for land as a negotiating point -- even though it had been a Royal governor, Lord Dunmore, who had begun the war on the western frontier of the Haudenosaunee, and even though both Loyalists and Patriots were fighting Indians because both frontier Loyalists and frontier Patriots wanted more land. The British asked the Haudenosaunee to adhere to more than a century of the economic, political and military alliance, first with the Dutch and then with the English Crown, that became known as the "Covenant Chain" Leder ; and Boyd The logic of the British negotiators was that only the King could resolve the issue of colonial land hunger. Butler's notes indicate that he was the speaker who delivered an address on behalf of the Crown and Colonel Caldwell. In this speech, Butler tied the Patriots' desire for Haudenosaunee lands with the frontier violence of Lord Dunmore's War, including a frank admission that King George III placed the blame on his own Royal Governor, Dunmore, and that the King intended to bring justice to the Shawnees:. In the midst of this fluctuating frontier, the Delawares were also withdrawing in the face of the expanding white frontier population. The Delawares' primary options were either to move into western Pennsylvania and the Ohio River Valley or to take refuge with the Haudenosaunee. The strategy of the Haudenosaunee was to welcome refugee people such as the Delawares and the Tutelos from Virginia. These refugee communities would strengthen the Haudenosaunee and help them hold onto what the Haudenosaunee recognized as an ever-shrinking territory. Delawares who moved into Haudenosaunee territory accepted this strategy. In exchange for their refuge, the Haudenosaunee would control the Delawares' external affairs, including warfare. However, the Haudenosaunee would allow the Delawares and other refugee people to maintain their own religion, their own language, their own customs, and their own leaders. The Delaware leaders governed locally and acted as delegates to represent the Delawares at council meetings at Onondaga, the capital of the Haudenosaunee near present-day Syracuse. At these "grand council meetings," the Delaware delegates might on occasion be permitted to speak directly to the Haudenosaunee council. But both at Onondaga and at other council meetings held at locations such as Johnson Hall in the Mohawk Valley, the custom was that the concerns of the Delawares would be presented to the council by one of the founding nations of the Confederacy Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas Sullivan et al. Although Chemung was geographically within the territorial range of the Cayuga Nation, by the beginning of the American Revolution the land that included Chemung was the responsibility of the entire Confederacy and its founding nations. Those Delawares who wanted to maintain complete independence went into western Pennsylvania and the Ohio River Valley. At the beginning of the American Revolution in , the immediate problem facing the people of Chemung was the fact that white expansion was pressing in on them [text deleted]. The line was intended to set the western boundary of New York and to permanently separate the colonists from the Haudenosaunee. But the line became the new front in a struggle between the Indians and the white colonists who were pushing into northern Pennsylvania just south of Chemung. The vastly outnumbered Delawares, Haudenosaunee, and other Indian people were tired of conceding land to frontiersmen who were never content with the lands they already had. During the Revolution, these tensions boiled over into horrific frontier warfare carried out by both sides. Sullivan's soldiers were determined to win a Revolutionary War in which the Indians of Chemung were the enemy: allies of the Crown who had raided and burned Patriot and farms, settlements, and forts in Pennsylvania, in the Mohawk Valley of New York, and all along New York's other frontier settlements such as Cherry Valley Cruikshank , ; Venables ; Although the Patriots professed peace when they addressed the Haudenosaunee and other Indians, they did not hide their goal of seizing more Indian lands when addressing whites. In fact, the Patriots' Declaration of Independence in includes a passage that clearly implies the Patriots intend to break the treaties made by the Crown, including the Treaty of Fort Stanwix with the Haudenosaunee. The Declaration clearly states that a major reason the Patriots were rebelling against George III was that the King was adhering to the treaty lines drawn with the Haudenosaunee, the Cherokees, and the Creeks between and and that the King was therefore refusing to meet the Patriots' desire for more Indian land. The Declaration proposed many justifications for declaring independence from King George III, justifications which the Declaration defines as "facts" -- "To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands Commager This, then, made "land" a major strategic motivation for both the Patriots who marched to Chemung and for the Haudenosaunee and Delawares who defended this southern gateway to the Haudenosaunee homelands. While the soldiers under General Sullivan were determined to win a war, they also knew that their invasion of the Haudenosaunee homelands would justify the seizure of even more land. Thus one of the army chaplains, the Reverend William Rogers, observed on August 11, as the army prepared to move northwards towards Chemung [bold added]:. August Getting to the mouth of the Tioga [Chemung], we found it in width one hundred and forty-two yards, and the water much deeper than had been imagined. Verdant plains in our rear, the flowing Susquehannah on our right. Ourselves in the Tioga or Cayuga stream, with a fine neck of land in our front and mountains surrounding the whole, afforded pleasant reflections though separated from friends and in an enemy's country. Surely a soil like this is worth contending for Cook However, Dr. Jabez Campfield, a surgeon in Sullivan's army, was a reluctant conqueror. On August 11, , the same day that Reverend Rogers made his observation, Dr. Campfield wrote:. I very heartily wish these rusticks may be reduced to reason, by the aproach of this army, without their suffering the extreems of war; there is something so cruel, in destroying the habitations of any people, however mean they may be, being their all that I might say the prospect hurts my feelings Cook After the battles of Chemung and of Newtown, as the army marched through Haudenosaunee country, they were guided by Oneida scouts under the Oneida Thaosagwat. In the following passage from Fogg's journal for September 7, Fogg envisions inevitable white settlement over the area; raises the question of what "the God of nature" intends; raises the choice for the Haudenosaunee of adapting white civilization or being exterminated; and finally notes, with indignation, that friendship with Indians ends as soon as they are threatened. The land between the Seneca and Cayuga lakes appears good, level and well timbered; affording a sufficiency for twenty elegant townships, which in process of time will doubtless add to the importance of America. The communication of the Seneca with Cayuga is passable with boats and is about twenty miles. Whether the God of nature ever designed that so noble a part of his creation should remain uncultivated, in consequence of an unprincipled and brutal part of it, is one of those arcana, yet hidden from human intelligence. However, had I any influence in the councils of America, I should not think it an affront to the Divine will, to lay some effectual plan, either to civilize, or totally extirpate the race. Parker on the Iroquois: Iroquois Uses of Maize and Other Food Plants / The Cod.. | eBay

The plate, entitled 'An ageed manne in his winter garment' , is engraved by 'T. The figure is set on a ridge above a landscape background showing the village of Pomeiooc surrounded by fields of maize one on the right containing the raised field watcher's but from the Secoton illustration , and beyond, a belt of trees and shoals with Indians fishing from canoes. The figure itself shows a few variations: the overlap of the mantle reveals more fur on the inside, a wider flap or tail in the centre of the upper fringe is more clearly shown, no seam is indicated and no ear ornament is precisely defined, but a pair of moccasins is worn without visible fastenings; the hooked nose and high cheek bones of the original have been Europeanized and the index finger of the left hand is hardly pointing. According to Hariot, this is a man of Pomeiooc, and the garment shown is of skin, 'Dressed with the hair on, and lyned with other furred skinnes', tied on one shoulder. Elsewhere Hariot specifies deerskins. The hairdress is described-a knot at the back with a 'crest' on top-and facial hair, although sparse, is mentioned as a trait of older men; young men plucked their beards. Three other White illustrations clearly show this type of robe: with the right arm free as here nos. One of these no. None of the illustrations show the knot on the shoulder. A similar garment was worn by the Virginia Algonkians in whose language it was called matchcore 3 or mantchcor. The type was widespread in eastern North America. Many of the early descriptions mention the fur being worn next to the body and the right arm left bare. The engraving D , and a man and woman shown in the engraving, no. Depilation of the naturally scant facial hair was normal practice with men of many American Indian tribes. However, there were several exceptions in the