Applied Research

Emerging Responses to Children Exposed to Domestic Violence

Jeffrey L. Edleson In consultation with Barbara A. Nissley

ublic attention to the effects of children’s exposure “Communities across North to adult domestic violence has increased over the last America are significantly revising Pdecade. This attention focuses on both the impact of the the way they think about exposure on children’s development and on the likelihood that children exposed to domestic exposed children may be at greater risk for becoming either a violence. At local, county and child victim of physical or sexual abuse or an adult perpetrator state levels, communities are of domestic violence. New research, policies, and programs engaged in a variety of policy focused on these children have resulted. These new efforts are and programmatic actions to reviewed in this document and an argument is made that the respond to these children and diversity of children’s experiences requires equally diverse their families... We need to responses from our communities. continue to develop multiple pathways into services and Definitions of Domestic Violence and Exposure multiple responses by social institutions if we are to Jouriles, McDonald, Norwood, and Ezell (2001) suggest that adequately address the needs a number of issues affect how we define exposure to adult of these children and help them domestic violence. First, the types of domestic violence to to grow into emotionally and which children are exposed may be defined narrowly as only physically healthy adults.” physically violent incidents or more broadly as including additional forms of abuse such as verbal and emotional. Second, even within the narrower band of physical violence, there is controversy about whether we should define adult domestic violence as only severe acts of violence such as Applied Research papers synthesize and beatings, a broader group of behaviors such as slaps and shoves interpret current research on violence against and psychological maltreatment, or a pattern of physically women, offering a review of the literature abusive acts (see Osthoff, 2002). Finally, despite documented and implications for policy and practice. differences in the nature of male-to-female and female-to-male domestic violence, should one and not the other be included The Applied Research initiative represents a collaboration between the National Resource in a definition when considering children’s exposure to such Center on Domestic Violence, the National events? Sexual Violence Resource Center, and the Minnesota Center Against Violence and Abuse. Settling on the definition of domestic violence does not settle still other definitional questions that arise. For example, how is exposure itself defined? Is it only direct visual observation VAWnet is a project of the of the incident? Should our definitions also include hearing the National Resource Center on incident, experiencing the events prior to and after the event or Domestic Violence. other aspects of exposure?

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Throughout this paper the phrase “exposure to adult competence and have poorer academic performance. domestic violence” will be used to describe the Kitzmann et al. (2003) also found that exposed multiple experiences of children living in homes children scored similarly on emotional health where an adult is using physically violent behavior measures to children who were physically abused in a pattern of coercion against an intimate partner. or who were both physically abused and exposed to Domestic violence may be committed by same- adult domestic violence. sex partners as well as by women against men. However, the available research on child exposure Another all too likely effect is a child’s own almost exclusively focuses on homes where a man increased use of violence. Social learning theory is committing domestic violence against an adult would suggest that children who are exposed to woman, who is most often the child’s mother. Thus, violence may also learn to use it. Several researchers unless otherwise identified, the studies reviewed have examined this link between exposure to here focus on heterosexual relationships in which the violence and subsequent use of violence. For male is the perpetrator of violence. example, Singer et al. (1998) studied 2,245 children and teenagers and found that recent exposure to The Impact of Exposure on Children violence in the home was significantly associated with a child’s violent behavior in the community. A 2008 national survey of 4,549 children ages Jaffe, Wilson, and Wolfe (1986) have also suggested birth to 17, funded by the U.S. Department of that children’s exposure to adult domestic violence Justice’s Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency may generate attitudes justifying their own use of Prevention (OJJDP) and the Centers for Disease violence. Spaccarelli, Coatsworth, and Bowden’s Control and Prevention (CDC), found that 6.2% (1995) findings support this association by showing of American children were exposed to DV in the that adolescent boys incarcerated for violent crimes past year. The same survey also found that 16.3% who had been exposed to family violence believed of children of all ages were exposed to DV since more than others that “acting aggressively enhances birth. Additionally, of older children - those 14 to 17 one’s reputation or self-image” (p. 173). Believing years of age - over a third (27%) reported they were that aggression would enhance one’s self-image exposed to DV in their lifetime (Finkelhor, Turner, significantly predicted violent offending. Ormrod & Hamby, 2009). A few studies have examined longer-term problems Recent meta-analyses -- statistical analyses that reported retrospectively by adults or indicated synthesize and average effects across studies -- have in archival records. For example, Silvern et al.’s shown that children exposed to domestic violence (1995) study of 550 undergraduate students found exhibit significantly more problems than children that exposure to domestic violence as a child not so exposed (Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt & Kenny, was associated with adult reports of depression, 2003; Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith & Jaffe, trauma-related symptoms, and low self-esteem 2003). We have the most information on behavioral among women and trauma-related symptoms alone and emotional functioning of children exposed to among men. They found that after accounting for domestic violence. Generally, studies using the the effects of being abused as a child, adult reports Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach & of their childhood exposure to domestic violence Edelbrock, 1983) and similar measures have found still accounted for a significant degree of their children exposed to domestic violence, when problems as adults. Exposure to domestic violence compared to non-exposed children, exhibit more also appeared to be independent of the impacts of aggressive and antisocial (often called “externalized” parental alcohol abuse and divorce. In the same vein, behaviors) as well as fearful and inhibited behaviors Henning et al. (1996) found that 123 adult women (“internalized” behaviors), show lower social who had been exposed to domestic violence as a

