The Tonal Structures and the Locations of the Main Accent of Kyungsang Korean Words

Dongmyung Lee

Indiana University Department of Linguistics, Memorial Hall 322, Bloomington, IN 47405-7005 [email protected]

Abstract This paper explicitly provides the experimental analyses for the fundamental arguments of Kyungsang (KS) tone. It provides the locations of the main accent in KS words and its basic tonal units. Furthermore through the results it ultimately contributes to the typological categorization of KS Korean tone. That is, the results of the current experimental analysis of the KS words provide us the evidences that KS Korean is a pitch-accent language. In KS Korean only one accent is assigned on a syllable and other syllables are predictable in terms of pitch. The accent type of South Kyungsang Korean is H*+L with two register tones (H and L). North Kyungsang Korean has two types of accent L+H* and H*.

1. Introduction

Even though Korea is a small country, there exist several different dialects in the country. Among those dialects especially Southeastern dialects of Korean (South and North Kyungsang Koreans), unlike other dialects, show lexical contrast patterns based on pitch (f0). In this paper, therefore, we examine this tonal phenomenon in terms of the tone structures and the locations of the main (highest) High tone of the dialects and try to figure out what prosodic type this lexical contrast in tone patterns reflects. Traditional works (Gim 1994, 1998, Lee 1997) claim that Kyungsang (KS) Korean is a tone language. They argue that KS Korean has three distinctive tones as High (H), Mid (M) and Low (L) and these tones are assigned on each syllable in a word. The height of non-high-toned syllables in KS Korean words is unpredictable. Therefore, they insist that KS Korean is a tone language. However, in a pitch-accent language like Japanese, an accent is assigned on only one syllable or mora in a word and the height of the other non- accented syllables is decided by rules (McCawley 1970, 1978). The primary purpose of this paper is to investigate the location of the main (highest) H in KS words and to decide whether the High tone in KS words function as in tone languages or as in pitch accent languages. The typological category of KS dialect is examined through the current experimental study. Now let us consider some example words having multiple High tones. In KS Korean, some words have H tones in adjacent syllables. Both native and loanwords are assumed to have the same tonal characteristics (SKK: South Kyungsang Korean, NKK: North Kyungsang Korean).

(1) KS Words (N/A: not available tone patterns) a. H H b. H H L c. H H H L d. H H L L SKK: cm.ma ‘mother’ mu.®i.ke ‘rainbow’ in.ti.a.na ‘Indiana’ hal.a.pc.®i ‘grandfather’ NKK: no.njcn ‘old age’ ma.na.nim ‘madam’ ------N/A------hal.a.pc.®i ‘grandfather’

e. L H H f. L H H L g. L H H H SKK: non.tu.rcŋ«N ‘rice-field barrier’ men.tv.ra.mi ‘Cocks comb ’ pa.i.ol.lin ‘violin’ NKK: ------N/A------N/A------N/A------(NKK has LLH, LLHL and LLLH instead of the counter parts of the SKK tones)

At the current stage we assume that these Korean systems are accent systems with one accentual High element per word and the cases with multiple H’s are needed to be analyzed in terms of an accent plus additional tone specifications. In the later sections we will provide crucial evidences to support this assumption. In these multiple High tone cases, our main question focuses on which of the multiply High-toned syllables bears the main accent and on whether the main accent functions as in tone languages or as in pitch accent languages. The paper will be organized as follows. In section 2, we discuss previous works that argue whether KS Korean is a tone language or a pitch accent language. In section 3, we present the instrumental study of KS Korean tone structure. In section 4, we provide the methods of the experimental study as well as the result of the study that argues that KS Korean is a pitch accent language. In section 5, we provide an overall analysis of the KS systems. In section 6, we discuss other issues that are related to KS Korean tone patterns and typology. In section 7, we conclude our paper.

2. Previous Works

Before discussing the previous works, it will be helpful to exhibit the basic facts of KS Korean tone patterns which triggered the main questions of the current paper. That is, which H tone of the multiple high tones is the main (highest) H. First we briefly show the tone patterns of each KS Korean dialect.

2.1. The Tone Patterns of South Kyungsang Korean

All possible tone patterns of South Kyungsang Korean (SKK) are provided in (2) (We will not include monosyllabic words).

(2) South Kyungsnag Korean (tones in parenthesis are tones of derivational nouns or compound words) Disyllable Trisyllable Quadrisyllable HH HHL HHLL HL HLL LHHL LH LHL (HLLL) LHH (LHLL) (LHHH) (HHHL) In table (2), it is note worthy that the tone patterns having multiple H tones (bold faced tone patterns) have them in adjacent syllables. Among those multiple High tones which one is the main High? Now let us consider North Kyungsang Korean tone patterns.

