EACH century may be said to have its own ruling revolutionary theory and practice, from the first principle. That, however, necessarily involves each we fought for freedom to discuss and to criticise. successive principle being progressively negated by Our struggle was therefore the struggle to reforge what was already embryonic within it. Tenth the CPGB on the basis of a revolutionary century Norse piracy gave way to 11th century programme and democratic centralism, and to Norman feudal stability. The papal greed of the draw in new, educated forces. That proved possible 15th century produced the 16th century religious only by launching our own separate Party heresies. The absolutist ethos of the 18th century publication - ie, The Leninist (the forerunner of grew out of reformation and counter-reformation, and Nina Temple’s Manifesto for new times. Party, 1973, p8). the Weekly Worker). Official channels were barred and ended with the great French revolution. In its So reforging the CPGB is not only about re- What we have said thus far goes some way to to us. turn the bourgeois 19th century was challenged establishing branches, cells, union fractions and answer the question of what relationship exists With our separate publication we wanted to, by the rising proletariat in Paris 1871 and then, digging deep roots amongst the masses. It is also between the Communist Party and the working and did, force the hidden opportunist factions, with far greater scope and power, answered by the about cleansing the conception of the Communist class. The Communist Party has no interests cliques, shades and opinions out into the open. October Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent Party, purging it of the bureaucratic, undemocratic separate and apart from the working class. It does That was not designed to create a live-and-let-live founding of communist parties around the globe. and centrist muck that has been attached to it over not set up sectarian principles of its own to judge atmosphere. Quite the reverse. As we said back in Nevertheless the 20th century has been the years. and dictate to the workers’ movement. On the 1981; building a revolutionary Party that can lead characterised by failure, and on all sides at that. contrary, Marx and Engels explained, the the working class to victory against capitalism Only an ectopic parody of socialism was possible Communist Party seeks always to bring to the fore means a “protracted ideological struggle against all in the weak links of imperialism. Marx and Engels common interests, the “interests of the movement alien ideologies inside the working class were right; real socialism needs coordinated as a whole” (K Marx, F Engels Manifesto of the movement” (Editorial The Leninist No1 winter revolution across the advanced countries - ie, “as To begin our Augean task we will ask a Communist Party, 1973, p61). To clear the way 1981). an act of the dominant peoples ‘all at once’ and fundamental question. What is the scientific for the working class and the beginning of real The fight against the opportunists - who then simultaneously” (K Marx, F Engels CW Vol 5, definition of a Communist Party? Obviously this history, communists also urge support for every dominated the CPGB - could never be confined 1976, p49). Isolated, the fate of the local Russian immediately calls forth a twofold answer. revolutionary movement against the existing social to literary criticism. Practice is vital. Pro-Party forces revolution was sealed. Its birth was its death. Communism is a society of material plenty, an and political conditions. were rallied into the highest possible organisational Trapped by dire material circumstances, the USSR association of free producers, a stateless community What about the relationship between the form, a Leninist wing of the Party. Hence when quickly turned into its opposite and embarked on in which the full development of each is the Communist Party and other working class groups, opportunism collapsed we remained in militant an unstable and unsustainable evolutionary condition for the full development of all. As to factions and parties? The Communist Party is not fighting formation. Naturally the centrist and pathway. The first five year plan was the genesis of the word ‘party’, it comes from the Latin pars - ie, formed against genuine working class revisionist desertions, breakaways and splits did a ‘freak’ society, not socialism. Eastern Europe and a part. Thus where left social democrats say their revolutionaries. Our immediate aim, like theirs, is not end our duty as Party members. Their China, Cuba and Vietnam, were post-capitalist party represents the working class and claim to use the formation of the workers into a class, the treachery increased our responsibility. And I am but equally non-socialist. Neither they nor the the bourgeois state to reform capitalism into overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the conquest proud to say that we did our duty by our Party USSR held the mirror of the future in their hands. socialism, communists say our Party must be part of political power by the proletariat. Yet, it must and class. Leninists established, and organised Capitalism survived; yet only by time and again of the class. Not just any part. The Communist be said, we not only have certain groups and under the Provisional Central Committee - a Party turning away from its essence. Militarism and Party is the voluntary union of the most factions who base themselves on this or that leadership whose sole task is to re-establish the monopoly, fascism and the social democratic state determined fighters for communism and the sectarian principle invented or discovered by this Party on the firmest possible basis. are all in their different, but related ways features liberation of humanity. or that theorist. We also have the sad state of affairs This concerns and should involve all partisans of a decadent system, in a world of failure. After The working class has many organisations with whereby most of the left in Britain is embroiled and legitimate trends of the working class. Their the 1989-91 democratic counterrevolutions Eric which it wages its struggle against capital: trade with, or dependent on, the Labour Party, which, place is in the CPGB. It was in that spirit that we Hobsbawm and Francis Fukuyama, Martin Jacques unions, cooperatives, educational associations, it must be emphasised, is not a workers’ party. It is issued the following editorial statement in 1982: and Tony Blair, Mikhail Gorbachev and Margaret youth leagues, defence corps, soviets, etc. But only a bourgeois workers’ party. “Leninism makes an open call to all latent Thatcher hymn the triumph of capitalism. the Communist Party can coordinate these The party of the working class will only be built revolutionary forces within the working class However the 21st century has every likelihood of organisations, patiently win them to work in a in ruthless and unremitting struggle against vanguard to enter the Party and fight on its side. marking the beginning of the real world-historical united way, so that they do not hinder each other Labourism and all bourgeois influences. Those The opportunists have their road and we must transition to socialism. The globalised capitalist and instead serve the entire class. The Party can who think that by strategically and automatically find ours. Those who pose the tasks of economy cannot for much longer contain within fulfil that centralising role because it has rallied the supporting the Labour Party they further the communism and proceed to carry them out, itself the wealth it creates in such antagonistic best part of the class to its ranks and trained them interests of the working class are in constant danger whether they can be in a majority or not, must abundance. as leaders. But that is not all. of losing their bearings altogether. This is no eventually become the Communist Party” Of course, once material conditions are ripe, The Party can direct the class struggle because it academic matter. Certainly