Media and Politics: in the News
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California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide Contents
State Law Resource California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide Contents Overview 1 Key Concepts 2 Activities Your Organization Can Engage in That Won’t Trigger Disclosure 8 Contribution Limits and Source Restrictions 11 Registration and Reporting Requirements 15 Reminders About IRS Rules 15 Registration Thresholds 15 Types of Recipient Committees 15 Registration and Reporting Mechanics 18 Recordkeeping Rules 20 Use of Campaign Funds 20 Communications 21 After the Election 23 Common Mistakes 24 Enforcement and Penalties 24 Alliance for Justice is a national association of over 120 organizations, representing a broad array of groups committed to progressive values and the creation of an equitable, just, and free society. Since 1979, AFJ has been the leader in advocating for a fair and independent justice system, preserving access to the courts, and empowering others to stand up and fight for their causes. The two pillars of Alliance for Justice are our Justice Program, focusing on ensuring our nation’s courts protect our critical constitutional rights and legal protections, and our Bolder Advocacy Program, focusing on building advocacy capacity among nonprofits and the foundations that fund them. bolderadvocacy.org allianceforjustice.org Page 1 State Law Resources California Campaign Finance and Ballot Measure Guide This guide summarizes the laws and regulations governing campaign finance in California. In California, “campaign finance” includes both ballot measures and candidates at both the local and state level. This guide is not intended to provide legal advice or to serve as a substitute for legal advice. For free legal and technical advice on compliance with California campaign finance rules, contact the California Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC). -
2021 Campaign Finance Guide
2021 Campaign Finance Guide Mississippi Secretary of State’s Office Elections Division P.O. Box 136 Jackson, MS 39205 601-576-2550 Elections Hotline: 800-829-6786 www.sos.ms.gov 1 | P a g e R e v . 01/ 2 0 21 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ABOUT THIS GUIDE ............................................................................................................................................ 4 THIS YEAR’S CAMPAIGN FINANCE REPORTING REQUIREMENTS....................................................... 5 2021 MUNICIPAL GENERAL ELECTION REPORTING SCHEDULE......................................................... 7 2021 SPECIAL ELECTIONS REPORTING SCHEDULE ................................................................................ 7 CAMPAIGN FINANCE REPORTING IN MISSISSIPPI ................................................................................... 8 I. CAMPAIGN FINANCE FOR CANDIDATES AND CANDIDATE’S COMMITTEES ............................... 8 Distribution of Campaign Materials ................................................................................................... 9 Where do I file? ..................................................................................................................................... 9 What information must be reported? ................................................................................................. 9 When are reports due? ....................................................................................................................... 10 What types of reports -
Regulating “Fake News” and Other Online Advertising
FOOL ME ONCE: REGULATING “FAKE NEWS” AND OTHER ONLINE ADVERTISING ABBY K. WOOD* AND ANN M. RAVEL† A lack of transparency for online political advertising has long been a problem in American political campaigns. Disinformation attacks that American voters have experienced since the 2016 campaign have made the need for regulatory action more pressing. Internet platforms prefer self-regulation and have only recently come around to supporting proposed transparency legislation. While government must not regulate the content of political speech, it can, and should, force transparency into the process. We propose several interventions aimed at transparency. First, and most importantly, campaign finance regulators should require platforms to store and make available (1) ads run on their platforms, and (2) the audience at whom the ad was targeted. Audience availability can be structured to avoid privacy concerns, and it meets an important speech value in the “marketplace of ideas” theory of the First Amendment—that of enabling counter speech. Our proposed regulations would capture any political advertising, including disinformation, that is promoted via paid distribution on social media, as well as all other online political advertising. Second, existing loopholes in transparency regulations *. Associate Professor of Law, Political Science, and Public Policy at University of Southern California ([email protected]). †. Senior Fellow, Maplight Digital Deception Project and former Chair of the Federal Election Commission and California Fair Political Practices Commission. This article has benefited from insights from Rebecca Brown, Chris Elmendorf, and Rick Hasen. Daniel Brovman, Samantha Hay, Justin Mello, Brandon Thompson, and Caroline Yoon provided fantastic research assistance. Teresa Delgado and Alex Manzanares joyfully created the time and space required to focus on the project. -