2.2. The tone patterns of North Kyungsang Korean.

The tone patterns of North Kyungsang Korean (NKK) are provided in (3).

(3) North Kyungsnag Korean (tones in parenthesis are tones of derivational nouns or compound words) Disyllable Trisyllable Quadrisyllable HH HHL HHLL HL HLL LHLL LH LHL (HLLL) LLH (LLHL) (LLLH) NKK also has words having multiple High tones like SKK but the actual tone patterns are a little bit different from SKK. In NKK trisyllabic words, there is no tone pattern like LHH of SKK, and in NKK quadrisyllabic words there are no tone patterns like HHHL, LHHL and LHHH of SKK. This dialectal difference in tone patterns of SKK and NKK also triggers our interests about conducting the current experimental study of these Southeastern dialects. Now let us examine the arguments of previous works that defines KS Korean as a tone language.

2.3. Previous argument of KS Korean Typology

In this part we introduce the arguments of traditional works categorizing KS Korean as a tone language (Lee 1997, Gim 1994, 1998). Among these, we summarize Lee’s (1997) assumption about the different characteristics between tone languages and pitch- accent languages in (4) (see also McCawley 1970, 1978 for prosodic typology).

(4) Prosodic Typology (Lee 1997) a. Tone languages · Height of pitch has the function distinguishing the meanings of words. · Distinctive heights are assigned on each syllable in words in the “phonological level” (Lexical level). · The underlying tone that assigned in each syllable is not changed by sentence types (That is, they are not changed on the post-lexical level). · Languages like Chinese, Igbo, Ganada, Mende, Tamang, Tswana, Otomi, and Huichol belong to this category. b. Pitch-accent languages · Accent is assigned on only one syllable or mora (μ) in a word and the height of the other non-accented syllables is decided by rules as shown in Japanese case: 1) The moras following an accented mora is Low tone (pitch fall) 2) The first mora is Low and the moras preceding an accented mora are High tone when the last mora is accented: LHH', LHHH',…etc. 3) Unaccented words have Low tone in the first mora and High tone in the rest of the moras of the words: LHH, LHHH,…etc. · The accent of each word is assigned at the “phonological level” (Lexical level).

Following Lee’s (1997) assumption, we can simply describe the main difference between tone languages and pitch accent languages as below: First, in tone languages, each syllable in a word is assigned by a distinctive tone. However, in pitch-accent languages, only one tone is assigned on only one mora or a syllable in a word. Lee (1997) further argues that KS Korean has three distinctive tones as High (H), Mid (M) and Low (L) tone and these tones are assigned on each syllable at the “phonological (lexical) level”. Unlike

Japanese, the height of non-high-toned syllables is not predictable by rules in KS Korean. Therefore, he argues that KS Korean is a tone language. Throughout the current experimental study, we will argue against his claim and will show KS Korean is a pitch- accent language. That is, the height of the other non-accented syllables is somewhat predictable by rules similar to Japanese1.

3. Instrumental Study of Kyungsang Korean Tone Patterns

Before presenting the instrumental study, we show once again that some KS words have multiple High tones. The relevant tone patterns are shown in table (5) and (6).

(5) Multiple High Tone Patterns of SKK and NKK HH HHL HHLL HHHL SKK cm.ma ‘mother’ mu.®i.ke ‘rainbow’ hal.a.pc.®i ‘grand father’ in.ti.a.na ‘Indiana’ 2 NKK no.njcn ‘old age’ ma.na.nim ‘madam’ hal.a.pc.®i ‘grand father’ N/A In the table (5), the tone patterns having multiple High tones are shown for both SKK and NKK dialects. In this table, both dialects have same tone patterns in di-, tri-, and quadrisyllabic words. In table (6), however, the tone patterns show a difference between SKK and NKK. As we mentioned previously, NKK words do not have all the tone patterns that SKK have. That is, even though SKK has LHH, LHHL, and LHHH tone patterns, NKK does not have these tone patterns. However, in spite of this mismatch, NKK has tone patterns like LLH, LLHL and LLLH. In this section, we will examine these NKK tone patterns to compare with the tone patterns of SKK LHH, LHHL and LHHH. We assume that this comparison may provide important information about the tone structure of both dialects.