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children showed greater distress and lower social These findings have led many to conclude that every adjustment when compared to 494 non-exposed child exposed to domestic violence is significantly adult women. These findings remained even after harmed by the experience. Yet, as the section below accounting for the effects of witnessing parental will show, many children appear to survive such verbal conflict, being abused as a child, and varying exposure and show no greater problems than non- degrees of parental caring. exposed children.

Children’s Involvement in Violent Incidents Protective Factors in Children’s Lives

Studies have found that children respond in a variety Most would be convinced by the afore mentioned of ways to violent conflict between their parents. studies that children exposed to adult domestic Children’s involvement in violent situations has violence would all show evidence of greater been shown to vary from their becoming actively problems than non-exposed children. In fact, the involved in the conflict, to distracting themselves and picture is not so clear. There is a growing research their parents, or to distancing themselves by leaving literature on children’s resilience in the face of the room (Garcia O’Hearn, Margolin, & John, traumatic events (see, for example, Garmezy, 1974; 1997; Peled, 1998). Children in homes in which Werner & Smith, 1992; Garmezy & Masten, 1994). violence has occurred were nine times more likely to The surprise in these research findings is that many verbally or physically intervene in parental conflicts children exposed to traumatic events show no than comparison children from homes in which no greater problems than non-exposed peers, leading violence occurred (Adamson & Thompson, 1998). Masten (2001) to label such widespread resilience as Edleson et al. (2003) found that 40 of 111 battered “ordinary magic”. mothers (36%) reported their children frequently or very frequently yelled to stop violent conflicts; 13 The studies of exposed children reviewed earlier (11.7%) of the mothers reported that their children compared groups of children who were either frequently or very frequently called someone for help exposed or not exposed to adult domestic violence. during a violent event; and 12 (10.8%) reported their The results reported were based on group trends children frequently or very frequently physically and may or may not indicate an individual child’s intervened to stop the violence. experience. Graham-Bermann (2001) points out that, consistent with the general trauma literature, More often young children appear to be present many children exposed to domestic violence show during domestic violence incidents than older no greater problems than children not so exposed. children. Examining data on police and victim Several studies support this claim. For example, a reports of domestic assault incidents, Fantuzzo and study of 58 children living in a shelter and recently colleagues (Fantuzzo, et al., 1997) found that in all exposed to domestic violence found great variability five cities studied, children ages 0 to 5 years were in problem symptoms (Hughes & Luke, 1998). Over significantly more likely to be present during single half the children in the study were classified as either and recurring domestic violence incidents. Children’s “doing well” (n=15) or “hanging in there” (n=21). responses to violent events appear to also vary with Children “hanging in there” were found to exhibit age (Cummings, Pellegrini, Notarius, & Cummings, average levels of problems and self-esteem and some 1989). In one early study, even children ages one to mild anxiety symptoms. The remaining children two and a half years responded to angry conflict that in the study did show more severe problems: nine included physical attacks with negative emotions and showed “high behavior problems”, another nine efforts to become actively involved in the conflicts “high general distress” and four were labeled (Cummings, Zahn-Waxler, & Radke-Yarrow, 1981). “depressed kids”. In another study, Grych et al. (2000) found that of 228 shelter resident children