Party Polarization and Campaign Finance
July 2014 Party Polarization and Campaign Finance Thomas E. Mann and Anthony Corrado INTRODUCTION he intense debate these days about the shortcomings of American democ- racy and how best to deal with them often features assertions about parties, Tpolarization, and campaign finance that appear puzzling if not downright con- Thomas E. Mann tradictory. For example, some analysts argue that campaign finance reforms have is the W. Averell Harriman reduced the role of political parties in campaigns and thereby weakened the ability Chair and senior fellow in 1 Governance Studies at The of party leaders to commandeer their members on behalf of achievable policy goals. Brookings Institution. Between 1987 and 1999, he was Director This seems an odd argument to make in an era of historically high levels of party loy- of Governmental Studies at alty—on roll calls in Congress and voting in the electorate. Are parties too strong and Brookings. He is co-author, with Norman J. Ornstein, of It's Even unified or too weak and fragmented? Have they been marginalized in the financing of Worse Than It Looks: How the elections or is their role at least as strong as it has ever been? Does the party role in American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of campaign finance (weak or strong) materially shape our capacity to govern? Extremism. A second example involves the mix of small and large individual donors and its connection to polarization. The increasing involvement in presidential and congressional campaigns of large donors—especially through Super PACs and politically-active nonprofit organizations—has raised serious concerns about whether the super-wealthy are buying American democracy. -
Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences
NOVEMBER 2017 Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences NIRANJAN SAHOO Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences NIRANJAN SAHOO ABOUT THE AUTHOR Niranjan Sahoo is a Senior Fellow at Observer Research Foundation, with many years of expertise on issues of governance, democracy, campaign finance reforms, insurgency, and conflict studies. He serves as a member of the Carnegie Rising Democracies Network (RDN) in Washington, D.C. ISBN : 978-93-87407-13-8 © 2017 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from ORF. Towards Public Financing of Elections and Political Parties in India: Lessons from Global Experiences ABSTRACT Democracy costs a lot of money. To fight elections and run their routine activities, political parties in India seek donations from all possible sources including “illegal” and “interested” money. This has serious ramifications in preserving the integrity of Indian democracy. An increasing number of countries, meanwhile, have taken the path of public subsidies and direct funding of parties and political activities—aiming to reduce dependence on interested money, equalise political opportunity, and bring greater transparency and accountability to democratic processes. By better targeting state subsidies, countries like Germany and the UK, for example, have made strides in reducing the role of interested money in elections and bringing visible transparency in their electoral politics. While India cannot take a leaf out of these experiences, there is a lot to learn from them. -
The Donor Class: Campaign Finance, Democracy, and Participation
THE DONOR CLASS: CAMPAIGN FINANCE, DEMOCRACY, AND PARTICIPATION † SPENCER OVERTON As a result of disparities in resources, a small, wealthy, and homogenous donor class makes large contributions that fund the bulk of American politics. Even in the aftermath of recent campaign reforms, the donor class effectively de- termines which candidates possess the resources to run viable campaigns. This reality undermines the democratic value of widespread participation. Instead of preventing “corruption” or equalizing funds between candidates, the primary goal of campaign reform should be to reduce the impact of wealth disparities and empower more citizens to participate in the funding of campaigns. On av- erage, candidates should receive a larger percentage of their funds from a greater number of people in smaller contribution amounts. Reforms such as es- tablishing matching funds and providing tax credits for smaller contributions, combined with emerging technology, would enable more Americans to make con- tributions and would enhance their voices in our democracy. INTRODUCTION Opponents of campaign finance reform embrace a relatively lais- sez-faire reliance on private markets to fund campaigns for public of- fice. Although they champion the individual rights of those who con- † Associate Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School. Mi- chael Abramowicz, Mark Alexander, Brandon Briscoe, Kim Christensen, Richard Ha- sen, Adam Lioz, Ira Lupu, Leslie Overton, Josiah Slotnick, Dan Solove, and Fane Wolfer read earlier drafts of this -