in the great class battles (Editorial The Leninist No2 spring 1982). The everything depends on human will, human itself, via the operation of democratic centralism, to come, when state power becomes an immediate reader will see that we maintain and have developed consciousness and human organisation. People is the most disciplined detachment of the working matter, such theoretical weakness and confusion this perspective. make history; it should be emphasised though class. Within the Party lower bodies subordinate leads, as Zinoviev writes, to “different sides on the Members of the Communist Party are, of course, that they do so primarily through the clash themselves to the authority of the higher ones; barricades”. That was the case in Russia in obliged to work in one of its organisations and amongst them of class against class. The 21st both majorities and minorities act together as one November 1917 and Germany in November accept its principles and abide by majority decisions century will see either the victory of socialism and in agreed practical action. Therefore the Party 1918. on practical actions. Members are though by no the working class or the victory of the bourgeoisie represents a single system. Nevertheless the However, even after the revolution, under the means necessarily united on theoretical questions, and mutual destruction. A new general crisis of Communist Party is not merely the sum of its conditions of socialism, the making of the Party including matters of strategy and tactics. Even capitalism is coming. Behind its seductive heralds organisations. It is a fist which must strike in the itself does not take final shape. Splits and when it comes to the programme (we will of new technology and the New World Order right direction. That is ensured through constant unifications continue. The Communist Party must incidentally issue a draft programme next year, ride economic collapse, plague, war and barbarism. debate, education, criticism and voting. Such far consequently be viewed as a process which begins hopefully in time for the 75th anniversary of our That is why we communists stress the historic ranging democracy is no indulgent luxury. It with the first organisation of communist activity Party), it is perfectly legitimate to criticise points urgency of reforging the Communist Party of Great provides the best conditions through which the and ends with the negation of politics when the and formulations. Britain and the agenda of winning for it, not the Party is self-united around scientific theory: ie, lower phase of communism passes into the higher For communists such differences and their open Labour Party, the position as the natural party of Marxism-Leninism - the most advanced guide for phase. expression are not signs of weakness but strength. the working class. Without the Communist Party associated humanity in its practical mission of From what has been outlined it is clear that the The Communist Party strives to organise and the workers exist as a mere slave class. With the changing the world. Communist Party, in the span of its existence, can contain within itself all partisans of the working Communist Party the workers make themselves Hence the Communist Party embodies the iron contain a whole gamut of opinions and shades of class, because that can only strengthen and into a class and the hegemon of society. will of the working class, the merger of the workers’ opinion, the extremes of which may be sharply intensify revolutionary practice - which alone There is a problem. The Communist Party, movement with scientific theory. The Communist contradictory. After all it is itself part of the working provides the ultimate proof about rightness or which factions of the left - both from the Stalinite Party is in other words the highest form of working class. In the various manifestations of the wrongness in theoretical matters. We for our part and Trotskyite traditions - consciously or class organisation - for which there is no substitute. Communist Party in pre-revolutionary Russia, side are sure that if our arguments do not convince, unconsciously imitate in miniature, is not the one It would be wrong to imagine that such a by side with Lenin and the Bolsheviks, there were practice will. Those who doubt the worth of the that led the soviets to power on November 7 vanguard springs forth ready-made. No class at different times centrist chiefs like Plekhanov, election tactic or who think economic struggles 1917. It is the degenerate ones that dominated spontaneously produces the party that Martov and Trotsky, as well as ultra-revisionists are primary should not be excluded from the Party. the militant part of the proletariat after the corresponds to its interests. Social life is complex such as Dan and Struve. We too were in the same Work within our ranks and the actual struggle will bureaucracy in the USSR ceased being the servant and full of contradictions. Individuals, for organisation with Fergus Nicholson and Eric convince all honest elements (elements who lack of the working class and instead became its master. example, can belong to one class and yet take a Trevett and other centrists, besides ultra-revisionists or lose honesty do not last long in our ranks). The destiny of the world communist movement political stand that means they belong body and like Tony Chater, Nina Temple and Martin It would be mistaken to believe that a was inextricably bound up with the Russian soul to another. Only through the tangled skein Jacques. Communist Party consists, or should consist, of a Revolution. Stalin’s bureaucratic socialism had on of economic and political struggle do classes begin What matters for communists is unity in action. conglomeration of separate factions and tendencies. the one hand the prestige and on the other the to form a collective consciousness of themselves. Beyond those bounds there must be the broadest That was the unacknowledged state of affairs in brute strength to subordinate most communist As they do the groupings, factions and trends of and freest discussion and the open fight against all the 1970s. We fight for unity around Marxism- parties to its state and sectional interests. The ideology those classes shift, manoeuvre and crystallise around harmful decisions and tendencies. Openness is as Leninism and a single whole. However unity of socialism in one country was used to justify the definite ideas and programmes. Then during great much a matter of principle as it is a weapon. The cannot be decreed. It has to be worked and fought transformation of Comintern into an arm of Soviet upsurges, when millions are drawn from inertia working class must be fully informed about every for. Communist unity, the unity of communists diplomacy. Once that entailed supporting and passivity into activity and enlightenment, faction, shade and opinion in the Party as well as within the CPGB, does not in the least mean democratic imperialism social democratisation was “basic questions powerfully emerge and divisions the working class movement as a whole. That way members should hide disagreements on strategy inevitable. Hence there is a liquidationist logic are finally created which really correspond to a it can be educated and won to take sides. So, and tactics or refrain from fully explaining their which joins Joseph Stalin’s Foundations of Leninism given class” (G Zinoviev History of the Bolshevik besides fighting in the CPGB for consistent views whenever and wherever appropriate. Supplement weekly worker