east, among older men as here. This is the source, by folk etymology, of the English term 'Match coat', widely used in colonial North America for a short Indian coat including trade items G. III, no. Flannery, Analysis , p. The woman is standing to the left, her back to the observer, her head turned towards the front, looking over her left shoulder. She carries a naked child on her back who grips her shoulders with both arms and whose left leg is tucked under and through her left arm, while the right hangs down. Her hair forms what now appears to be a grey cap almost as if it were a wig--an effect caused by the removal of the surface wash by water and from it some straggling hairs emerge in a fringe at the front and loosely at the neck. Her upper arms are decorated with bands of zigzag and other patterns, either painted or tattooed. She wears a double apron-skirt of fringed skin which reaches half-way down her thighs. Black, brown and grey water-colours in several shades, touched with white partly oxidized , over black lead; Inscribed in brown ink, along the top, "The wyfe of an Herowan of Pomeiooc. The dark colours, especially of the child's hair and the woman's skirt, have been transferred more strongly than the brown tints. The face and inscription are imperfectly offprinted. The plate, entitled 'Their manner of careynge ther Childern and a tyere of the cheiffe Ladyes of the towne of Dasamonquepeuc' , is engraved by 'T. It is in reverse of A. The figure is duplicated to give a front view and a landscape background has been added, of shoals with Indians fishing from canoes and low treelined hills. There are few significant variations in the figure: she has ear ornaments of three pendant spheres, there are tattoo marks on the cheek and from the front view she is seen to have a simulated two-strand necklace. Hariot's caption to the engraving B explains that women of Dasemunkepeuc were dressed and tattooed 'pownced' like those of Roanoke, except that they did not wear headbands nor tattoo their thighs. Hariot also remarks on the method of carrying children as typical, and contrasting with the English custom. The woman's simple hairdress is one of the two types depicted by White see no. It was paralleled in Virginia and was apparently one of the more common modes among south-eastern Indians. The method of carrying a child shown here is described by Beverley in the caption accompanying his slightly modified copy of De Bry's engraving as typical for summertime; in the winter, Virginia Indian babies were carried in their mothers' robes at the back. But Beverley also illustrates crudely and describes a cradleboard, which he says was used to hold and carry younger babies. Certainly the exotic object, if present, should have been noticed. Detailed information on methods of carrying children too old for the cradleboard is difficult to locate; however, the position shown here can be interpreted as a variant or misapprehension of the hip-straddling method used by modern Florida Seminole mothers-where the cradleboard is also unknown. Mason, 'Cradles of the American aborigines', Report of the U. A bird's-eye view of an unenclosed Indian village of thirteen houses of light pole and mat construction. At the top, a path leads from water a stream or pond to the main group of houses where it widens into a central thoroughfare running down through the settlement. On the street, in the centre of the main group of houses, a spoke-shaped fire attended by two Indians is burning and below, further down the path, are shown mats spread out on which are three large circular eating vessels and six small objects of indefinite form. One squatting and two sitting figures are seen eating and one man armed with a bow stands by. To the right of the path and street are three cornfields each at a different stage of growth. The top field of ripe maize contains a small hut, open at one side, which may shelter a seated figure and is mounted on a platform with four legs. A path to the right separates this field from the two lower ones in which crops of unripe and very young maize are growing. The last has faint indications perhaps representing hills around the bases of the plants. To the left of the unripe maize is a house with a small fenced yard before the door which is in the centre of the end wall. The houses to the left of the road are set among or near to birch-like trees. Among the trees to the left are two houses with three figures nearby, two of them apparently carrying bows. Four other figures are to be seen among the main group of houses, which are shown with open ends, several revealing the pole framework and side platforms, while a few have small window-like openings. At the bottom right a path separates the lowest cornfield from the ceremonial area and is bordered by a row of seven posts. Below this is a circle of seven posts, the tops of which are possibly carved in the form of human heads, and on a path around it nine Indians apparently all men , with feathers in their hair and waving gourd rattles, are dancing. Some wear a single apron-skirt and others apparently are naked or wear breech-clouts only. One Indian crouches beside a post outside the circle to the right and six others squat or sit in line on the roadway to the left. A further path is indicated at the bottom right, below the dancers. To the left of the roadway, opposite the circle, a path surrounds four posts within which a spoke- shaped log fire is burning, a fifth post being seen to the right near where the path joins the road. The heads of the posts are again possibly carved like the others. To the left of the fire is a but with the end covered and below, at the bottom left, is a house taller than the rest which may have openings in the end wall. A short path leads from it to the road. Black, crimson and brown body- colours, brown, yellow, grey and blue water-colours, heightened with white partly oxidized and gold, over black lead outlines; some running of the colours as a result of water damage; Inscribed in dark brown ink, in the top right-hand corner, on the first field of maize, "Their rype corne". In the centre, below the eating figures, "their sitting at meale". In a semi-circle about the fire, near the bottom left-hand corner, "The place of solemne prayer" and below, above the hut, "The house wherein the Tombe of their Herounds standeth". The right and centre part of the drawing has offset lightly and evenly, the left side irregularly and with considerable water stains. The plate, entitled 'The Tovvne of Secota' , is engraved by 'T. The disposition of the huts and main groups of figures is as in the drawing, though more huts are visible among the trees in the left background and more Indians near the food bowls. The plate also shows a large plot of tobacco to the right of the trees in the left background and another, together with sunflowers, on the left, towards the foreground. To the left of the lowest field of maize is a border of pumpkins. The ripe ears of maize in the top field are wrongly shown without husks. There are only six posts round the dance circle. Secotan was probably located on the south side of the Pamlico River, perhaps near the present Bonnerton, North Carolina. Hariot's caption to the engraving B specifies that this was one of the towns lacking a palisade, whereas others had them. He implies that the houses were more widely and irregularly spaced in such villages. The letters on the engraving are keys to descriptions in the caption: A, charnel house, the interior being shown in no. It has been stated that this scene was probably drawn by White on July th , Planting of maize in small hills or hilling earth around the bases of partly grown plants was widespread in the east--it is mentioned at least for New England, the Iroquois, the Delaware, the Virginia Algonkian, and the Chickasaw or a neighboring tribe, and there are archaeological traces in various places. According to Hariot intercropping was the usual practice here: maize, beans, pumpkins, gourds, and melden 8 were planted together in the same plot; but tobacco was grown separately. However, these plants were also grown 'sometimes in groundes apart and seuerally by themselves', as shown here. The larger and more detailed Secoton watch-house in a maize field is probably the original of the ones shown in the background of the engraving of the old man of Pomeiooc no. Apparent parallels are recorded for the seventeenth-century Narragansett and for the Chickasaw or some nearby group in the eighteenth century. The sunflowers shown here are identified by Heiser as 'excellent drawings' of the giant sunflower, Helianthus annuus , var. Cockerell, widely cultivated for its seeds in aboriginal North America, where it was broughtunder domestication. Virginia Algonkian sunflower seed bread is mentioned by Beverley. The tobacco plants illustrated seem to be Nicotiana rustica Linn. The pumpkins are identified by Hugh Cutler as Cucurbita pepo Linn. Hariot Quinn, p. Cutler, letter to W. Sturtevant, June 8th, Weatherwax, Indian corn in old America New York, ; pp. Swanton Indians , p. Killip, tentatively identified Hariot's description as referring to Atriplex hastate , orache or salt-bush. There does not seem to be other evidence that this genus was cultivated by North American Indians. Perhaps for this reason, Weatherwax p. Amaranths were used, and perhaps cultivated, aboriginally in south-western North America, and were widely cultivated by the Indians of Mexico, and elsewhere in the world, as a grain, pot-herb, and for other uses. There is an archaeological