(6) Difference in tone patterns between SKK and NKK (N/A: not available) LHH LHHL LHHH SKK non.t’u.rcŋ ‘rice-field barrier’ men.tv.ra.mi ‘cockscomb pa.i.ol.lin ‘violin’ NKK N/A N/A N/A (NKK has LLH, LLHL and LLLH instead of the counter parts of the SKK tones) From the both tables, we can draw a question. Which of the High-toned syllables has the main accent in these multiply H toned words? The experimental data of the present paper will answer this question. In order to do this, the current study will examine the whole tone patterns of KS words and the characteristics of KS tone patterns. Then, we will be able to determine where the main accent is located. In the process of the analysis of the present data, we could show that KS Korean is a pitch-accent language and SKK and NKK show somewhat different patterns with respect to tonal structure. Now we provide the materials which are used for the current experimental study.

3.1 Materials for recording

The materials for the current experiment study are provided in (7).

(7) Tokens of the Recording (σ: syllable) SKK NKK Native Tone Pattern Number of Words Tone pattern Number of Words 2 σ HH 3 HH 3 HL 3 HL 3 LH 3 LH 3 3 σ HHL 3 HHL 3 HLL 3 HLL 2 LHL 3 LHL 3 LHH 3 LLH 3 4 σ HHLL 2 HHLL 2 HLLL 3 HLLL 3 LHLL 3 LHLL 3 LHHL 3 LLHL 3 LHHH 1 LLLH 0 Loanwords Tone Pattern Number of Words Tone Pattern Number of Words 2 σ HH 3 HH 3 HL 3 HL 3 LH 3 LH 3 3 σ HHL 3 HHL 3 HLL 2 LHL 3 LHH 3 LHL 0 LHL 3 LLH 3 4 σ HHHL 3 HHLL 1 HHLL 3 HLLL 1 HLLL 1 LHHH 3 LHLL 0 LHHL 3 LLHL 3 LHLL 1 LLLH 3 Total 65 59 Number 124 The words for current recording in each dialect are divided by the syllable number: di-, tri-, and quadrisyllabic words. In both SKK and NKK disyllabic words, HH, HL and LH words are recorded. In SKK trisyllabic words HHL, HLL, LHL and LHH words and in NKK HHL, HLL LHL, and LLH words are recorded. In SKK quadrisyllabic words, HHHL, HHLL, HLLL, LHLL, LHHL, and LHHH words and in NKK HHLL, HLLL, LHLL, LLHL, and LLLH words are recorded. We try to include all the tone patterns of each syllable composition except for the case without proper words for recording. The words are chosen from both native and loanwords. Each tone pattern has mostly three words but some tone patterns have less than that because of the difficulty of finding proper words for recording. The word list consists of 124 words. The subjects read each word five times. Thus, the total number of token for each subject is 620. The data set is then 620x5=3100, given an overall number of tokens.

4. Methods and the Result of the Current Experiment

In this section, we show the experimental procedures briefly and the result of the current experiment. At first, we provide the conveyer sentence for the words reflecting each of the tone patterns. We also provide the f0 pitch measurement procedures of the recorded data and the subject characteristics of the current recording. Second, we show the data result of the current experiment in graphs. These graphs will provide the basis for the analysis of the characteristics of KS tone patterns and the accent location of tone patterns having multiple High tones. 5

4.1. Methods

4.1.1 Conveyer Sentence

The conveyer sentence carrying the words reflecting each tone pattern words is ___i/ka (nom. suffix) itta (there is). ‘There is ______.’All the words are nouns and they are subjects of the sentence. The nominative suffixes are assumed not to have any tone so they do not affect the tone pattern of the target words.

4.1.2. Measurement

The measurement procedures of f0 pitch of the recorded data are provided in (8).

(8) Measuring Procedure a. Four measuring points are set in one syllable3: beginning, two middle points and final points (1/4, 2/4, 3/4 and 4/4 time) and they are marked by alphabets and numbers (e.g. the first syllable has a1, a2, a3 and a4 and the second syllable has b1, b2, b3, and b4…etc). b. The distance between each point in a syllable is approximately proportional in terms of time (ms). If there are strong effects of consonants, however, the locations of the points are adjusted to avoid them. c. If the final point of the preceding syllable (e.g. a4) and the beginning point of the following syllable (e.g. b1) are not easy to distinguish in some data, the point is marked as a4 and it is interpreted as both final and beginning points of two adjacent syllables.

4.1.3. Subjects

Five native speakers of each dialect were recorded for the current study. Four of the five SKK native speakers were born in the SK region and lived there for their whole life, and four of the five NKK native speakers were born in the NK region and lived their whole life there, too. The other speaker of each dialect was also born in the dialect speaking region and lived there at least 22 years (SKK) and 31 years (NKK). For the current paper, we analyze a portion of a larger study. That is, only three subjects of each dialect are analyzed here: one male and two female SKK native speakers and three female NKK native speakers. The age range of SKK speakers is from the mid thirties to the early fifties while the NKK speakers are all in their mid thirties.