That Dog Don't Hunt": Persuasive Language and Imagery in an NRA Advertisement James Whittle
Undergraduate Review Volume 3 Article 17 2007 "That Dog Don't Hunt": Persuasive Language and Imagery in an NRA Advertisement James Whittle Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/undergrad_rev Part of the Advertising and Promotion Management Commons, American Politics Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Public Relations and Advertising Commons Recommended Citation Whittle, James (2007). "That Dog Don't Hunt": Persuasive Language and Imagery in an NRA Advertisement. Undergraduate Review, 3, 105-110. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/undergrad_rev/vol3/iss1/17 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. Copyright © 2007 James Whittle 0 “That Dog Don’t Hunt”: Persuasive Language and Imagery in an NRA Advertisement James Whittle James Whittle graduated from Bridgewater he purpose of any advertisement, obviously, is to persuade. When State College in January 00 with a BA in we think of why companies advertise we can boil it down to a short, English. This piece was originally written catchy series of “p-words”: Persuade People to Purchase a Product to for Dr. Anne Doyle’s seminar Research in gain Profit. This theory is simple enough when discussing product Composition and was revised in Dr. Doyle’s sales, but what about a different p-word that also uses advertising to persuade? Writing Portfolio Workshop. James would TThis word is Politics, and the “product” is usually a campaign slogan, name, and/ like to thank Dr. Doyle for lending her time, or idea. mind, and energy to the project Whether or not the intended outcome of political advertising is ultimately profit- driven or if the campaign truly wants to improve our society, is another, much larger question altogether. -
Effective Ads and Social Media Promotion
chapter2 Effective Ads and Social Media Promotion olitical messages are fascinating not only because of the way they are put together but also because of their ability to influence voters. People are Pnot equally susceptible to the media, and political observers have long tried to find out how media power actually operates.1 Consultants judge the effective- ness of ads and social media outreach by the ultimate results—who distributewins. This type of test, however, is never possible to complete until after the election. It leads invariably to the immutable law of communications: Winners have great ads and tweets, losers do not. or As an alternative, journalists evaluate communications by asking voters to indicate whether commercials influenced them. When asked directly whether television commercials helped them decide how to vote, most voters say they did not. For example, the results of a Media Studies Center survey placed ads at the bottom of the heap in terms of possible information sources. Whereas 45 percent of voters felt they learned a lot from debates, 32 percent cited newspa- per stories, 30 percent pointed to televisionpost, news stories, and just 5 percent believed they learned a lot from political ads. When asked directly about ads in a USA Today/Gallup poll, only 8 percent reported that presidential candidate ads had changed their views.2 But this is not a meaningful way of looking at advertising. Such responses undoubtedly reflect an unwillingness to admit that external agents have any effect on individual voting behavior. Many people firmly believe that they make up their copy,minds independently of partisan campaign ads. -
Campaign Finance Regulations and the Return on Investment from Campaign Contributions
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REGULATIONS AND THE RETURN ON INVESTMENT FROM CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS Stephen Ansolabehere James M. Snyder, Jr. Michiko Ueda Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology August, 2004 Abstract Being good liberal Democrats, we began this study with the belief that corporations use their campaign contributions to shape public policy and that donors substantially benefit from their campaign contributions. Stock markets should reflect the high returns that firms enjoy from their political strategies, and changes in campaign finance laws ought to alter the stock prices of firms that give heavily to politics. That, however, is not the assessment of investors – those who value firms and the environment in which they operate. We identified dates of key campaign finance regulatory decisions and measured changes in stock prices of firms affected by those decisions. These decisions immediately affected hundreds of millions of dollars of corporate giving, but they have no apparent effect on the markets valuation of the long-term profitability of firms. This conclusion suggests that the fundamental critique of campaign finance in America – that donations come with a quid pro quo and extract very high returns for donors – is almost surely wrong. Campaign Finance Regulations and the Return on Investment from Contributions The United States regulates campaign contributions from firms, individuals, and voluntary associations, such as labor unions, in order to prevent corruption of politicians by organized interests. Perhaps the clearest expression of this concern is found in the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision Buckley v. Valeo 424 US 1 (1976). Justice Brennan, writing for the majority, argues that “contribution ceilings were a necessary legislative concomitant to deal with the reality or appearance of corruption.” (424 U.S. -