record for the Ozarks, but it is doubtful whether these seeds are from cultivated seeds J. Still a third possibility Willoughby, 'Virginia Indians', p. Willey, 'Historical patterns and evolution in native New World culture', pp. Tax, ed. II Chicago, , p. Godin, 'Food of the Adena people', ch. IV in W. Webb and R. Baby, The Adena people, no. Fernald and A. Kinsey discuss the edibility of the leaves of plants of these three genera, and of the seeds of Chenopodium and Amanranthus Edible wild plants of eastern North America Cornwall-on-Hudson, N. Heiser, Jr. XCV , p. Goodspeed, 'The genus Nicotiana', Chronica Botanica , vol. XVI , pp. Setchell, 'Aboriginal tobaccos', American Anthropologist , vol. Sturtevant, February 1st, The woman is standing, facing half-right with arms folded. Her hair is fringed in front and hangs in wisps at the side and back and is secured by a headband of twisted material. There is a suggestion of an ear ornament. She is wearing a double apron-skirt of fringed skin, ornamented with a double row of beads or pearls. The tassels of the fringe below the waist are heightened, as they are on the lower fringe, with white oxidized and show traces of gold. The skirt reaches nearly half-way down the thighs. She is elaborately painted or tattooed with bluish lines on her cheeks, forehead and chin, a simulated necklace ending at a point between her breasts, and patterns on the upper and lower arms and on the calves and instep. Black, blue and crimson body-colours, brown and various shades of grey water-colours, heightened with white oxidized and touched with gold, over black lead outlines. The transfer has been rather uneven, the black heavily offprinted, the grey and brown lightly and the blue heavily on the left arm and lower legs, more lightly elsewhere. The woman is as in A but the face, right arm and feet are disfigured by white paint which has oxidized and may be a later addition. The colour of the skin is slightly more pink and that of the skirt is brownish-grey rather than grey. The skirt lacks the bead trimmings and there is no overhanging top fringe. The tattooing throughout is sharply defined in a darker blue, carefully executed, on the upper part of the body, crudely on the legs. The foreground is done in a heavy dark yellow. Black, crimson body-colour, blue, various shades of brown, brownish-grey and yellow water-colours, heightened with white oxidized , over black lead outlines; enclosed within a double ruled ink border; Inscribed in dark brown ink, above, "Of Secoton ". The plate, entitled 'On of the chieff Ladyes of Secota' , is engraved by 'T. The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape of shoals and Indians fishing from canoes, with low tree-lined hills beyond. The details of the figure are very close to the original even down to the pattern of the tattoo or painted marks on the cheeks, forehead, neck, arms and calves. The ear ornament is defined as four beads on a pendant attached to the lobe. The feet have been much reduced in size. This illustration provides one of the clearest examples of the double-apron skirt, one of the two variants of women's garment which can be clearly distinguished in the original drawings. The drawing A confirms the more detailed engraving C. Harlot's caption is not very specific, merely referring to a dressed deerskin garment hanging down both in front and behind. He also mentions the hairdress: cut short in front, the rest long and hanging to the shoulders, with a 'wreath' on top. Hariot explained that the woman's forehead, cheeks, chin, arms and legs are tattooed 'pownced' , whereas the neck ornament may be either tattooed 'pricked' or painted. The plate is entitled 'Ther Idol Kivvasa' but the engraver is not indicated. It represents an idol seated in a circular hut. The image has the hair tied in a knot above the head, while the face shows signs of tattooing. It is wearing a close-fitting jerkin, open at the front to reveal some type of undergarment, and tight-fitted sleeves. At the waist is a fringed skin apron-skirt. The knees are extended and the hands are resting on them. Tight-fitting boots are shown reaching to the calves, the tops of which are decorated with three zigzag lines and one straight line of beads or pearls. It is wearing a four-strand necklace of long and spherical beads and there are two strings of beads above each knee. It is seated on a two-step dais covered with matting. The roof is composed of segments of woven cane or matting secured at the centre and has a vertical border from which matting hangs down to the ground, drawn away from the opening to reveal the image. A rather similar idol is shown in the charnel house no. The character of the headdress and the costume makes the authenticity of the above doubtful. In his caption Hariot describes this 'idol' as carved of wood, about 4 feet high, with a head 'like the heades of the people of Florida', all black except for a flesh-coloured face, white breast, and white spots on the thighs. The necklace consisted of white beads alternating with spherical copper beads. This image was kept in the charnel house at Secoton, 'as the keper of the kings dead corpses'. Other 'churches' had two, or a maximum of three, set in a dark corner. The use of such figures was characteristic of the south-east but rare in the north-east. Archaeological examples occur in the south-east, but normally they are of stone and smaller than the one at Secoton; the functions of these specimens, which usually portray seated figures, are of course uncertain. Two examples one from Tennessee have pointed topknots roughly comparable to that in this illustration and in no. Other fairly close parallels of wood come from the Spiro mound in Oklahoma. The hairdress shown here is, as Hariot comments, like that of the Florida Timucua men. In fact it is identical with forms shown in engravings after Le Moyne, published by De Bry with this one--more like them than like White's Timucua drawing no. This hairdress has been interpreted as evidence for diffusion from the south. The small image in White's charnel house no. There are a number of other suspicious elements in this engraving: the structure disagrees with the buildings shown elsewhere, especially the charnel house in which the image was kept nos. Beauchamp, 'Aboriginal use of wood in New York', N. State Museum Bulletin , no. XI , pp. Ethnology, Bulletin , no. Wallace, ed. Webb and D. Fundaburk and M. Foreman, eds. Hamilton, 'The Spiro mound', Missouri Archaeologist , vol. XIV , pls. II, p. The most detailed description in the early records is Beverley's account of his examination of three bundles hidden in a Virginia temple. One of these contained what he took to be a disassembled 'idol'. One wonders whether this was really an 'idol'. Beverley's interpretation and his memory of what he saw may have been influenced by De Bry's engraving, which he reproduced Beverley, Virginia , pp. Can it have been a medicine bundle? IX , p. A rectangular building 20 x The front end is open and the mat covering thrown back over the roof. The raised floor is made of either narrow poles or cane. Below it, in front, is a border or pelmet of cane or mat, perhaps 18 inches deep. On the raised floor lies a row of ten pale, naked and emaciated bodies placed close together on their backs, their arms by their sides and their heads almost reaching the front edge of the floor. Their hair is shown drawn out from the scalp to a point or knot. At their feet, four large rectangular bundles of matting with curved tops lie two by two against the end wall of the building. The figure of an idol 'Kywash' is represented sitting slightly elevated, with legs flexed and hands on knees, close to the right-hand wall and some little way back. It appears to be dressed in black throughout with a white streak or opening on the chest giving the effect almost of a jacket and trousers with a white undergarment showing in front. Its feet and hands are black and on its head is a large round hat, brownish in colour, with a rolled brim, coming to a point at the top. The face is pale and looks to the front. Under the floor of the building, inside the wooden posts, are two reddish-brown skins spread out on the ground, one on top of the other. In front a small spoke-shaped wood fire is burning. The building stands on a levelled foundation a little wider than itself and extending to the front of the drawing. Black, various shades of brown, reddish-brown, pink and grey water-colours, heightened with gold on the flames, over black lead outlines; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "The Tombe of their Cherounes or cheife personages, their flesh clene taken of from the bones saue the skynn and heare of theire heads, w ch flesh is dried and enfolded in matts laide at theire feete. With theire Kywash, which is an Image of woode keeping the deade. There is a possible discrepancy between the inscription and the drawing. The former indicates that only the skeletons covered with deerskins, and with mummified heads, were preserved, but the drawing could show bodies which, though very emaciated, have flesh on their bones. The recumbent figures and the fire are only faintly visible, but the rest of the drawing and inscription have been transferred lightly but clearly. The black of the idol has offset strongly. It shows the interior of a tall but with an arched roof enclosing the structure shown in the drawing but with ten posts supporting the floor. It contains only nine bodies, with roached hairdress, the idol differing in appearance and seated on a small ledge on