4.2. Data

In this section we provide the statistic graphs of the measured data of KS Korean words. The accent types of KS Korean and other characteristics of KS Korean tone patterns will be discussed in section 5 on the basis of the present data analysis. The current paper provides only the data of trisyllabic words in both KS dialects that are crucially representing the characteristics of KS tone patterns.

4.2.1. South Kyungsang Korean (SKK)

4.2.1.1 SKK Trisyllabic Words

The first tone pattern in (9) is the HHL tone pattern of South Kyungsang Korean. There are graphs of three subjects for each tone pattern in both KS dialects in all the following data representation. Each tone pattern graph basically shows the f0 contour of six different words in most cases. Each syllable in every word has basically four measuring points of pitch (f0). For instance, the first syllable is from point one to point four and the second syllable is form point five to point eight and the last syllable is from point nine to point twelve in most data representation. The syllable deviation is represented by vertical grid lines inside the graphs.

(9) a. SKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS1)4

In graph (9a), each f0 contour trajectory is a single token of a word among 5 repetitions of a speaker. Each word in one tone pattern is marked by number e.g. HHL1, HHL2, HHL3,…etc. for the HHL tone pattern in trisyllabic words. The graph shows that the first syllables are lower than the second syllables except for the words starting with vowel (so called vowel effect). The following syllable of the accented tone (highest f0) is falling. The late peak can be seen. That is, the high pitch of the second syllable (accented syllable) remains in the beginning of the third syllable after the peak pitch. Therefore, the accent type of SKK HHL is H*L on the second syllable. The first High tone is a register tone because the f0 transition from the first syllable to the second syllable is somewhat flat. This kind transition will be observed in the following SKK data. The height of the first syllables shows that the first H tone in the first syllable is a register tone. This register tone will be compared to the first syllable H tone on HHL words in NKK. Briefly speaking the first H tone in NKK words is somewhat different from the SKK initial H tone in terms of F0 transition to the following accented syllable (see graphs of (13) in section 4.2.2.1). The following two graphs of other two SKK subjects show similar patterns.

b. SKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS2)

c. SKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS3)

The second tone pattern in (10) is the HLL tone pattern of SKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern shows the tonal representation of five different words.

(10) a. SKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject SS1)

In graph (10a), the late peak is also observed. It is maintained after the pitch peak in the beginning of the second syllable. The accent type of the tone pattern is H*L. You can also see the vowel (or consonant) effect. The effect showing the gap between the initial points in terms of f0 frequency is somewhat huge in between consonant initial words and vowel initial words. This may cause the misjudgment about the initial height of KS Korean words. That is, even though some words are in the same tone pattern like HLL, the initial tones are maybe misjudged as different tonal categories as H and M simply because of the vowel (or consonant) effect. The shape like a cap in these SKK words is the representative f0 contour shape of the Japanese HLL tone pattern. The following two graphs of other two SKK subjects show similar patterns except for the third subject

(Subject SS3). In this subject’s graph, the late peak after the pitch peak is somewhat not clearly represented in the beginning of the second syllable. b. SKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject SS2)

c. SKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject SS3)

The third tone pattern that is shown in (11) is the LHH tone pattern of SKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern also shows the f0 contour of six different words.

(11) a. SKK LHH Tone Pattern (Subject SS1)

In graph (11a), the second syllable is higher than the first syllable and the third syllable is higher than the second syllable. The last part of the third syllable is falling. There is Low falling in the first syllables. Therefore, the tone type of the pattern is LHH*(L) with initial Low register tone. The main accent is on the last syllable. We will see later, however, the graph shown here is different from the LLH tone pattern of NKK words. That is, here the second syllable sharply rises however in the LLH tone pattern of NKK, the L tone is sustained quite late before the rising part of the third syllable (so called late

rising). The following two graphs of other two SKK subjects show similar patterns even though the height distinction between the first syllable and the second syllable in second subject (SS2) in (11b) is not dramatically distinguishable comparing to the first subject (SS1) in (11a).

b. SKK LHH Tone Pattern (Subject SS2)

c. SKK LHH Tone Pattern (Subject SS3)

The last tone pattern in (12) is the LHL tone pattern of SKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern also shows the f0 contour of six different words.