Nothing of the kind. The political struggle for No, when I deploy the rather clumsy term Intellectual pacification ran in tandem with what a communist regards as correct should be ‘ideologicalisation’, what I mean is the replacement intellectual poverty and organisational carried on openly, straightforwardly and resolutely of the scientific world view by inverted or false demobilisation. Theory which is mere justification, till a congress decides. Naturally, even after a consciousness. In “all ideology men and their opposition which is forced to become purely congress, if Leninists were in a minority, like any relations appear upside down as in a camera organisational: both these inexorably produce a legitimate trend, we would retain the right to obscura”, Marx and Engels famously wrote in their membership incapable of thinking critically and openly present our views and criticisms. That is German ideology (K Marx, F Engels CW Vol 5, independently. Moreover, though to begin with democratic centralism. 1976, p36). Marx and Engels together broke with, the membership acts technically, finally it does not and transcended, ideological criticism of capitalism. act at all. Denied the oxygen of theoretical Their socialism and communism was dialectical, controversy, it atrophies. That was the history of material and practical, not utopian and dogmatic. opportunism in our CPGB. So used here the ideologicalisation of the Over the years the scientific understanding of what communist parties implies a retreat from, a a Communist Party is has been almost totally bartering away, a denial of the science originated obscured. When the CPGB was formed in July first by Marx and Engels and then painstakingly 1920 it represented a great leap forward for the mastered and developed by other militant If it was an irony of ironies that pro-Soviet working class in Britain. In the battles that intellectuals such as Kautsky, Plekhanov, Lenin, elements - from the proto-New Communist Party followed, despite the fact that it only had a few Trotsky, Luxemburg, Hilferding, Gramsci, Lukacs, to the Straight Leftists - were persecuted by the thousand members, its influence radiated out to Bukharin, Preobrazhensky, etc. very regime they were most closely identified with, the hundreds of thousands, at times the millions. No serious communist will now question the then what happened to the Trotskyites and Undoubtedly the CPGB was part of the class and depravity, the class compromise and eventual class Trotskyoids and the regime they created is the the leading part at that. Tragically, not least due to treachery of ‘official communism’. We only need supreme irony. the baleful influence of the Soviet Union and its mention its purges, its popular fronts, its pacifism The decline and fragmentation of ‘official degenerating leaders, from the mid-1920s onwards and its parliamentary cretinism. Naturally all this communism’ left behind Maoism, Enverism and the CPGB went on to suffer death by a thousand lived reality was theoretically advocated and gilded, a batch of equally dead-end pro-Soviet splinters. opportunist cuts. not least by using Marxist-Leninist jargon and well It also left a political space which Trotskyism While in Britain that led to an almost total culled quotations. Yet the theories cynically particularly could exploit and expand in. Like the organisational collapse of the Party, liquidationism commissioned by Stalin, his sidekicks, his followers Triassic birds, after the mass extinction of dinosaurs was a world-wide phenomenon. The once proud and his successors, were inevitably two-a-penny, and pterosaurs, it grew both in size and diversity parties of Comintern ceased being an transparently erroneous, illusory and apologetic. in the new environment. Notwithstanding the internationalist threat to the existence of Socialism in one country, the identification of differences, the Workers Revolutionary Party, metropolitan capitalism. Instead they became social democracy with fascism, popular fronts with Militant Labour and the Socialist Workers Party - national pressure groups within capitalism. From ‘progressive’ imperialists, the peaceful the three major lineages of Trotskyite evolution - time to time communist parties encouraged mass parliamentary road, the state of the whole people, have all been characterised by internal regimes worse strikes and violent demonstrations, even threatened were invented not to fire the working class into than our CPGB suffered, even at its nadir under revolution. In spite of that, by the 1950s ‘official revolutionary action. These ‘beautiful lies’ served the Eurocommunists. communism’, which began as a militant adjunct the preservation of bureaucratic privilege. Till its implosion, just after the miners’ Great of Soviet diplomacy, in the main became Bourgeois and middle class revolutionaries Strike in 1985, perhaps the largest Trotskyite respectable and programmatically social needed illusion, a self-deceiving set of beliefs, if group was the WRP. As is well known Gerry Healy democratised (till the late 1960s this took a pro- success was to be achieved. To further their class ran the WRP as his private fief. Rank and file Soviet form. Hence it was bourgeoisification sui interests others had to be mobilised. This was done members worked like slaves. Healy lived like a generis). The 1951 reformist British road to socialism through the imagined splendour and “universality” minor lord. Opposition was not tolerated, and, programme, in part written by Stalin - which as of their “common” project (K Marx, F Engels CW when it did surface, was often dealt with using we have comprehensively shown was “the product Vol 5, 1976, p60). They promised themselves physical and always verbal abuse. Only one view of many years of centrist adaptation and and the great unwashed in ideal form god’s was allowed - Healy’s. That applied externally to opportunist retreat” - became the sorry paradigm kingdom on earth, liberty, equality and fraternity, other revolutionaries as well. of all ‘official’ parties (J Conrad Which road?, 1991, and national freedom, not wage slavery, profit and While Livingstone and Labourites of a similar p126). national debt. hue were courted and feted the leaders of other Throughout this period each opportunist turn The ‘universalism’ of Stalin, Krushchev, working class trends and groups were endlessly of ‘official communism’ produced its batch of Brezhnev and Gorbachev was the sectional attempt and disgustingly branded as being minions of the recruits for various left oppositions. None were of of the Soviet bureaucracy to find, or secure, CIA, the KGB or both. But it was the WRP which much social weight or - and this is what is crucial - common interests with imperialist finance capital. was a paid agent - of Libya, Iraq, Iran and other any real Party spirit. They were sects made up of In contrast the working class, which is becoming a reactionary Middle Eastern regimes. Gaddafi was like-minded persons formed primarily for purposes class for itself, requires for success the truth about praised for “politically” developing “in the of a literary nature. Membership was determined the contradictory movement of the bourgeois direction of revolutionary socialism”. The name not by militant class activity, rather by loyalty to, world and the position within it of all classes. of this “undisputed leader of the Libyan people” and willingness to parrot, the self-defining Naturally given the workers’ position as an was said to be “synonymous with the strivings of principle. In turn the working class as a whole was underclass in capitalism (and even under socialism) the oppressed in many countries” (News Line haughtily told that liberation depended on it doing this takes the practical-social form of mass socialist December 12 1981). The crossing of class lines the same. The idea was all. counter-consciousness, which is informed and taken was no aberration. Even as countless Not surprisingly in terms of theory Bordigaism, to higher levels by the theoretical-scientific work revolutionaries and communists were hanging on Trotskyism, Shachtmanism, etc, in all their myriad of communist intellectuals. Through active socialist the gibbet, Khomeini was hailed a revolutionary varieties, were only partial, one sided critiques of ideology workers become aware of themselves as a hero, not condemned as a medievalist tyrant and the USSR and ‘official communism’. Relying on future ruling class and do battle with the butcher. The WRP also defended the execution ready-made categories borrowed from the past, or bourgeoisie and its state. Socialist ideology