the left. A priest crouching, tending the fire and dressed as in no. The variant drawing used by the engraver was clearly made within the large but shown in the bottom left-hand corner of the view of Secoton village no. Hariot's caption to the engraving is quite detailed. He describes the structure as a scaffold 9 or 10 feet high the illustration does not seem this high , covered with mats, upon which were laid the corpses of 'their Weroans, or cheefe lordes'. These were prepared by disembowelling, laying back the skin, and removing the flesh. The articulated skeleton was wrapped in leather, and the skin replaced over this stuffed body. The flesh removed was sun dried and wrapped up in mats which were placed at the feet of the bodies. The 'Idol Kiwasa' was kept nearby, in the belief that it would 'keepe the dead bodyes of their cheefe lordes that nothinge may hurt them'. A priest lived under the scaffold, 'which Mumbleth his prayers nighte and day, and hath charge of the corpses', sleeping on two deerskins the original Latin text says merely skins of wild animals and making a fire for warmth in cold weather some religious function for the fire is more probable. This caption does not mention the enclosing building, but in his comments on the general view of Secoton no. Beverley published a close copy of this engraving. His description, supposedly referring to the Virginia Algonkians, differs slightly from Hariot's and adds a few details: to skin the corpses the skin was slit only in the back; after the flesh was removed the articulated skeleton was slightly dried in the sun; the skin was preserved by oiling; the skeleton being replaced in the skin, the body was stuffed with 'a very fine white Sand' and the skin sewn up, so that 'the Body looks as if the Flesh had not been removed'. The flesh was sun dried on 'hurdles' and then sewn up in a basket which was placed at the feet of the body from which the flesh had been removed and Beverley's illustration is modified so that there is a separate bundle at the feet of each body. The compartment for the corpses was enclosed in mats 'to keep it from the Dust'; some of these mats are shown turned back-apparently diagrammatically, not as actually done-to reveal the inside of the compartment. Other sources on the Virginia Algonkians describe methods for preserving the bodies of the leading men in separate structures. The accounts differ in some details, but it is clear that such special treatment was typical of this region. Unfortunately, however, our accounts of both Carolina and Virginia Algonkians do not specify the ultimate disposal of the remains in the charnel houses. Several of these were disposed in a manner suggesting to Stewart that they had originally been extended on their backs as shown in White's illustration which he reproduced , but with their lower legs flexed forward. Several others which were disarticulated before burial had skulls containing nests of the Mud Dauber Wasp, indicating that they had been exposed during 'at least one warm season' before burial. The mats used as house coverings are shown more clearly here than elsewhere nos. Hariot describes them as 'artificiall mattes made of long rushes'. Lawson's somewhat more detailed description of North Carolina Indian rush mat construction at a later date agrees perfectly with these modern examples from the western Great Lakes region. However, Holmes overlooked the fact that White seems to have shown the mats incorrectly; all detailed modern descriptions, photographs, and museum specimens agree that the rushes usually stalks of the cat-tail, Typha sp. The rushes hence run crosswise, and the stitching lengthwise of the mats. Rush mats of the normal type could conveniently be bent back as here and as shown and described in no. This being noticed, it is possible to understand the mats shown in this engraving covering the walls of the outer structure but not the inner one , and those shown on the walls of no. But certainly those shown on the roof here, and some of those in no. The construction on piles shown here and in the fieldwatcher's hut no. There is one reference to a pile dwelling among the Massachusetts, but none are known in the south-east the Key Marco archaeological instance cited by Swanton is based on aninterpretation not generally accepted. II , pp. Stewart, 'An ossuary at the Indian village site of Patawomeke Potomac ', Explorations and field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in , pp. Bushnell, Jr. Lyford, 'The crafts of the Ojibwa Chippewa ', U. National Museum. Seventeen Indians ten men, seven women are dancing within and around a circle of seven upright posts, somewhat taller than a man, defined on the ground by a path outside them. The tops of the posts are carved in the form of human heads which appear to be draped and to have the features painted in pale grey and reddish colours, touched with white. The dancers may be divided into three groups: the two figures standing between the posts in the foreground, whose clasped hands hold a leafy twig; the circle of men and women dancers moving outside the circle of posts; the three women in the centre of the circle clasped closely together, facing inwards. Numbering the dancers clockwise from a post at the bottom, left of centre: 1 a woman, to the right of the post, is balanced on her left leg, her right foot crossing it behind. She is dressed in a fringed skin mantle which hangs over her left shoulder and reveals the fur on the fold. The mantle appears to be tied round the waist with a band or string into which is tucked a skin bag with fringed ends which hangs down behind. Her hair sticks out in a fringe at the front and is tied behind at the neck and she probably has a headband. She appears to have a small bracelet on her right wrist. She is tattooed or painted on the upper arms and holds in her left hand a gourd rattle with a stick handle; her right hand clasps that of her neighbour; 2 a man to the left of the post, seen from the back, his head turned to the left, is balanced on his right foot with his left leg raised high, the knee fully bent and his right arm raised above his head, a twig in his hand; his left hand is thrust behind his back and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, secured by a thong round his waist, from which a skin bag hangs over his right hip. His hair is short at the side with a roach down the middle into which two feathers are stuck. Apparently, from his right ear an ornament or tobacco pipe? On the left side of his back are three or four designs, perhaps downward-pointing arrows; 3 below the post furthest to the left a man seen from the back is in a similar posture, but with his right knee raised, the rattle in red body-colour in his right hand held above his head, and a twig in his left which he holds away from his body. His dress is also similar but he wears his bag on the left. The sides of his head are seen to be shaven and the roach comes to a point on the nape of his neck. He seems to be wearing five feathers on his head, one above each ear and three sticking in the roach. On his left shoulder there is a design, perhaps a small animal within a shield-like border; 4 a woman, facing front and to the left of the post, is balanced on her right foot, the left pulled up behind her, and is holding a twig in her right hand and another in her left which is stretched across the front of her body. She is wearing a double apron-skirt. Her hair is fringed on the forehead, worn long and caught up at the neck. An ornament is just visible near her left ear, which may be a string of beads or pearls hanging down on the left side of her head. She has a two- or three-strand necklace and tattooed or painted ornaments on her left upper arm and wrist; 5 a man facing front, to the right of the next post, his right leg thrust out behind him, is balanced on the ball of his left foot. His left hand is raised above his head and holds a twig, while his right grasps a rattle held out from his side. He apparently wears a single apron-skirt. His hair stands in a roach into which are stuck three feathers, and he wears another above each ear. He has a long two- or three-string necklace; 6 a man, facing half-right, and to the right of the post, has his left knee raised up towards his left arm which is stretched out in front. His right hand is raised above his head and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a breech-clout lapped over a thong round the waist, into which is tucked a skin bag hanging over the right hip. His hair is dressed in a similar fashion to that of the other men already described, and a single feather is stuck in the roach, another appearing above each ear. He wears a long necklace, the three strands of which are joined just above his waistband to form an ornament; 7 a man facing half-right to the left of the top post, is balanced on his right leg, with his left leg raised and fully flexed, and his right arm bent and raised above his head, his left crossing his body in front. His dress is similar to that of no. He wears, apparently, a two-strand necklace from which hangs a round ornament; 8 a man to the right of the topmost post, facing half-left, is balanced on the left foot and his right leg is stretched out to the right. His right hand is hidden by the post to the left of which the top of a rattle is visible. His left arm holds out a long arrow or spear, the barbed point facing downwards, the butt missing off the top of the page. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, and his hair has a single feather sticking up from the back of his roach and another from his left ear. He appears to be wearing a necklace which hangs across his chest and under his left arm; 9 a man, to the left of the top right post, is balanced on his left foot, his right leg raised to the side and flexed. He is holding up a twig in his right hand and a rattle in his left. He wears a breech-clout giving the effect of a reddish mottled skin, lapped over a thong round the waist. There are three feathers in his roach and one above each ear, and he wears a three-strand necklace; 10 a man to the right and below the post is balanced on his right leg, his left leg bent up behind. He holds a twig above his head in his right hand, and another in his left near his side. He is wearing an apron-skirt and has four feathers stuck near the front of his roach. He wears a long three-strand necklace; 11 a woman, to the right of the right-hand post, is facing left and is balanced on her left leg with the right raised behind. With her right hand she holds up a rattle to her chin, while her left arm is bent, the hand resting on her hip. She is wearing a fringed skin dress or mantle, hanging from the shoulders, ornamented with beads or pearls around the bottom and the neck line and extending down in strings on to the chest , which is secured at both shoulders, leaving her arms bare and reaching below her knees. Her hair is worn long, fringed in front and caught up at the back. She has tattooed or painted ornaments on the upper arms, and the suggestion of a bracelet on her left wrist; 12 a man below, and to the right of the post, is balanced on his right leg, his left leg drawn up behind. He is brandishing in his right hand a long arrow showing both barbed point and fletching, and holds up a gourd rattle in his left hand. He wears only a waistband into which a skin bag is tucked on the left side and, apparently, a twig stuck into it on the right. His hairstyle is indeterminate. He appears to have one long feather sticking from the middle of his head and one above each ear; 13 a man, viewed from behind, his head turned left, in profile, is balancing on his left foot with his right foot raised. His right hand is held close behind his back, grasping an upright twig, and in his left hand is a rattle partly hidden by his left thigh. He is wearing only a thong round his waist, through which is tucked a skin bag hanging down on his left hip. His hair is smooth at the sides and is caught up in a knot at the back of the neck. They performed the daily tasks of caring for the young and the old. They sold skins and furs to white traders for cloth and personal ornaments; metal tools and utensils; firearms, powder, and ball; and many other items. Some residents of Chemung went as far as Wyoming and Nazareth, Pa. The people of Chemung were both attracted to and disturbed by the Moravian missions at Wyalusing and Sheshequin. Papoonhan, the Munsee chief of Wyalusing, and many of his people had become Christians. They were joined by other Moravian converts—mostly Mahicans—who had previously lived at missions in Dutchess County, N. Schutt Munsee chiefs at Chemung and Sheshequin Chiefs Echgohund and Newallike resisted the Moravian missionaries and tried to exert some control over the mission Indians, but even their own families were split. The people of Chemung were increasingly dependent on traders and were losing people to the missions. Failure of the corn crop of resulted in famine at Chemung and elsewhere through the summer of , increasing the feeling of insecurity WJP ; MA March-July passim. The Munsees sought to assert their autonomy and improve their economy by meeting with Pennsylvania officials. In January Echgohund, his wife and children, and a few others met with the governor to complain of their poverty and petition for relief PCR ; MA Feb. Echgohund led a larger delegation "several Munsey Indians" to Philadelphia in September and stayed three months. Their spokesman, the Munsee chief Mightaman, renewed their friendship and requested "a Store Keeper and a Gun Smith to live among us at our Town, the big Horn, by whom we may be supplied with Blankets and other Cloaths, and that we may conveniently get our Guns mended and repaired. John Penn referred the visitors to Sir William Johnson and promised to find someone to open a post at Chemung that did not happen. Johnson considered the affair of little importance; he remarked "these people are of too little consequence in the Confederacy" to bear an official message from the Six Nations PCR ; WJP ; MA Sept. Meanwhile, the leading Unami Delaware chiefs in the Ohio country repeatedly invited the Indians in the Susquehanna region to move west to the Cuyahoga or Muskingum Valleys MA , June 13, 14, and 16, The Six Nations tried to stop the exodus but were losing their influence over the people of Chemung. In the spring of Netawatwees Newcomer , the principal chief of the Ohio Delawares, again invited the Susquehanna Indians to come to his land of peace and plenty MA , Apr. The Onondaga council tried to prevent this loss of over Indians from the upper Susquehanna but did not prevail. Surveys of the Indian boundary line caused friction between colonial officials and the Indians remaining on the upper Susquehanna. The Fort Stanwix treaty specified that the line was to run from Owego eastward to the Delaware River. New York officials had understood that this section of the treaty line would also be the political boundary with Pennsylvania. The Penn family now preferred as the political boundary the 42nd parallel, located about eight miles south of the treaty line between Owego and the Delaware. In the governors of New York and Pennsylvania commissioned surveyors to locate and mark the 42nd parallel where it crossed the Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers. The Indians realized that the treaty line as surveyed passed to the north of four of their towns on the Susquehanna the Munsee-Cayuga town of Choconut, a Tuscarora town, and two hamlets. The inaccurate map used at the Fort Stanwix conference had indicated that the line would run well to the south of those towns. The chiefs complained about the surveys and the seeming violation of the Fort Stanwix treaty line. Johnson admitted that the map used at the conference was inaccurate. That promise was never kept, because of the war that broke out between Britain and thirteen of its American colonies in April Hoping to remain neutral in the conflict, in and the Six Nations had several conferences and other contacts with Patriot and British officials. The Six Nations announced their policy of neutrality in conferences at Oswego and Albany in mid, and again at Niagara, Pittsburgh, and German Flats in mid However, many individual chiefs and warriors disdained neutrality. They worried about the advance of white settlements and listened to the promises and warnings of British officers like Col. Guy Johnson and Maj. John Butler. British and American officials soon welcomed Indians as military allies. The Oneidas and most Tuscaroras, influenced by their Congregational missionary Rev. Samuel Kirkland, sided with the American revolutionaries. The Chemung Delawares seem not to have accompanied the upper Susquehanna Indians to the various conferences between the Six Nations and the American revolutionaries. John Butler and other officers conferred secretly with the Six Nations and their allies at Niagara in August-September Most of the Senecas, many Cayugas, some Onondagas, and Susquehanna Delawares, Nanticokes, and Conoys towns not specified declared their friendship for the Crown Wallace ; Stevens ; Graymont The Wyoming Valley settlers learned that nearby Indians apparently those on the Chemung had gone to the meeting at Niagara, not to the conference at German Flats. The Munsee Delawares on the Chemung may have declared their support for the British at the Niagara conference of late summer As a Munsee chief from Cattaraugus reminded John Butler during a conference at Niagara in , "At the beginning of the late War between the King our Father and the Americans, we were desired by you and by our Uncles the Five Nations, to take up the Hatchet, and assist his people; We listened with attention, and with one voice agreed to the request" IIDHD reel July 12, Everywhere "he was well received, called meetings and acquaint ed them with his adventures" NYCD ; WJP ; Bryant ; Kelsay , , ; Graymont ; Stevens , The results were soon clear. In May Wyoming Valley officials learned that the Susquehanna Indians considered recent meetings as a chance to spy on the Connecticut settlers, and as a ploy to keep them "quiet and easy" while war plans progressed Harvey , In June some "Delawares" delivered two suspects to British officers at Niagara: a mulatto from Wyoming who had been "disturbing their village Chemung , and discovering everything he could learn to the rebels," and a German immigrant known to be a Patriot militiaman GCP ser. Q, John Butler and R. Lemoult to Guy Carleton, June 16, The Chemung Indians made allies of their white neighbors to the south, the "Pennamites," some of whom moved up into the Chemung Valley. In the early s the Pennsylvania government had outflanked the Connecticut settlement in the Wyoming Valley by granting lands along the upper Susquehanna. By several dozen Dutch, German, and English families had settled at or near Wyalusing. The Pennsylvania and Connecticut claimants quarreled constantly and waged two wars with each other Ousterhout: ; St. The Wyoming settlers were Patriots and suspected the Pennamites of Loyalist sympathies. Pennamites