(12) a. SKK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS1)

In graph (12a), the first syllable is Low (falling) and the second syllable is rising from the end of the first syllable. The final syllable is falling after a little late peak. Therefore, the accent type is H*L with the initial Low register tone. The following two graphs of other two SK subjects show similar patterns even though the initial L falling is little weaker in the second subject (SS2) in (12b) comparing to other two subjects.

b. SKK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS2)

c. SKK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject SS3)

From the above data, we can summarize the general characteristics of SKK tone patterns as follows. The accent type of SKK H tone is H*+L with two initial register tones (H and L). The accent type H*+L shows the late peak as well as the falling after the peak pitch. The late peak exists in the beginning of the following syllable after the peak pitch. The Low register tone can be judged from the Low falling in the first syllable and the H register tone can be judged from the relatively high f0 frequency of the H tone in the first syllable comparing to the pitch peak. That is, unlike NKK initial H of the HHL tone pattern, SKK HHL tone pattern shows an almost level f0 trajectory in the first two H tones of the pattern. This is why we judge the register H tone in the first syllable rather than only one H* on the second syllable (We will compare this case later to NKK patterns). The vowel effect shows that the initial syllables starting with vowels have higher f0 frequency than those with consonants. In the next part, we will see North Kyungsang Korean words. NKK shows somewhat different tone patterns from SKK.

4.2.2. North Kyungsang Korean (NKK)

4.2.2.1 NKK trisyllabic words

The first tone pattern in (13) is the HHL tone pattern of NKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for each tone pattern in this KS dialect in all the following data representation. Each tone pattern graph basically shows the f0 contour of six different words. Each syllable in every word has four measuring points. The syllable deviation is represented by the vertical grid lines in all the following graphs.

(13) a. NKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS1)

In graph (13a), the vowel (or consonant) effect is observed. The first points of two loanwords (ANGKORA [aŋ.ko.ra] ‘angora’ and INTIA [in.ti.a] ‘India’) are higher in the pitch than the consonant initial words like NYUTELI [nju.tel.li] ‘New Deli’. The second syllable is higher than the first syllable so the main accent is on the second syllable. The late peak remains in the beginning of the third syllable and the peak is interpolated to the final point. There is a difference between the native SKK HHL tone pattern in (9) and this graph. In (9) the transition from the first syllable to the second syllable pick is somewhat flat, but here the transition trajectory shows a slightly rising curve. Therefore, in SKK HHL tone pattern, the first H tone is interpreted as a register H. However, in NKK HHL tone pattern, the first H tone is not interpreted as a register H tone because of the rising transition from the first syllable to the second peak syllable. This means that the accent type of NKK HHL tone patterns is H* on the second syllable. The following two graphs of other two NKK subjects show similar patterns even though the rising curve from the first syllable to the second syllable in the third subject (NS3) in (13c) is not as enhance as in other two subjects. b. NKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS2)

c. NKK HHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS3)

The second tone pattern in (14) is the HLL tone pattern of NKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern shows the tonal representation of two different words because of the lack of proper words for recording.

(14) a. NKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject NS1)

In graph (14a), the first syllable has an H tone. The late peak is shown in the beginning of the second syllable as in the SKK forms. The accent type is H*. The following two graphs of other two NKK subjects show similar patterns even though the rising curve from the first syllable to the second syllable in the third subject (NS3) in (14c) is not as enhance as in other two subjects. b. NKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject NS2)

c. NKK HLL Tone Pattern (Subject NS3)

The third tone pattern shown in (15) is the LHL tone pattern of NKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern also shows the f0 contour of six different words.

(15) a. NKK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS1)

In graph (15a), the second syllable has an H tone. However, the L tone part preceding the accent is quite delayed to the beginning part of the second syllable before rising comparing to the native SKK LHL data in (12) (except for the word YUINMUL [ju.in.mul] ‘handouts’). Therefore, the accent type of NKK LHL tone pattern is L+H*. This is somewhat surprising result because SKK has only one accent type (H*+L) with two initial register tones (H and L) but NKK shows two different types of accent as H* and L+H*. The late peak effect is maintained for almost half of the last syllable in the words MARIA [ma.ri.a] ‘Maria’ and ORION [o.ri.on] ‘Orion’. There is no deep fall after the pitch accent L+H* in the third syllable. This is a just interpolation from the peak to the last part of the words. The vowel effect is also observed. The following two graphs of other two NKK subjects show similar patterns even though the rising curve from the first syllable to the second syllable in the third subject (NS3) in (15c) is not as enhance as in other two subjects.

b. NKK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS2)

c. NNK LHL Tone Pattern (Subject NS3)

The last tone pattern in (16) is the LLH tone pattern of NKK. There are also graphs of three subjects for this tone pattern. Each graph of this tone pattern also shows the f0 contour of six different words. One thing to keep in mind for the analysis of the following graph (16a) is that most words end either at the tenth or at the eleventh point. This means that the second syllable of the words starts from either the sixth or at the seventh point, not from the eighth point.