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studied, 71 exhibited no problems, another 41 clearly documented the great variation of violence showed only mild distress symptoms, 47 exhibited across families (see Straus & Gelles, 1990). It is externalized problems, and 70 were classified as likely that every child will be exposed to different multi-problem. levels of violence over time. Even siblings in the same household may be exposed to differing degrees How does one explain these great variations among of violence depending on how much time they spend exposed children? Both of the above studies were at home. Increases in violence exposure may pose based on children living in battered women’s greater risks for children while decreases may lessen shelters. On the one hand, these children may these risks. have been exposed to more severe violence than a community-resident sample of exposed children. On A number of additional factors seem to play a the other hand, shelter-resident children may also role in children’s exposure and interact with each have greater protective social supports available to other creating unique outcomes for different them when studied. There are also likely a number children. For example, many children exposed to of protective assets and risk factors that affect the domestic violence are also exposed to other adverse degree to which each child is influenced by violence experiences. In a study of 17,421 patients within exposures. a large health maintenance organization, Felitti, Anda and their colleagues (Dube, Anda, Felitti, The resilience literature suggests that as assets in Edwards, & Williamson, 2002) found that increasing a child’s environment increase, the problems he or exposure to adult domestic violence in a child’s she experiences may actually decrease (Masten & life was associated with increasing levels of other Reed, 2002). Protective adults, including the child’s “adverse childhood experiences” such as exposure mother, relatives, neighbors and teachers, older to substance abuse, mental illness, incarcerated siblings, and friends may all play protective roles in family members and other forms of abuse or neglect. a child’s life. The child’s larger social environment This finding points to the complexity of exposed may also play a protective role if extended family children’s lives. For example, many exposed children members or members of church, sports or social are also direct victims of child abuse (Appel & clubs with which the child is affiliated act to support Holden, 1998; Edleson, 1999; Hughes, Parkinson, & or aid the child during stressful periods. Harm that Vargo, 1989; McClosky, Figueredo, & Koss, 1995). children experience may also be moderated by Again, in a study of adverse childhood experiences, how a child interprets or copes with the violence Felitti, Anda and their colleagues (Whitfield, Anda, (see Hughes, Graham-Bermann & Gruber, 2001). Dube, & Felitti, 2003) found that among the 8,629 Sternberg et al. (1993) suggest that “perhaps the HMO patients studied, men exposed to physical experience of observing spouse abuse affects abuse, sexual abuse, and adult domestic violence as children by a less direct route than physical abuse, children were 3.8 times more likely than other men with cognitive mechanisms playing a greater role in to have perpetrated domestic violence as adults. shaping the effects of observing violence” (p. 50). Problems associated with exposure have been found Children also experience differing levels of other risk to vary based on the gender and age of a child but factors, as the following section will reveal. not based on his or her race or ethnicity (Carlson, 1991; Hughes, 1988; O’Keefe, 1994; Spaccarelli Risk Factors in Children’s Lives et al., 1994; Stagg, Wills, & Howell, 1989). The longer the period of time since exposure to a violent One risk factor that leads to variation in children’s event also appears to be associated with lessening experiences is the great variation in severity, problems (Wolfe, Zak, Wilson, & Jaffe; 1986). frequency, and chronicity of violence. Research has

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Finally, parenting has also been identified as a key of 80 mothers residing in shelters, and 80 of their factor affecting how a child experiences exposure. children revealed that an abusive male’s relationship More data are available on battered mothers and to a child directly affects the child’s well-being, their caregiving than on perpetrators and theirs. without being mediated by the mother’s level of Unfortunately, at times the over reliance on data mental health (Sullivan et al., 2000). Violence collected from and about battered mothers may lead perpetrated by a biological father or stepfather was to partial or inaccurate conclusions. For example, found to have a greater impact on a child than the it may be that the perpetrator’s behavior is the key violence of nonfather figures, such as partners or ex- to predicting the emotional health of a child. By partners of the mother who played a minimal role in not collecting data about the perpetrators, we may the child’s life. incorrectly conclude it is the mothers’ problems and not the perpetrators’ violent behavior that is creating Public Policy Responses negative outcomes for the children. Laws relating to child exposure to domestic violence Given this imbalance in the research, the available have changed considerably in the last decade. These studies reveal that battered mothers appear to laws focus most often on criminal prosecution of experience significantly greater levels of stress violent assaults, custody and visitation decision- than nonbattered mothers (Holden & Ritchie, making, and the child welfare system’s response 1991; Holden et al., 1998; Levendosky & Graham- (Lemon, 1999; Mathews, 1999; Weithorn, 2001). Bermann, 1998) but this stress does not always translate into diminished parenting. For example, Criminal prosecution of violent assaults Levendosky et al. (2003) found that among the There are several examples of recent legislative 103 battered mothers they studied many were changes in criminal statutes that directly respond “compensating for the violence by becoming more to concerns about the presence of children during effective parents” (p. 275). domestic violence assaults (see Dunford-Jackson, 2004; Weithorn, 2001). In a number of states, laws What little research there is on violent men shows have been changed to permit misdemeanor level that they have a direct impact on the parenting domestic assaults to be raised to a felony level of mothers. For example, Holden et al. (1998) charge. In Oregon, a domestic violence assailant can found that battered mothers, when compared to now be charged with a felony assault if a minor was other mothers, more often altered their parenting present during the assault. “Presence” is defined in practices in the presence of the abusive male. Oregon as in the immediate presence of or witnessed Mothers reported that this change in parenting was by the child. Another example of changes in criminal made to minimize the men’s irritability. A survey prosecution is legislation in at least 18 states that of 95 battered mothers living in the community allows more severe sanctions to be imposed on a (Levendosky, Lynch, & Graham-Bermann, 2000) convicted domestic violence assailant when minors indicated that their abusive partners undermined are present during the attack. Assaults committed the mothers’ authority with their children, making in the presence of a minor are considered as only effective parenting more difficult. In an earlier one factor that may influence the sanctions imposed qualitative study of one child support and education in most of the states. Finally, Utah and at least two group program, Peled and Edleson (1995) found that other states have taken a different approach by fathers often pressured their children not to attend defining the presence of a minor during a domestic counseling when mothers were seeking help for violence assault as cause for a separate misdemeanor their children. Finally, the relationship between the charge. child and the adult perpetrator appears to influence how the child is affected by exposure. A recent study