were harrassed and in spring several were arrested and briefly imprisoned SCP ; Patterson 15; Stefon Hating the Yankees, many Pennamites sided with the crown. In the spring of most of the men in the Wyalusing area went to Niagara and formed a company of rangers under command of Maj. The green- coated Butler's Rangers were formally organized in the fall Cruikshank ; Harvey ; Stevens , , , , ; Palmer ; Ousterhout Like their Indian neighbors, the upper Susquehanna Pennamites sided with the crown because they thought it was the safer course. The Chemung Indians' remarkable invitation to the Pennamites was more than simple neighborliness. Some Pennamite families settled along the Chemung River, and more came in early This tactic is observable at other places and times within the dynamic frontier region. Most importantly, this strategy helps explain the multi- or inter- ethnic nature of the military force that opposed the Continental Army's advance at Newtown. Their target was the Connecticut settlement in the Wyoming Valley. As John Butler later recalled, the pretense for the attack was an invitation to Six Nations chiefs from Col. The commandant at Niagara directed Butler and his rangers to go with the Indians to protect Indian spokesmen and to obtain release of those already jailed FHP 21, "Narrative of Lt. Butler's Services". Diplomacy was not the real purpose. Objections of a few neutralist chiefs were quashed, and a large strike force was assembled at Chemung by early June. It included over Indian warriors mostly Senecas and "Delawares," also 40 Cayugas and a few others and about Loyalist rangers Graymont ; N. The battle in late afternoon, a classic ambush, was a resounding tactical victory for the native warriors and their Loyalist allies. Nearly militiamen died, many during a wholesale retreat. Indian and British casualties were few Cruikshank ; Harvey ; Graymont ; Stevens ; Williamson and Fossler: ; Mintz ; McGinnis ; Abler, ed. Denison accepted surrender terms on July 4. She sardonically declared that she had fulfilled his demand at the February meeting that she bring more Indians Franklin ; Miner , app. Disregarding the surrender agreement, the Indians now plundered the valley, and the remaining inhabitants fled. Warriors from Chemung transported much of the booty to their home town Hayden b: A general frontier war followed the battle of Wyoming. Chemung was a rendezvous for Indian and Loyalist forces traveling to and from Niagara, in the big raids on Cobleskill and Cherry Valley in and Minisink in GCP , , , Data on raids is incomplete, but Senecas and "Delawares" were reported to be "very active" during the winter of Many captives were brought through Chemung. At Chemung he was forced to run the gauntlet and badly injured by a tomahawk before reaching safety at the council house Draper MSS. Jasper Parrish was taken on the Delaware by Capt. Mounsh, a Munsee, and likewise forced to run for his life at Chemung Parrish He escaped running the gauntlet at Chemung because of his swollen bare feet; a kindly Mohawk ran for him Blackman Luke Swetland likewise escaped mistreatment at Chemung, though a comrade of his was beaten Swetland , The Chemung Valley furnished badly- needed food for Loyalist and Indian war parties. The great corn fields planted by Indians and Loyalists were burned or chopped down by Sullivan's army. Cattle flourished on the grassy flats, but demand outstripped supply. War parties and their prisoners were often hungry as a result. John Wood, captured at the battle of Minisink, suffered from hunger while being held at Chemung, and was "obliged to eat hides that was S—" Twichell By late the revolutionary government considered Chemung a prime military target. After the attack on Wyoming, Gen. George Washington ordered Lt. Hartley decided to attack Chemung. In late September about Continentals and militiamen marched from the West Branch. They skirmished with the enemy and captured some prisoners, and learned that Capt. Walter Butler and several hundred men had left Tioga Point for Chemung. Hartley thought his force was too small to confront the enemy in the "defiles" narrow valleys of the lower Chemung Valley. Even then Sayenqueraghta was hastily summoning Seneca warriors to confront Hartley's force, after a Delaware messenger had warned that the Americans were coming to destroy the "Delaware nation of Susquehanna. Hartley's troops burned Sheshequin, Queen Esther's "palace" [text deleted], and Tory houses at Tioga, then started back down the river. On September 29, near Wyalusing, about Indians attacked the American force, who repulsed them after being nearly surrounded. He conceded that many of their young men had fought well in the recent engagement. But he warned that their country would be made desolate by "fire and sword," if the warriors were not restrained. He protested the "inhuman Murders" committed "by the Young Men of your Country, upon Helpless Mothers and Infants" in bloody raids on West Branch settlements the previous summer see Sipe He urged the chiefs to prevent such atrocities, and also "that if possible more Barbarous Practice of killing and burning Prisoners. Nathan Denison and other Wyoming militiamen, survivors of the battle and members of Hartley's force. The United States government debated how to eliminate the threat to the frontiers. Early in Schuyler urged an attack on the Senecas and Cayugas, and on June 11 the Board of War authorized expeditions against the Seneca towns and Detroit. That vague plan was shelved by the end of the year Flick b: , 67; Graymont ; Mintz , In late and early American leaders were concerned about a threat from Chemung, because Hartley had learned from a prisoner that the enemy was fortifying the place. On October 13 Congress ordered Washington to prevent the British from "occupying a post at Chemung" and to repel attacks on the frontiers. Schuyler and Gen. Edward Hand initially proposed a January expedition against Chemung, then changed their minds. Both the Congress and Washington agreed, especially because bad weather would make transport of cannon impossible JCC Oct. However, Washington was now making bigger plans. The scheme for the expedition into the Seneca and Cayuga country developed gradually, as Washington considered advice from senior officers. In August Gen. John Armstrong of the Pennsylvania militia called for men to destroy the towns of the Senecas and the "inferior tribes" PA ser. In November Washington asked Gov. Philip Schuyler proposed in letters of February 4 and March 1, , a complex movement of several thousand troops advancing west from the Mohawk Valley using routes by land or water or both. A small body of five hundred men would attack Chemung "to keep the Delawares and Mingoes in that quarter in alarm. Instead, he decided on a three-pronged invasion, closely resembling advice of Gen. Nathanael Greene. Washington badly needed intelligence about the Chemung River, known as the "Cayuga" or "Tioga" branch of the Susquehanna. No published map of the region provided adequate data. In mid-February Washington asked Hand, Schuyler, and others to obtain intelligence about routes into the Seneca country, by sending spies up to the Chemung and interrogating released prisoners GWP: Washington to Hand, Feb. Washington prepared a questionnaire concerning distances up the Susquehanna and Chemung Rivers, the rivers' capacity to carry boats and canoes, the condition of the paths, the topography of the country, and the Indian towns. The answers from General Hand and other officers confirmed that an army could invade the Indian country from the south PCC item , , repr. Flick a: Hicks had been held captive by Delawares in the Ohio country during the s and later was an Indian trader. He spoke Delaware fluently. Dressed and painted like an Indian, Hicks took the "common road" to Chemung. On his return Hicks provided Washington a reassuring report: Chemung was not the formidable depot it was rumored to be. The stockade was vacant; the barrels were empty of their salt pork and flour; the warriors were subsisting on deer meat, corn meal, and maple sugar; and the inhabitants of Chemung were considering moving to the Seneca country GWP: Washington to Zebulon Butler, March 1, William Patterson to Washington, March 28, Apr. In sum, the town of Chemung was frequented by war parties, in which many of its men took part. The people were short of food and apprehensive about an American attack. Their worst fears were soon realized. When the news reached Chemung, it caused "the wildest excitement, and on the part of some of the warriors, exhibitions of violent rage," as a white captive remembered Mathews When the army approached, the people of Chemung fled to the Genesee River. There the "Delawares" and some of the Senecas were determined to resist the enemy and built a breastwork. Butler and Brant argued that the Indians must find safety at Niagara, and so it was decided Flick a: , , b: ; Norton But the frontier war continued until the autumn of , and "Delawares," sometimes identified as being from Chemung or Choconut, often participated FHP 21,, 21,, 21,, , , , 21,, , ; MIA Raids occurred even during the terrible winter of and reached their height during the next two summers Graymont Conditions at Niagara during the winter of were terrible, and hundreds of Indians died from famine and disease Calloway The refugee Munsees from Chemung lost their veteran chief Echgohund "Occoagan" , who was killed in a dispute with another Indian about March 1, Guy Johnson paid him tribute by conducting the condolence