(16) a. NNK LLH Tone Pattern (Subject NS1)

In graph (16a), unlike the LHH tone pattern in SKK, the second syllable is Low and the third syllable is a high tone. The High peak remains in the last part of the third syllable. The fall is not that deep in the last part of the final syllable compared to SKK LHH words in (12). There is a low plateau in the first two syllables and the rising is quite delayed. Therefore, the accent type is L+H*. The observations from the above data show that the accent types of NKK are two different kinds: L+H* and H*. Unlike SKK, it does not seem that there are register tones as High or Low in word initial position in NKK. The following two graphs of other two NKK subjects show similar patterns even though the

rising from the second syllable to the third syllable in the third subject (NS3) in (16c) is not as enhance as in other two subjects.

b. NNK LLH Tone Pattern (Subject NS2)

c. NNK LLH Tone Pattern (Subject NS3)

From the above NKK data, we can summarize the general characteristics of the NKK tone patterns as follows: There are two accent types in NKK as H* and L+H*. The accent type H* shows the late peak as well as the interpolation after the peak pitch. The late peak exists in the beginning of the following syllable after the peak pitch. The H tone before this accent H* in the HHL tone pattern cannot be judged as a register H tone because there is rising transition from the first H to the following pitch peak H*. This is different phenomenon from SKK HHL tone pattern as we saw before. That is, in SKK HHL tone pattern the first two H tones show a plateau thus the first H tone is judged as a register H tone. The initial L tone preceding the peak pitch in NKK LLH and LHL tone patterns, unlike SKK LHH and LHL, shows delay before rising to the following H tone. This delay of Low tone before rising to the pitch peak can be judged as the accent type L+H* instead of the initial L register tone before an accent H*. That is, unlike the SKK tone pattern, NKK shows two tone types without any initial register tone. The vowel effect shows that the vowel initial syllables have higher f0 frequency than consonant initial ones. So far, we looked over the data result of SK tone patterns and we can see the constancy in tonal representation of each word in all the subjects of both KS Korean dialects. In the following section we will summarize the result and analyze the tone patterns in terms of typological categorization.

5. Analysis

In this section, we argue that KS Korean is a pitch accent language based on our experimental data result. First, we can summarize the overall accent type of the SKK words. Analyses for di- and quadrisyllabic words are also the same as trisyllabic words (We do not provide the analyzed data here).

(17) The Accent Pattern of SSK Tones (σ: Syllable) 1st σ accent 2nd σ accent 3rd σ accent 4th σ accent 2 σ words Register H HH*(L) tones L LH*(L) None H*L 3 σ words Register H HH*L tones L LH*L LHH*(L) None None H*LL 4 σ words Register H H H*L L HH H*L tones L L H*L L LH H*L LHH H*(L) None None H*L LL In table (17), the accent type of SKK is H*L with two register tones: H and L. The height of the other syllables except for these accented syllables is somewhat predictable. In SKK, like Japanese, the syllable height right before the accented syllable is High: LHH*(L). The syllable height after the accented syllable is Low: H*LL, LH*LL,…etc. And these additional tones can be gotten through interpolation. This is against Lee’s (1997) argument of the unpredictability of KS tones as mentioned in (4). From the careful examination of the current data result of both SK dialects, we can say that the typological category of SKK seems to fit a pitch-accent language rather than a tone language. That is, as we can see in the SKK data, like Japanese, the height of the non-accented syllables in SKK words is predictable. That is, the height of the syllables following the accented syllable is Low tone and that preceding the accented syllable is High tone. As a consequence, this shows the syntagmatic movement of the accent (H*+L) from the first syllable to the last syllable and a representative pattern of a pitch-accent language like Japanese. Therefore, we can claim that the South Kyungsang Korean is a pitch- accent language with two initial register High and Low tones. SKK tone patterns are similar to Kyoto (Kansai) Japanese that has register tones as well as accent tones. However, we will not discuss the comparison of the two languages here.

Now let us consider the accentual pattern in North Kyungsang Korean words.