must of communists who had established party cells in refusing to recognise the qualitative change that therefore be qualitatively distinguished from the the Iraqi army. And to prove his trustworthiness had been wrought in the Soviet Union by the perversions of ‘official communism’ and its to Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist dictatorship Healy first five year plan, in every way they remained part regression into ideology. ordered mug shot photos taken of Iraqi of the problem. Things were made worse for them At this point we return to the Party question. communist protesters in London. When such by the post-World War II international situation Getting communist parties to serve the narrow unprincipled financial links and political doings and the Cold War world system. Against all their interests of the Soviet Union’s elite was not easy, were exposed by leftist critics, the WRP’s reply predictions capitalism boomed and bureaucratic especially as diplomacy by definition requires one came - thick and fast in the form of libel actions in socialism spread. Already deep, theoretical twist and turn after another. It was necessary the bourgeois courts. shortcomings were compounded; and through therefore to impose an authoritarian regime along What defined the WRP was its strange mixture splits, disorientation and disillusionment, what had the lines of the Stalin dominated CPSU. The of millenialism, political prostitution, paranoia and always been marginal nearly melted away in the opportunists dishonestly and misleadingly called biblical Trotskyism. Crowning it, as if with thorns, thin air of social democracy. Meanwhile ‘official it democratic centralism. We prefer the more was Healy’s Studies in dialectical materialism. communism’ continued its rightist trajectory and accurate term, ‘bureaucratic centralism’. Achieving Published in 1982, this was a diabolically and its domination of the real movement. obedience and pliability meant hounding and deliberately incomprehensible work of philosophy From its first Stalinite breath to its last demonising every opposition, first and foremost which attempted to bamboozle readers with Gorbachevite gasp, what was notable about internal oppositions. Bureaucratic centralism was plagiarised quasi-Hegelianism in order to establish ‘official communism’, was its ‘ideologicalisation’. however like the mythical dragon which, having Healy’s status as a great thinker. By this I do not mean the hypocritical end-of- devoured everything else, begins to eat itself. Not Interestingly in 1982 the WRP political ideology ‘non-ideological’ ideology - a rightwing only revolutionaries found themselves subjected committee “emphatically and unanimously” contrivance which equates ideology exclusively to ideological persecution. Adherents of the last demanded that their fraternal comrade, David with any attempt to change the existing conditions. opportunism - yesterday’s revisionism - became North, secretary of the US Workers League, Ideologies, according to this school, are sterile today’s victims. In our CPGB old believers in social “withdraw” his criticisms of Healy’s Studies. schemas, naive oppositions to the hard-nosed fascism, democratic anti-Nazism and in due course, Though they “had never been discussed” he did ruling sanity. Typifying the approach are the likes irony of ironies, pro-Soviet centrists, went on in (D North Critique of G Healy’s ‘Studies’, 1985, of Daniel Bell, Raymond Aron and Kenneth turn to suffer mockery and castigation from the p3). Only in 1985 when the WRP was breaking Minogue and other conservative political theorists. social democratising and ascendant right. up amidst financial scandal and tales of sexual The latter declares: “Ideologies can be specified in Of course, bureaucratic centralism relied wrongdoing, did Healy’s former lieutenants, terms of a shared hostility to modernity: to primarily on organisational not political methods notably Mike Banda and Cliff Slaughter, decide it liberalism in politics, individualism in moral (in the Soviet Union a single bullet in the back of was politic to announce that all along their king practice, and the market in economics” (K Minogue the head sufficed). Those who disagreed were was philosophically naked. As the WRP spiralled Alien powers, 1985, p4). By performing this shabby excluded from Party positions, their views were into oblivion North’s Critique, ie, the notes he little trick such academic jesters automatically denied a platform in the Party press and any public wrote and withdrew in 1982, were circulated ... dismiss advocates of socialism as ideologically dissent from the leadership line was deemed a True to bureaucratic centralist form they were “for motivated and thus ipso facto hopeless (a breach of Party discipline. That mockery of members only”. Nietzschean conclusion that finds its tired echo in democratic centralism was taken to the point where Things have never got quite so bad either in ‘radical’ postmodernism). In the mean time no member of any elected committee was allowed Militant Labour or the SWP. Nevertheless things Minogue and his fellow defenders of capitalism to voice criticism of the leadership to rank and file are bad. have nothing to be ashamed of except good old Party members outside the fleeting and pinched Militant (aka the Revolutionary Socialist fashioned common sense. pre-congress discussion period. League) existed for 40 years as the most Labourite Thursday December 15 1994 Supplement

of deep entryists. It dismissed everything and party” (Militant November 4 1994). out communist work and open propaganda and working class revolutionary, one against the other, anybody outside the Labour Party world; women, His change of camp was an isolated and lone act polemic. The SWP has adopted an internal regime in a war of ideological nuance and dogma. Within gays and blacks were told that they and their which produced no theoretical gains. Citing which owes much to the Okhrana and nothing to the Communist Party there must be room for all campaigns were mere diversions. Only the carrot Ireland, ex-Yugoslavia and Scotland, he admits Bolshevism. A recent splinter paints a bleak, almost sorts of Marxist shades and trends. What is and stick combination of Kinnock’s witchhunt not being in “100% agreement on every question” police type, picture of the SWP cadre. “The test of important, when it comes to membership, is not and the anti-poll tax movement broke Militant with Militant Labour. Sadly he does not elaborate a cadre”, it says, with the benefit of recent agreement, let alone with every dot and coma, organisationally from Labourism. Politically ... Sadder still, I think we can safely predict he experience, is “the lengths they are prepared to go with this or that theoretician’s conclusions on the however it remains a right centrist formation still never will, at least in the pages of Militant. to intimidate anyone who criticises the perspectives nature of the Soviet Union. Revolutionary dependent on, and working for, a Labour At this present moment in time the SWP has handed down to them” (International Socialists practice is what counts. government. Despite claiming revolutionary managed to steal a march on other left groups. It is Group Democracy and the SWP, 1994, p3). Our immediate task is to reforge the CPGB. credentials its programme, Militant: What we stand now by far the biggest left organisation, boasting Those who persistently question or come to Fulfilling that great task will be complex. It will, I for, is thoroughly reformist. “Socialism”, it says, some 10,000 members. Indeed it has for a number different conclusions face marginalisation or believe, involve first and foremost the practical will come not via insurrection, but “through an of years called itself the “smallest mass party in the expulsion. Take Chris Jones, an SWPer for two work of winning new layers to communism. enabling bill in parliament”, which will nationalise world”. However the SWP is not a party in the decades. He wrote a letter to Socialist Review in However as