ceremony, first with the chiefs of the Senecas and "Delawares," then with the women. In the spring of "Delawares" of "Shamung" under their new chief, many Senecas, and people of several other nations moved from their squalid camps at Niagara to Buffalo Creek. There they planted corn and built houses FHP 21, Other Senecas returned to the Genesee Valley. The Delawares and other displaced allies of the Six Nations now had to decide where to go. In the spring of several "Delawares" left Buffalo Creek for the Grand River after hearing rumors of the peace negotiations between Britain and the United States. British officers at Niagara tried to prevent more from leaving Kjellberg Governor Haldimand formally granted a reservation along the Grand River later in Graymont ; Kelsay Most of the refugees from Chemung soon found a new home on the upper Thames River, west of the Grand River. They seem to have migrated there in early , when there was a sudden drop in the "Delaware" population on the Grand River Kjellberg 14, The two Indian towns, Traditionalist and Christian, continued to have the same familial connections and inter-cultural tensions as their predecessor communities on the upper Susquehanna—Chemung and Wyalusing Zeisberger and Sabathy-Judd, ed. The War of threatened the native communities in Upper Canada as American armies invaded the province from both Niagara and Detroit. They were ultimately repelled by British, Canadian, and native forces Benn A cultural shift occurred in the s, when Methodist preachers, one of them the Mississauga Peter Jones, converted some of the people of Muncey Town. Anglican ministers had more success and established a congregation. By the s Traditionalist ceremonies were said to have been discontinued Kjellberg Though the native language and most traditional customs have been lost, Muncey Town, Ontario—the successor to Chemung— continues today as a reserve for one of Canada's many "First Nations. The Chemung Valley was a strategic locale during the American Revolutionary War, and the town of Chemung played significant diplomatic and military roles. Confronted by European-American expansionism, including military threats and attacks, the people of Chemung defended their homes. That elemental motive requires no explanation. The historical issue that requires discussion is the relationship between the Hauenosaunee and the Delawares in the Susquehanna region—including the people of Chemung. The association was sorely tested during the wars of the mid-eighteenth century, but it endured because it was mutually beneficial. While the Onondaga council exercised general authority over dependent peoples, the Cayugas were mainly responsible for overseeing the non- Iroquoian native peoples on the Susquehanna and its branches, as far upriver as Choconut on the east and Chemung on the west. Thus Seneca and Cayuga chiefs were dual spokesmen for the Munsees at the peace treaty of Easton in The Senecas received Munsee refugees after their towns were destroyed by order of Sir William Johnson in and The Munsees, apparently the majority of the residents of Chemung in , had resided in the Chemung-Susquehanna region for several decades, by permission and under protection of the Six Nations. Chemung was only the latest and not the largest of several Munsee Delaware towns located at various places in the southern borderland of the Haudenosaunee. In the mid-eighteenth century Unami-speaking Delawares who migrated from the lower Delaware Valley had towns at Shamokin, at the forks of the North and West Branches, and at Wyoming Merrell ; Becker Kent The Delawares had a complex relationship with the Five, later Six Nations and with their immediate overseers, the Cayugas and Senecas. No one term adequately describes it. They were "nephews," the term implying a close, positive yet junior status. But the Delawares were also subordinate to the Five Nations, to whom they occasionally rendered tribute in the form of wampum. The appellation of "women" was fundamentally honorific but occasionally derogatory Weslager , ; A. Wallace ; Miller The ritual expressions of the relationship are mostly lost. Both traditions appear to have simplified and skewed an intricate and obscure historical reality. The Mahicans and the Mohawks fought a war during the later s, in which the Mohawks prevailed. Several Dutch documents of the s and s state that the Mahicans and other "River Indians" of the Hudson Valley paid annual tribute in wampum to the "Maquas" in meetings at Fort Orange now Albany Jameson, ed. During the s the Mohawks went to war with the Algonquian communities of northern New England Calloway , whose allies and friends were the Mahicans and the Delaware bands of the lower Hudson and Delaware regions DP , , , , ; NYCD , ; Hanna ; Weslager Starting New York officials tried to stop the war between the Mohawks and the "River Indians" because it disrupted the fur trade. Peace conferences at Albany in , , and achieved only partial, temporary truces Christoph and Christoph, eds. In August the easternmost Mohawk town was attacked, and subsequently the opposing warriors fought a fierce battle near the lower Mohawk River and another battle on an island in the Hudson River Snow, Gehring, and Starna, eds. In John Norton, an adopted Mohawk and associate of Joseph Brant, recorded the traditions of these engagements and stated that afterward the Mahicans "sued for Peace. The Mohawks, in granting it, put on them the garb of females, and gave them the implements of agriculture and those for pounding corn, stiling them their Niece, and imposing on them a tribute of wampum. This humiliation is improperly applied to all the Delaware race; but it is only true, so far as it respects those who inhabited the banks of the Hudson River" Norton They remained "nephews" of the Six Nations. While the Tuteloes and Nanticokes had been adopted by the Six Nations as "younger brothers" in , the "Delawares" were considered "Children of all these Nations. Their status was affirmed in , when refugee Munsees at Cattaraugus conferred with Seneca and Cayuga chiefs and with Col. Guy Johnson about where they should settle. A Cayuga chief "spoke to the Delawares on the belt they had bound themselves by to the 6 Nat ion s. Its inhabitants were not anonymous "Indians" seemingly without a history—as books of military and local history imply. The Munsee Delawares had been forced to surrender their homeland in the valleys of the Hudson and Delaware Rivers. They had endured great injustices and hardships, and they avenged those wrongs in three wars with the European-American powers during the mid-eighteenth century. The Munsee Delawares accepted but sometimes resented their nephew-uncle relationship with the Six Nations. Remaining loyal and retaining their honor, they paid a terrible price in August Figure 5. Figure 6. The term "Chemung" was used by both British and Patriot writers. Unfortunately, Lodge's Map No. Chemung was a base of Crown- allied forces for their operations against Patriots living on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and New York. The permanent inhabitants of Chemung included some Haudenosaunee, but the population was primarily made up of Delawares and perhaps some other inhabitants from Indian nations such as the Tutelos. The New York-Pennsylvania border included Delawares and the members of several other Indian nations because at various times during the s they had left their original homelands that were being overrun by colonial expansion and they had taken refuge within the territory of the Haudenosaunee. Other residents at Chemung included a few "rangers" attached to the British Indian Department. There were also a few rangers in the British unit known as "Butler's Rangers. Loyalist families were also in Chemung because they were fleeing Patriot-occupied territories; in , the Patriot Colonel Thomas Hartley of the Continental Army noted that "Niagara and Chemung are the asylums of those Tories who can not get to New York [City]" Williams It is possible that the Patriots also referred to "Old Chemung" and "New Chemung" as the "lower" and "upper" towns, [text deleted]. Lower end- General Sullivan described how part of the army moved "towards the lower end of the Town. Lieutenant Obadiah Gore described how the army's first encounter with Crown pickets occurred at "the lower end of Chemon Flats. Marched all night, and at day break reached the lower end of Chemon Flats, where the enemy's advance picket were posted Flick c But after the battle Rogers interviewed the officers and garnered some detailed descriptions that make his journal very valuable. Rogers describes one cornfield as being "an upper field. As General Poor's brigade were destroying an upper field they were fired upon by the Indians. He had one man killed and two or three more wounded Cook By , the Indian population at Chemung was distinct enough as a population to be labeled by the British as "Shimongs" Smy II While this may only signify their location, it is also possible that Shimongs were regarded as a population distinct from "the Delawares," because in the same British list there is also a separate listing for "Delawares. Because the towns of New Chemung and Old Chemung served as a base for those Crown-allied forces that attacked Patriot settlements along the frontier, Old and New Chemung were regarded by both the Patriot and the Crown strategists as crucial locations, albeit the Patriot view of Chemung was negative. The significance of the base at Chemung was summarized by the Reverend William Rogers who, as noted above, did