Page Niu 0162M 12237.Pdf (2.965Mb)
ABSTRACT SOMETHING CREEPY THIS WAY COMES: PAC ADVERTISING AND ITS ATTACK ON OBAMACARE A VISUAL NARRATIVE ANALYSIS Marguerite Teruggi Page, MA Department of Communication Northern Illinois University, 2015 Dr. Ferald J. Bryan, Director A visual rhetorical analysis utilizing Sonja Foss’s Narrative Criticism and examined through Walter Fisher’s Narrative Paradigm Theory was conducted in this thesis to examine the persuasive nature of narratives conveyed through visual representations. This thesis analyzes meaning construction through the visual elements in the political ad “Something Creepy This Way Comes”, an internet video produced by Generation Opportunity, a Koch-brother funded PAC. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DE KALB, ILLINOIS MAY 2015 SOMETHING CREEPY THIS WAY COMES: PAC ADVERTISING AND ITS ATTACK ON OBAMACARE A VISUAL NARRATIVE ANALYSIS BY MARGUERITE TERUGGI PAGE ©2015 Marguerite Teruggi Page A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION Thesis Director: Dr. Ferald J. Bryan DEDICATION To Zane and Bill TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES ………………………………………………………………………… v Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………. 1 Perspective …………………………………………………………...…………….. 2 Audience ………………………………………………………………………….... 3 Theory ………………………………………………………………………………. 3 Methodology and Text Selection ………………………………………………….... 4 Literature Review …………………………………………………………………... 5 Visual Rhetoric ……………………………………………………………………... 5 Narrative Criticism …………………………………………………………………. -
Political Awareness, Microtargeting of Voters, and Negative Electoral Campaigning∗
Political Awareness, Microtargeting of Voters, and Negative Electoral Campaigning∗ Burkhard C. Schippery Hee Yeul Wooz May 2, 2017 Abstract We study the informational effectiveness of electoral campaigns. Voters may not think about all political issues and have incomplete information with regard to political positions of candidates. Nevertheless, we show that if candidates are allowed to microtarget voters with messages then election outcomes are as if voters have full awareness of political issues and complete information about candidate's political positions. Political competition is paramount for overcoming the voter's limited awareness of political issues but unnecessary for overcoming just uncertainty about candidates' political positions. Our positive results break down if microtargeting is not allowed or voters lack political reasoning abilities. Yet, in such cases, negative campaigning comes to rescue. Keywords: Electoral competition, campaign advertising, multidimensional policy space, microtargeting, dog-whistle politics, negative campaigning, persuasion games, unawareness. JEL-Classifications: C72, D72, D82, P16. ∗We thank the editors of QJPS as well as Pierpaolo Battigalli, Oliver Board, Giacomo Bonanno, Jon Eguia, Ignacio Esponda, Boyan Jovanovic, Jean-Fran¸coisLaslier, Alessandro Lizzeri, Tymofiy Mylovanov, Joaquim Silvestre, Walter Stone, Thomas Tenerelli and seminar participants at NYU Stern and participants at WEAI 2012 for helpful comments. Burkhard is grateful for financial support through NSF SES-0647811. An earlier version was circulated 2011 under the title \Political Awareness and Microtargeting of Voters in Electoral Competition". yDepartment of Economics, University of California, Davis. Email: [email protected] zDepartment of Economics, University of California, Davis. Email: [email protected] \You are not allowed to lie but you don't have to tell everything to the people, must not tell them the entire truth. -
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Packaging Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3th639mx Author Galloway, Catherine Suzanne Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PACKAGING POLITICS by Catherine Suzanne Galloway A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California at Berkeley Committee in charge Professor Jack Citrin, Chair Professor Eric Schickler Professor Taeku Lee Professor Tom Goldstein Fall 2012 Abstract Packaging Politics by Catherine Suzanne Galloway Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jack Citrin, Chair The United States, with its early consumerist orientation, has a lengthy history of drawing on similar techniques to influence popular opinion about political issues and candidates as are used by businesses to market their wares to consumers. Packaging Politics looks at how the rise of consumer culture over the past 60 years has influenced presidential campaigning and political culture more broadly. Drawing on interviews with political consultants, political reporters, marketing experts and communications scholars, Packaging Politics explores the formal and informal ways that commercial marketing methods – specifically emotional and open source branding and micro and behavioral targeting – have migrated to the