and to the degree that proceeds, the “the top 200 monopolies” (Militant: What we Marxist sense. It is a biggish sect which defines June 1994 replying to an article by Duncan Hallas. renewed strength and vigour of the CPGB, can stand for, June 1990, p8). itself in an exclusive way around the Tony Cliff In the course of his letter he naturally presented power a rapprochement, in stages, with all Rosa Luxemburg pointed out that the real trinity of state capitalism, the permanent arms some of his own ideas, including the need to put revolutionary proletarian forces. What I mean here difference between the parliamentary road and the economy and deflected permanent revolution. republicanism to the fore. Almost immediately he is workers’ unity. Such unity cannot be created by revolutionary road was not two ways to get to the In its Socialist Review-International Socialism found himself subject to all sorts of allegations by sects or lowest common denominator ideological same end - ie, socialism. No, different strategic origins the SWP was rooted in the Labour Party John Rees, a central committee member, including ‘agreements’ between them. “Unity,” as Lenin said, approaches (means) lead to very different and marketed itself as Luxemburgist: that is, breach of so-called democratic centralism. “must be won, and only the workers, the class conclusions (ends). The reason is obvious. explicitly non-Leninist (Leninism led to Stalinism The majority of his branch in Liverpool conscious workers themselves, can win it - by Communists want to mobilise the masses to smash was the suggestion). During the 1950s not much supported him against suggestions that he was stubborn and persistent efforts” (VI Lenin CW the state, parliament included (to do that we fully happened organisationally. It circulated the US guilty of obstructing their work. Nothing was Vol 20, 1977, p319). accept the need to stand candidates and get MPs Shachtmanites’ journal and in general suffered a presented in writing. Only the flat, unelaborated, There are, of course, the literati around New Left elected). Reformists, on the other hand, regard slow decline; in 1958 membership was no more charge, that he had broken SWP rules. Jones was Review, Radical Chains and similar journals who parliament as something to treasure and protect. than two dozen. The group worked along federal duly expelled. And even when he appealed he was like to believe that by regularly debating with and It is after all the instrument with which they say lines, with distinct libertarian, social democratic given the opportunity neither to listen to or cross- giving a platform to the amorphous band of Labour will usher in the socialist order. No wonder examine his accusers, nor an explicit explanation freelance ‘Marxists’, armchair ‘militants’ and Militant insists, “The idea ... that we want to ‘smash of what he had been charged with. In the end he crackpot scheme-mongers they strike a blow for parliamentary democracy’ is completely untrue” found himself expelled for “permanent unity. But on the contrary such activity sustains (Militant International Review No33, autumn opposition” (SWP Pre-conference bulletin No2, and fuels sectarianism. It flatters sectarianism, 1986, p9). We should believe them. 1994, p38). when it should be treated with cold contempt. Members of Militant are forbidden to voice Such undemocratic practices are no aberration. Unity, divorced from the fight for a Communist criticism of its reformist perspectives in public. In The membership itself is neither educated Party, is a parlour game for dilettantes who, though point of fact neither Militant leaders nor rank and theoretically nor trusted politically by the they sometimes like to boast about their ‘defence’ filers have ever been given a platform in the leadership. The SWP works almost entirely top- of the Marxist method, are completely useless when tendency’s publications to develop their down. There is no control from below. The central it comes to the fight for socialism. Communists differences on any subject of substance or committee appoints district organisers, who then take workers and serious left organisations as their importance. Its publications are bland and lifeless. appoint the district committees, and so on. To basis. “Unity without organisation is impossible,” In 1991 a deep schism opened up on its central spike potential focuses of opposition, branch runs one of Lenin’s dictums. So we want to unite committee over the turn from Labour entryism. committees and the national committee were active workers. The idea of uniting the ‘socialist Opinion seemed overwhelming in the 46:3 split. abolished. SWP conferences and councils are run intelligentsia’, most of them lazy, semi-reformist But this was not any old minority. The three were like rallies or pep talks, not the highest decision and completely detached from the working class, among the brightest stars in the rather dull Militant making bodies. is a reactionary utopia. The idea of uniting all firmament. In spite of that, differences were not Recruitment is the answer to all strategic and workers willing to rebuild their CPGB - that is our fought out in its own publications. Instead Ted political questions. The continued existence of the cause. Grant, the organisation’s founder and most Tory government, the fascist menace, are all put I know there are those, some sincere, some prominent theorist, Rob Sewell, national down to the SWP’s membership and its failure to insincere, who maintain that the Communist Party organiser, and Alan Woods, editor of Militant recruit. After the October 1992 mass can only be rebuilt from the bottom up, from International Review, thought it would be a good demonstration against the pit closure programme, independent local or trade union branch work. idea to leak their opposition documents to The Tony Cliff famously insisted that if he had 20,000 This argument must be turned onto its feet for it Guardian. members, part of the march could have been to become a communist argument. Real communist In it we find the minority complaining that a diverted to parliament and “the government work, locally, in workplaces, or in trade unions, is “clique” was operating which shielded “individuals would have collapsed”. only possible if it is organised by an authoritative from criticism”, and how it bureaucratically tried True, SWP members are permitted factional centre. Communism takes as its starting point the to “gag” dissent (The Guardian September 3 rights. However they can exercise them only in world, and the world-wide transition from 1991). Why they chose to use an organ of the the weeks before conference. With no continuous capitalism to socialism. There is nothing parochial enemy class and not their own, or one of the many and open argument, with no culture of theoretical about genuine communism. As a matter of leftwing papers and journals, has never been debate, with no democracy, it is predictable that principle it favours the organisation of the working explained. However as shown only a few days when they do form, they are insubstantial, class in the largest possible units. Our main enemy later the majority used exactly the same unthought-out and tend towards the purely is our own United Kingdom capitalist state not unprincipled method. The whole polemic was in technical. A typical example is the three-strong this or that employer, let alone the town council. fact conducted in The Guardian. and pacifistic leanings: Cliff himself described it as ‘Filling the vacuum’ faction. It agitates for a “rank Communist parties become local by first being When it came to his turn Peter Taaffe implied “centrist” (S Matgamna A tragedy of the left, 1991, and file network” in the trade unions and not international and state-national. that his one time leader and mentor was getting p1). The idea of building a Leninist party in Britain much else (see SWP Pre-conference bulletin Nos Localism is a slippery slope. It is organisational crusty, if not senile. He went on to argue that with was contemptuously dismissed as “toy-town 1,2,3, 1994). Factions such as these are as much a anarchism. Capitalism tried to destroy the Party Kinnock’s shift to the right: “It would be criminal Bolshevism”. Cliff’s clever idea was staying in the mockery of factions as the SWP is a mockery of a by promoting Eurocommunism and the to pass over an immediate opportunity for Labour Party, all the way to the revolution. party. Democratic Left, by lauding Martin Jacques and expansion in order that we may cling to our few It was only 1960s youth radicalisation, above All this creates, for the moment, a quiet life for Nina Temple. Localism carries out the destructive remaining points of support within the Labour all over Vietnam, that provided conditions of SWP leaders. In the kingdom of the SWP they are work of capitalism without being asked or even Party” (The Guardian September 6 1991). growth. The ‘third campist’ position that marked princes of all they survey. Their instructions and rewarded. Localism is not only independent of Since then Militant has not got very far in terms out the group over the 1950-53 Korean War was whims are obeyed by cadres if not the increasingly the CPGB, it is against the CPGB. The longer the of expansion. Membership which was 6,000 is quickly dumped in the pro-NLF floodtide. ‘Ho- passive members. Their ideology is wonderfully period of reaction lasts the more weak elements now 2,000. The sons and daughters who were ho-ho Chi Minh’ became the chant, not ‘neither preserved, as if in aspic. But lack of democracy and will seek justification for desertion. One of the easily gained in the Labour Party Young Socialists Washington nor Moscow’. The IS, as it became, freedom to criticise does not train revolutionaries features of the present day is the flip from ‘Marxism’ had not been politically trained or prepared for broke from the Labour Party in 1967, and a year nor build a party. The SWP regime Cliff has to liberalism. The Democratic Left, New Left life outside the committee rooms of Labourism. later Cliff began his campaign for what he created is sectarian not party. Review, the Morning Star, Tariq Ali and localism Not that Grant’s Socialist Appeal gained anything intuitively called Leninism and democratic are all rungs of one ladder, stages in a single process, either. It too lost much of its, considerably smaller, centralism. In the early 1970s that meant a series expressions of the same tendency. To be a real following. Has the lesson been learnt? Hardly. of ruptures and expulsions: here was the primeval communist it is not enough to call oneself a Neither in Militant nor in Socialist Appeal will one source of today’s Socialist Organiser, RCG, RCP, communist: one must carry out the practical work find polemics, not even between each other. Workers Power, etc. The failure of the WRP, Militant Labour and the of reforging the CPGB. The disintegration of the The recent case of Phil Hearse and Militant A travesty of Luxemburgism gave way to a SWP is primarily a failure of theory. Not Party should not be added to by localism. Labour is instructive. For some 20 years he was a travesty of Leninism. The SWP membership is personality, nor the corruption of power, nor a Disintegration can only be overcome by rallying top member in Britain of the United Secretariat of never involved in, let alone begins, genuine internal strange pathological compulsion to endlessly repeat to the defence of the Party. the 4th International. Besides being editor of its debates. There is a layer of ‘red professors’ who the history of opportunism. None will understand Reforging the CPGB rests at the moment fortnightly Socialist Outlook, he was the main produce theory (and earn a regular living in that a revolutionary party cannot be built on the exclusively on the shoulders of Leninists. All Party spokesperson of its recently victorious majority bourgeois academia). But this is either the stuff of soft ground of an exclusive ideology or the work in progress, not least in the field of elections, faction. Despite that lofty and influential position the lecture hall, or sophisticated apologetics, undemocratic domination of one faction and its is being carried out by Leninists. Thus it devolves he decided, in October 1994, along with Kathy designed to justify the latest turn or shore up Cliff’s leadership. The programme of the working class - to us, the only consistent defender of the Party Kirkham and no one else, to up and leave Socialist crumbling old dogmas against the mounting on which the Party is based - should not be principle, to select and by gradation call up those Outlook (internally known as the International evidence of real life. Together with an inner-core trammelled by dubious theories such as Tory elements fit to serve the cause. A new general crisis Socialist Group) and join Militant Labour. of full timers these intellectuals constitute the SWP Bonapartism, parliamentary enabling bills, the of capitalism looms; our enemies are upping the Though he claimed to have argued for a leadership. All initiative, and any serious argument, permanent arms economy or state capitalism. The stakes in the class war; fascism stirs in the far wings. “fundamental change of direction” in the Socialist takes place within the confines of this small circle. programme outlines the broad line of march from Under such conditions it would truly be criminal Outlook group it cannot be said this found Below the leadership there is a tier of cadre which capitalism to communism and the practical not to offer the hand of friendship to potentially expression in the pages of his paper. Former is selected, not for its drive and self-reliance, but its demands of the working class. It - the programme, pro-Party people in other groups. comrades and readers were presented with his loyalty to the leadership and willingness to carry that is - ought to provide the foundation and So what stages of rapprochement mentioned decision as a fait accompli - in Militant. None had out, without question, its wishes and latest line. guide through which all genuine partisans of the above do I envisage? Stage one is calling again upon the opportunity to publicly argue with him, for Before 1905 it is true Lenin argued for the working class can be united for practice. the surviving pro-Party elements scattered by the or against, whether or not Militant Labour, is, as appointment of Party agents. But that was due to Hence the Communist Party is a far wider and collapse of ‘official communism’ and those he maintains, best placed to make a “substantial the Okhrana, the Tsarist secret police, not more useful weapon in the class war than the groupings who, formally at least, take a pro-Party contribution to the building of a revolutionary principle. Only an underground Party could carry sectarian group, which isolates and then pits the position. Stage two will require us to reach out to Supplement