(18) The Accent Pattern of NKK Tones (σ: Syllable) Accent Type 1st σ accent 2nd σ accent 3rd σ accent 4th σ accent 2 σ word H* H*L HH* L+H* L+H* 3 σ words H* H*LL HH*L L+H* L+H*L LL+H* 4 σ words H* H*LLL H H*LL L+H* L+H*LL LL+H*L LLL+H* In table (18), NKK has two types of accent patterns (H* and L+H*) and this also shows a syntagmatic movement of the accents from the first syllable to the last syllable in the

words. The tones following the pitch accent are Low tones and the preceding tones of the H* accent type are High tones and those of the L+H* accent type are Low tones. The height of the syllables other than an accented one is also predictable. Therefore, we can also claim that North Kyungsang Korean is a pitch-accent language with two types of accent: H* and L+H*.

6. Other Considerations about KS Tone Patterns

In this section, we will discuss the typological issue of KS Korean regarding to the comparison of the traditional works and the present study. We argue that KS Korean is a pitch-accent language unlike the assumption of the previous works. Let us recall the previous arguments about this issue. Lee (1997) and Gim (1994, 1998) argue that KS Korean is a tone language. The reasons of the argument are mainly because, first, KS Korean has three distinctive tones as High (H), Mid (M) and Low (L). And second, each tone is assigned on each syllable in a word paradigmatically so the height of the syllables in a word is unpredictable unlike Japanese. Lee (1997) provides the f0 contour outcomes as the evidence of the existence of the M tone in KS Korean as shown in (19). From now on we will argue two main reasons against the traditional assumption that KS Korean is a tone language typologically: First, the existence of M tone and second the unpredictability of non-high toned syllables. First, we discuss the three main reasons why we are against the argument of the M tone existence. First, let us examine the Lee’s (1997) f0 contour data:

(19) The Tone Patterns of South Kyungsang Korean (In the following two pictures, from left to right, the L tone word is [mal] ‘language’, the M tone word is [mal] ‘a measuring unit’ and the H tone word is [mal] ‘horse’ respectively. And both the pictures are a little bit tilted to the upper right side in the process of scanning).

a. F0 Contour of L, M, and H b.F0 Contour with nom. suffix ‘-이’ [i] (M tone)

Actually as we can see in the above two pictures (19a, b), there seems to be no difference in the peak height between the M tone and the H tone in the two pictures. The height difference between M and H tone in (19a) looks smaller than the difference between the initial consonant pitch and the initial vowel pitch that shown in the data result of the current experimental study. Lee (1997) also argues when the words have suffix ‘이’ [i] as shown in (19b) the difference between the M and H tone becomes more distinguishable but there seems to be no clearly enhanced differences between them in (19b). For instance, the height of M

18 tone looks more similar with the height of H tone in M+M and H+M tone pattern even after the suffixation of [i]. That is, the height of M tone (represented as an arrow) in the word (MM) ‘a measuring unit+suffix [i]’ looks same as (or even higher than) the height of H tone (represented as an arrow) in the right most word (HM) ‘a horse +suffix [i]’. Therefore, we can assume that the M tone in the word ‘‘a measuring unit+suffix [i]’ (MM) is simply a High tone. Some KS native speakers may listen to the difference between M and H tone. However, this may happen because the difference of perceptual height of M and H may come from the relationship between the height of the preceding noun and the following suffix. For instance, in the prosodic word ‘a measurement unit (M)+suffix [i] (M)’, the height of the noun ‘a measurement unit’ [mal] and the suffix [i] is same (flat f0 contour) but in the word ‘horse (H)+suffix [i] (M)’, the height of the noun and that of the suffix are different (falling f0 contour). This difference may cause the perceptual differences (most Native KS speakers actually do not distinguish the difference between H and M tone in perception of quotation forms: Choi 1998, Kim 1991, 1994) between the heights of the two nouns with the suffix. However, this does not entail that the heights of the two nouns are actually in the different height category as lexical H and M tone. Therefore, we can argue that there is no M tone in KS Korean and this argument can be supported by the fact that the native speaker of KS Korean actually cannot distinguish the difference between the height of M and H tone in perception. Second reason why we argue against the M tone existence comes from the data that Lee (1997) and Gim (1994, 1998) provides. They showed MH and LM tone words in their data, however, no LH tone pattern words are provided in their disyllabic word data. That is, only LM and MH but no LH tone pattern words are provided in the data. This shows the poverty of three way contrasts in disyllabic tone patterns. Therefore we can think that the M tone in their data is actually one of H or L tone. The possible output tone patterns would be ideally 27 different patterns with H, M and L three tone based analysis in the trisyllabic words (3 x 3 x 3 =27). However, the tone patterns of SKK trisyllabic words are only four in term of two tone, H and L, based analysis. Therefore, it is not easy to believe that the underlyingly specified tone patterns in SKK trisyllabic words may have 27 different types. Third, let us consider the vowel (consonant) effect that we observed in our current data result. As we can see in the current data, it is a segment effect that may affect the perception of the tonal interpretation of a few very sensitive listeners. That is, the words with initial vowel sound mostly higher than the words with initial consonant do in terms of pitch (F0). Therefore, there is a possibility that the vowel initial words may be misjudged as M (or H) comparing to the consonant initial words (L or M). That is, the same LH tone pattern words may be heard as LM tone or MH tone patterns according to the initial segment effect of the words. The very important notation about the tonal perception and categorization is that the word initial segment may affect the perception of the pitch differences. Now we argue against the second reason of the assumption that KS Korean is a tone language typologically, which is the unpredictability of tonal assignment in each syllable in KS Korean words (Lee 1997). Our current data shows that the highest KS pitch is an accent and the height of the other non-accented syllables is somewhat predictable unlike Lee’s (1997) argument. In SKK, the pitch accent is H*+L and the height of syllables following the pitch accent is L and that of syllables preceding the pitch accent is H except