not accompany the attack on Chemung but whose interviews of those who did provided the details in his journal :. From the quantity of corn and potatoes stored there Chemung was judged to be designated for a magazine to supply their future wants Cook Warriors who used Chemung as their base went south to the Pennsylvania frontier Patriot settlements in July I was met here by Samuel Harris's party of twenty warriors. They went off from Shimong two days before my arrival and have taken two prisoners and three scalps, a little below Fort Wallace. Because it was a major base used by Crown forces, Sullivan was afraid forces from Chemung would attack a Patriot army under General James Clinton that was coming southwesterly from Otsego Lake along the Susquehanna River and was intended to link up with Sullivan's army. Sullivan's assault on Chemung was his first major offensive act in a campaign that was intended to destroy the food supplies and the towns of the Haudenosaunee. Sullivan hoped to take Chemung by surprise, but because both sides had sent out scouts for weeks, Sullivan was overly optimistic. His attack fell upon two empty towns that the Crown forces had evacuated as the Patriots made their not-so-secret night approach. But when some Patriot forces went in pursuit of the retreating Indians, a small party of Delaware warriors ambushed their Patriot pursuers, killing six before quickly fleeing in the face of overwhelming odds. One Delaware was killed Smy II. The attackers only numbered between twenty and at most fifty Delaware Indians and were under a Haudenosaunee leader Captain Rowland [Roland] Montour of the Indian Department rangers the Indian Department rangers were not part of Butler's Rangers. Gen'l Hand [and some of his troops] Hand returned the fire and charged them with the bayonet Cook Then, while the Patriot forces burned both Old and New Chemung and destroyed some of the nearby cornfields, Crown forces returned and killed one more Patriot. But the Crown forces could no longer use Chemung as a supply base from which to attack Clinton's army coming down from Lake Otsego. Sullivan returned to his base at Tioga [text deleted]. On August 22, Clinton's army joined Sullivan at Tioga. On August 28, the united armies under Sullivan reoccupied Chemung. The next day, August 29, the combined armies under the overall command of General Sullivan, marched west to Newtown where the Patriots were victorious over the Crown forces that had rallied there. When combined with an estimated 15, Petun people living just a few km to the west, this represents a Wendat population about as large as what exists in northern Simcoe County today. These communities were all based on the growing of corn — huge quantities of corn in huge fields. The Wendat did grow plants other than corn primarily beans, squash, sunflower and tobacco and their meals sometimes contained meat and fish, but their diet was dominated by corn. Most readers will know about the transition of wild teosinte into corn or maize in Mexico about BC. From this beginning, corn culture moved slowly northward, entering the southwestern United States in about BC. It became the basic food for several native societies that flourished in New Mexico, Arizona and adjacent states up until about AD. The largest example of a Mississippian, corn-based civilization is the former city of Cahokia in Illinois , near St. It peaked from about to AD and likely had a population in excess of 25, people. Cahokia was the largest city north of Mexico at the time — indeed, matching or exceeding some major European cities in size. This was a city and civilization based on corn, but supplemented with some other food crops. There were many other smaller but significant corn-based communities elsewhere along the Mississippi-Missouri-Ohio river system. Corn culture spread up the Ohio River valley — then via the Alleghany River into the present New York State — and from there a few kilometers north into the present-day Ontario. Estimates as to when corn entered Ontario vary. Some say as early as AD. When I first posted this column, I raised questions about how corn could have appeared in Ontario as early as or AD if it did not have a significant presence in the Mississippi and Ohio Valleys until a few several centuries later. Small fields of corn within forests would have been decimated — just as they would now — by birds, raccoons, squirrels, deer and other animal pests, as well as over-run by weeds. It would seem that corn would have required decent season-long husbandry throughout the full season in order to ensure anything much at harvest. By the time corn arrived as an imported species from Mexico and the southwestern United States, farming skills would have been well developed even if farmed crops did not yet dominate the human diet. That this is so has been determined by analysis of the relative presence of the carbon isotope C in human bones. The ratio of C to C the usual form of carbon is higher in organic compounds created by C4 photosynthetic species like corn than with most other farmed and wild plant species that have C3 photosynthesis. A higher concentration of C in human bones, caused by a corn-dominated diet, was not apparent until after AD. Smith suggests that corn may have been used primarily for ceremonial purposes before AD like tobacco , or perhaps a long duration was required until productive corn varieties adapted to longer summer day lengths had evolved. Neither explanation is that convincing in my view. In any case, the transition to a corn-dominated food system, once it began, spread rapidly within a period of years or less from the Cado culture in eastern Texas right through to southern Ontario. Archaeological records show corn was well established in southern Ontario by AD and indigenous people were highly dependent on corn for food, centuries before their first contact with white man. Thanks to the efforts of Ontario archeologists, we actually know a great deal about indigenous peoples in Ontario beginning AD. The Algonkian people in Michigan and New England were also corn farmers, but in Ontario and Quebec they were dependent with a few exceptions on hunting and fishing — and on trade for corn with nations like the Wendat. But when I asked him about the inclusion of the Wendat and other such nations, he had no advice. Much of southern Ontario was unoccupied for extended periods of time and the occupied areas changed over the centuries. Thomas and the Niagara River. There is ample evidence of Iroquoian culture north of Lake Ontario and into eastern Ontario during years prior to Champlain — people were closely related either to the Wendat, or to the Onondaga and Oneida people concentrated southeast and east of Lake Ontario. When French explorer Jacques Cartier visited the sites of present-day Quebec City and Montreal in , he encountered corn-growing people who are now considered to have been members of the Onondaga nation. From F. Iroquois Foods and Food Preparation. Details on how that corn was grown and on the many dozens of food dishes based thereon, are well described in two historically important books — by A. Waugh, National Museum of Canada, Details are provided below. Effort was taken to ensure varietal purity, though some cross pollination was encouraged. The well-tillered plants usually had two to three ears per stalk, and to kernels per ear. The men cleared the land by girdling trees and burning the dead tree skeletons a year or two later. Except for that, corn farming was done by women with help from children and slaves. Corn seeds were planted, several at a time, into holes three feet or more apart. The seed was often treated with a water solution containing extracts of several wild plants to discourage crows. Dead weeds from the previous year were cut off and removed at planting time. Weeds were removed by hoeing throughout the season.

Historical Perspectives - The Public Archaeology Facility | Binghamton University

See original listing. Read more. Dec 03, PST. May not ship to Germany - Read item description or contact seller for shipping options. See details. Seller's other items. Sell one like this. Related sponsored items Feedback on our suggestions - Related sponsored items. The Life of General Ely S. Similar sponsored items Feedback on our suggestions - Similar sponsored items. Seller assumes all responsibility for this listing. Item specifics Condition: Very Good : A book that does not look new and has been read but is in excellent condition. No obvious damage to the cover, with the dust jacket if applicable included for hard covers. May be very minimal identifying marks on the inside cover. Very minimal wear and tear. See all condition definitions - opens in a new window or tab. Yesterday's Muse, Inc. Back to home page Return to top. Back to home page. Listed in category:. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world , and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity individual or corporate has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. Account Options Sign in. https://uploads.strikinglycdn.com/files/2ba72e42-6285-4ab1-8d37-936bac82ce0c/sammtliche-werke-volume-11-145.pdf https://uploads.strikinglycdn.com/files/3883392b-061a-4031-8722-a9980054fa2d/vorderasiatische-knupfteppiche-aus-aelterer-zeit-classic- reprint-548.pdf https://static.s123-cdn-static.com/uploads/4644536/normal_601f7a3ec67cd.pdf https://uploads.strikinglycdn.com/files/cd3410e6-d176-48ff-a570-d8447d575baf/peace-love-dogs-monatsplaner-monatsubersicht-termine-ziele- notizen-wochenplan-fur-hundeliebha-44.pdf