those who define themselves as being in the one small communist group during a period of between honest and dishonest factions: “Every should not be the slightest trace of factionalism”. Leninist tradition. Stage three should open the reaction such as this - that would be vastly more faction is convinced that its platform and its policy A retreat was “no time to argue about theoretical door to all genuine Marxists. Stage four might still significant than the tiny numbers concerned are the best means of abolishing factions, for no deviations”. The atmosphere of controversy was be a long way off, but any sizeable Communist would on the face of it suggest. It would be the one regards the existence of factions as ideal. The “becoming extremely dangerous and constitutes a Party ought to set itself the aim of organising those unity of different opinions under the banner of only difference is that factions with clear, consistent, direct threat to the dictatorship of the proletariat”. serious libertarian and syndicalistic workers who pro-Partyism. Do not doubt it: such a integral platforms openly defend their platforms, It should be noted that, though the 10th are revolutionary but at the moment mistrust the development would reverberate throughout the while unprincipled factions hide behind cheap Congress overwhelmingly voted to call for the party idea because of negative experience of left in the United Kingdom and beyond. shouts about their virtue, about their non- “immediate dissolution of all groups without Labourism, ‘official communism’ and the Will any of them dare? Will even one of them factionalism” (Ibid). exception formed on the basis of one platform or Trotskyoid groups. make the leap? Each must choose: seek Lenin was proud of the Bolshevik faction. It another”, Lenin opposed the resolution presented At every stage rapprochement necessarily means rapprochement with the CPGB’s PCC or become openly defended and advocated its platform. by Ryazanov which would have prohibited ideological struggle, crucially against liquidators. Time, it has to be said, is pressing. When the Bolshevik paper Rabochaya Gazeta first elections according to platforms. “This is an liquidationism; in Britain that primarily and most Soon the seventh trumpet will sound. If the pro- appeared, he therefore did not blush or hesitate to excessive desire, which is impractical,” he declared, dangerously takes the form of pro-Labourism. The Party elements within them prove too weak or announce that it “necessarily makes it appearance “and I move that we reject it” (VI Lenin CW Vol fundamental line of demarcation in the communist unorganised, or no agreement is wanted, so be it. as a factional publication, as a factional enterprise 32, 1977, p261). It was. movement in Britain today is between those who Then Leninists will remain the sole builders of the of the Bolsheviks”. After the defeat of the 1905 Back to the real business. Factions in our CPGB are pro-Labourite (in the last analysis that must Party. We shall advance towards the goal of revolution and the disintegration of the Party, he should have definite rights. That must include the mean pro-reformist and pro-capitalist) and those reforging the CPGB, only we will have to wait fought, not for the end of factionalism, but the right to become a majority. To facilitate this and who are revolutionary and pro-Party. Some that bit longer before we can attempt to draw in coming together of the Bolsheviks and pro-Party the process of Party building, even under today’s ‘official communist’ fragments make great play of all who stem from, or claim the Marxist-Leninist Mensheviks (those around Plekhanov). Lenin conditions, I personally would agree to automatic the ‘communist unity’ slogan when all they really tradition. It will be a longer route but we shall get described the Bolsheviks as a “strong” faction and access to the central organ, provision for separate want is the unity of opportunism for the benefit there. Our practical work will continue, and if the condemned “moralising, whining for their publications, and proportional representation on of Labourism. Such liquidators should stop need arise we shall expose those who have by lack abolition”. That moralising and whining, it should the Provisional Central Committee and other pretending to be communists. Go and join Blair’s of courage put themselves in the anti-Party camp. be said, came from the likes of Martov and Trotsky. responsible bodies, editorial boards, appeals stinking party. That is where you belong. We want Leninists will make the CPGB into a mass And let those who would have it that factions committees, etc (that, in passing, is why the unity of workers and genuine proletarian vanguard Party together with those who want to by their very nature lead to splits ponder this recommended lists are necessary). As long as revolutionaries. help and against those who are incapable, or do argument. In the “observance in practice” of factions are loyal to the Party and the Party Arguments about how to skin the Labourite not want to help. “democratic centralism, on guarantees for the rights principle, as long as all members of the Party, cat, how to strip the Labour Party of militant of all minorities and for all loyal opposition, on irrespective of faction, diligently and fully carry working class support, are one thing. Automatically the autonomy of every Party organisation, on out agreed assignments and fulfil all their financial voting Labour, the reformist notion that a Labour recognising that all Party functionaries must be obligations, I believe such an arrangement provides government would be a step in the direction of elected, accountable to the Party and subject to the surest framework for the merger, the fusion of socialism, or would empower the working class, Let us be quite clear what is being said. Reforging recall” and “their sincere and consistent factions and the conversion of factional centres are another. The first is legitimate; the second is the CPGB can be a task for many others besides us application”, there is “a guarantee against splits, a into centres that are only those of shade or trend. illegitimate. Leninists. What is more, I think it is perfectly guarantee that the ideological struggle in the Party Instead of the present isolation and exclusiveness Leninists must undoubtedly seek reasonable to expect, certainly it is necessary to can and must prove fully consistent with strict of groups, I urge the struggle for influence in the rapprochement with the former, those who are provide for, the existence and struggle of different organisational unity” (VI Lenin CW Vol 10, Party. ‘Work, criticise and improve’ should be the really Marxists and potential pro-Partyists. As to factions within the reforged CPGB. Leninists, at 1977, p314). The suggestion that in consistent motto. the latter, including the pro-Labourites who broke our 6th Conference in September 1993, have democratic centralism and minority factional rights My comrades can rest assured - I am not away from our Party, they cannot be regarded as a already unanimously agreed to allow “permanent we find a guarantee against splits might be an suggesting the slightest watering down of our part of communism. There can be no or temporary” factions and “alternative platforms” exaggeration. They do however provide the best Leninist politics or principles. There can be no rapprochement with reformist or (J Conrad Problems of communist organisation, conditions to prevent splits. Full minority rights question whatsoever of dropping our stand on counterrevolutionary elements. So we have no 1993, p44). also remove the democracy fig leaf some use to independent election work, our fight against need for the services of conciliators, supposed cover desertion and renegacy. Labourism, our militant revolutionism, our honest brokers who would neutralise the So I think we can safely say that in the years that criticisms of bureaucratic socialism, our proletarian differences between pro-Partyism and pro- followed the first revolution Lenin did not oppose internationalism. We fight and shall continue to Labourism. There should be no unity for unity’s factions. He was a factional leader. fight for revolutionary communism. Needless to sake, but unity for the sake of Party work and the After the October Revolution, the third say, Leninists will not dissolve their identity in the class struggle. We would only have NCPers, revolution, amidst the danger of German invasion, reforged Party. We will retain Bolshevik “self- Straight Leftists, Communist Liaison and CPBers a Left Communist faction came out against peace determination” when it comes to “elucidating” our back in the Party on the definite condition that negotiations and for revolutionary war. Lenin not policy (VI Lenin CW Vol 16, 1977, p150). they break from liquidationism and pro- only fought them, he tolerated them. In March Leninism is a definite political trend and we will Labourism. They must come over to the real Party 1918 they had a daily paper, Kommunist, which remain, no matter what, the foremost champions standpoint, the real Party way of life. Of course, carried their propaganda. Lenin also demanded that of Partyism and the revolutionary line. the liquidationist