19 for the two initial register tones (L or H). Unlike Lee’s (1997) claim, this shows that only one accent is assigned in only one syllable and the height of the other syllables than accented one is somewhat predictable in KS Korean words. The register tones are lexically specified so they are unpredictable (contrastive). From this aspects, we can think that SKK is similar with the Kyoto (Kansai) Japanese (Western Japanese dialect) in terms of the existence of the initial register tones and the syntagmatic movement of the pitch accent H*+L (see McCawely 1970 for Kansai Japanese cases). And NKK is typologically similar with the Tokyo (Kanto) Japanese (Eastern Japanese dialect) in terms of the pitch accents without the initial register tones. However, NKK is also similar with Swedish in terms of the two different accents and positional contrastive accents.

The prosodic typology of the KS Korean, therefore, can be summarized as in (20):

(20) Prosodic Typology of KS Korean (c.f. de Jong, 2006) With Tone Without Tone Accent-position contrast Swedish English (Lexical contrast) North Kyungsang Korean Tokyo (Eastern) Japanese South Kyungsang Korean, Kyoto (Western) Japanese Accent non-position contrast Cherokee Hungarian (No lexical contrast) Non-accent language Chinese Seoul Korean In table (20), the accent-positional contrast tone languages have accents as H*+L, L+H* or H* as well as initial register tones as H or L. The accent-positional contrast no tone languages have only one tone (H*+L) like Tokyo Japanese or no lexical tone like English. The accent non-positional contrast languages have predictable accent positions, that is, the accents are not lexically specified but fixed: Cherokee has two tones (H and L) and a predictable penultimate H accent as LH, LHL,...etc. and Hungarian has only an initial pitch accent. The non-accent no tone languages have no tonal prominence in word (lexical) level like Seoul Korean.

7. Conclusion

In this paper, we argued the three main points through the experimental data analysis of KS Korean tone patterns. First, the main accent position of KS Korean words that have two high tones in series. Second, the accentual structure and the characteristics of the tone patterns of KS Korean words, and third the typology of the KS Korean tone system. From the analyzed data, we could draw a conclusion that South Kyungsang Korean is a pitch accent language that has two word initial register tones (H and L) and a pitch accent (H*+L). The location of the main accent shows a syntagmatic movement and the height of the other non-accented syllables is somewhat predictable. North Kyungsang Korean is also a pitch accent language. However, unlike the Southern dialect, it does not have register tones but has two different types of accent: L+H* and H*. However, it still shows the syntagmatic movement of the pitch accents in the words and the height of non- accented syllables is also predictable. Finally, we also came to know that the main accent of the KS Korean words having multiple H tones lies on the second H toned syllables.

For future research we would like to examine the segment (vowel or consonant) effects and the height effect of neighboring syllables including affixes in tonal perception of both native and non-native KS Korean speakers. And we also would like to examine whether the M tone really exists in the perception and production domain of native and non-native speakers of KS Korean.

Notes

1. Tokyo Japanese and Kyoto Japanese actually show somewhat different characteristics. We will not discuss this here. Briefly, South Kyungsang Korean is similar to Kyoto (Kansai) Japanese rather than Tokyo Japanese. 2. There are actually variations in this tone pattern in NKK. However we do not discuss this here. 3. Only vowels and sonorants are measured for f0 contour. 4. In all the following graphs, NSK and LSK mean SK native and loanwords, and NNK and LNK mean NK native and loanwords.

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