fragments of ‘official they take a full part in the leadership. The 7th There cannot be the slightest doubt that there communism’ are far from alone. Liquidationism Congress elected 15 members and 8 candidate exist big differences with those to whom we is a deep rooted social phenomenon. The WRP, members to the Central Committee. Amongst propose to grant Party membership and thereby Militant Labour and the SWP likewise them three Left Communists who refused to take factional rights. But nothing should stand in the automatically make the call to vote Labour, and their seats - Bukharin, Lomov and Uritsky. way of reforging the Communist Party. to a greater or lesser degree peddle the lie that a There was of course the 1920 ban on factions Communists must by definition organise at the Labour government would represent social by the Party’s 10th Congress. This, it should be highest possible level. All pro-Party forces must progress. emphasised, was an “ exceptional year”. Peasant be concentrated. Not to do so would be criminal. Let us concentrate to begin with then on what discontent was welling up, demobilised Red Army The theoretical differences that at present divide we have designated stage one. Frankly, the NCP, men were turning to banditry, imperialism was us should not, as I have said, be glossed over. Straight Leftist, Communist Liaison, Morning Star making plans and ominous threats, “bureaucratic Communists might not agree on the nature of the and Democratic Left splits were a good thing. practices” gripped the Party and demoralisation former USSR, the exact way to overcome Leninists now lead the Party, much reduced was fast spreading among the “largely declassed” Labourism, or whether Iraq, Argentina and other though it is. By using the commanding heights workers. Under the flag of anarchism petty such countries are proto-imperialist or oppressed gained in the inner-Party struggle we can reforge it bourgeois counterrevolution was gaining strength neo-colonies. But communists should be resolutely out of our wing. We are well rid of those factions (Kronstadt was soon to revolt). At the top of the united on the imperative need to fight for the who wanted to liquidate our Party into Party there had been some fierce clashes, not least growth of Party organisations and the reforging Labourism. However the confusion and dispersal between Bukharin, Trotsky and Lenin over the of the CPGB into a powerful national Party. In of pro-Party elements those liquidationist splits trade union question. A number of factions this period of reaction we are duty bound to come caused - that was a bad thing. We want to give the emerged from below, the most notable being the together in defence of communism in general and possibility of returning to the Party and working Workers’ Opposition. Its platform, written by of Partyism in particular. The more powerful for the Party to all communists. We earnestly call Alexandra Kollontai, printed in 250,000 copies, reaction, the stronger must be the Party spirit. the pro-Party diaspora back to the Party. Surely it Before presenting concrete proposals on won 21% of the votes in the Moscow Party in The enemy is triumphant in the ex-USSR and is time for them, if they are serious, to return to factional rights in the CPGB it would be a good November 1920, 30% of communist miners in Eastern Europe, is imposing its peace in Ireland, their Party. Unite with the continuation of the idea, I think, to answer some of the typical early 1921 and had 6% of the delegates at the South Africa and Palestine, is tightening its grip Party represented by the Provisional Central objections to factions: ie, they are anti-Leninist; 10th Party Congress. on the minds of the people in the metropoles. Committee and the Party organisations which they increase the danger of splits; they are Trotskyite, “Assistance is on its way from the West European But even one modest step taken in practical accept its leadership. It is either that or isolation, etc. To begin, let us ask a very necessary question. countries,” Lenin promised the 10th Congress. communist work is a step towards providing the localism and effective death as any sort of What is a faction? (A term which, it has to be said, “But,” he added with sober realism, “it is not historic answer. Party candidates fielded in the communist. carries an enormous amount of negative baggage.) coming quickly enough.” Under these specific Euro, Westminster, regional and local elections, Objective conditions dictate rapprochement We can turn to Lenin for an answer. “A faction,” circumstances he proposed a major retreat: ie, under the auspices of the PCC, have already with the PCC. A rapprochement of pro-Party he says, “is an organisation within a party, united, massive concessions to capitalism, which later proved beyond doubt that communism in Britain groups with the PCC, because it is the only not by its place of work, language or other became known as the New Economic Policy. is not dead. The increase in our votes and the established and effective pro-Party centre. Let those objective conditions, but by a particular platform More, he urged, as an emergency measure, a ban on growing confidence of our campaigns shows that who say they are for the unity of revolutionary of views on party questions” (VI Lenin CW Vol factions. “Comrades,” appealed Lenin, “this is no shortcomings, inevitable at the outset, are being Marxist-Leninists pass from word to deed. A 17, 1977, p265). time to have an opposition. Either you’re on this overcome, and a powerful weapon of mutually acceptable contractual agreement on the It is impossible to prevent the existence of side, or on the other, but then your weapon must revolutionary propaganda and agitation is being basis of the struggle for the Party and the Party different views on Party questions. If, as in the be a gun, and not an opposition .... Let’s not have forged. Unitedly we can surely do much, much principle against liquidationism, without any SWP, there cannot be any permanent groupings, an opposition just now!” So there was nothing more in this and other fields of struggle. By uniting ideological compromises, without any glossing then it is only a step, and a short one at that, to the normal about the ban on factions nor the new all pro-Party people the work of the PCC can be over of tactical or other differences of opinion banning of differences of opinion. For whenever (secret) rule which allowed for the expulsion of generally developed. For example, we need an within the ‘what we fight for’ credo presented in there are two opinions, people tend to group Central Committee members. It was not the expanded press, where present theoretical each edition of the Weekly Worker - that would be together. Not allowing for differences is far from principle Stalin turned it into (that is, excepting differences and problems can be debated and even a splendid thing. And that is what we have healthy. Unofficial, hidden groups form, plot and his own faction). “This is an extreme measure that resolved - unity can only grow through the process proposed to Open Polemic, the Communist Action fester. Much better to bring differences out into is being adopted specially, in view of the dangerous of theoretical rapprochement. Group and the so-called Independent the light of day. That was Lenin’s theory and situation” (Lenin). Let us hope that all communist forces will come Communists. Who amongst them is really pro- practice. Lenin feared internal and external enemies together for broader, higher and more disciplined Party, in deed, not merely in word - this is It will be seen that while he was not positively would use the “luxury” of factional disputes within communist work. Now is the time for political something that can be ascertained in the course of in favour of factions as such, his concern, as in the the “governing Party” for counterrevolutionary boldness. daily work. Nevertheless the coming over of even passage below, is to emphasise the difference purposes. Hence “just now” he insisted that “there Jack Conrad