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On the one hand these new laws are likely to exposed to domestic violence were in place; and (4) increase the attention of the police, prosecutors, and 75% of the prosecutors interviewed said they would courts when children are present during domestic not report or prosecute a mother for failing to protect violence incidents. Greater sanctions are likely to be her children from exposure to her own victimization, imposed when it is perceived that there is more than and the remaining prosecutors said they would only one victim of the adult domestic assault, namely the do so when there were additional factors indicating children. On the other hand there is concern about extreme danger to the child. Whitcomb’s research these changes on a number of levels (Dunford- is clearly a starting point, but a great deal more Jackson, 2004). First, given the increasingly scarce research is needed on these law changes and both resources of police agencies and prosecutors’ offices, their intended and unintended consequences for there is concern that attention will focus primarily battered mothers and their children. on cases where children are present because of the likelihood that this factor will increase convictions Custody and visitation disputes or guilty pleas. One resulting fear is that children Most states now include the “presence of domestic will be brought into court more often to testify in violence” as a criterion that judges may use to such cases. Another fear is that battered women determine custody and visitation arrangements when without children will receive less attention to their disputed. In most jurisdictions, here and in other cases because police and prosecutors will see them Western countries, there has been an assumption as weaker cases. Finally, many argue that if current that both parents have the right and ability to share criminal statutes were enforced more consistently custody and visitation of their children (Eriksson & there would not be a need for these additional laws Hester, 2001). In approximately about two dozen focused on children. Finally, a particular concern states, however, this presumption has been reversed about Utah’s legislation is that it may be used in what are commonly referred to as “rebuttable against battered mothers for “failing to protect” their presumption” statutes. Rebuttable presumption children from an assailant. statutes generally state that when domestic violence is present it is against the best interests of the child There is little research on the impact of these for the documented perpetrator to be awarded criminal statute changes. In one of the few studies custody until his or her safety with the child is of these laws, Whitcomb (2000) surveyed 128 assured. California Family Code is an example of a prosecutors in 93 jurisdictions across the U.S. rebuttable presumption statute. Under § 3044 “there by telephone regarding their work with children is a rebuttable presumption that an award of sole or exposed to violence and the impact of new laws joint physical or legal custody of a child to a person regarding them. She also conducted face-to-face who has perpetrated domestic violence is detrimental interviews in five jurisdictions to shed more light to the best interest of the child.” California’s code on the telephone surveys. She found that: (1) outlines six factors to consider in assessing whether none of the jurisdictions had protocols governing a perpetrator of domestic violence has overcome this the prosecution of domestic violence and child presumption, including no new violence or violations maltreatment in the same families; (2) prosecutors in of existing orders and successful completion of jurisdictions in which laws were in place regarding assigned services such as batterer intervention and children’s exposure to domestic violence were more substance abuse programs. likely to report domestic violence cases to child protection agencies, but no more likely to prosecute One difficulty in applying rebuttable presumption mothers for “failure to protect;” (3) prosecutors were statutes is defining what evidence of domestic seeking enhanced penalties in domestic violence violence will be admitted as part of the custody cases when children were also present, even in and visitation decision-making process. Is it a jurisdictions where no new laws regarding children past or present arrest or restraining order? Should

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it be a prior conviction or guilty plea? In a inappropriately using standardized psychological rebuttable presumption statute passed by the State tests that have not been developed to assess domestic of Wisconsin’s Legislature and signed into law in violence to question the veracity of battered February of 2004, guardians ad litem are given the women’s testimony or her parenting abilities; and responsibility for investigating all accusations of (5) appointing custody evaluators or mediators, domestic violence and reporting their conclusions guardians ad litem, and court appointed special to the judge. The new law instructs judges to make advocates (CASAs) who have little training on issues domestic violence their top priority by stating that of domestic violence to assess families and advise “if the courts find…that a parent has engaged in a the court on custody and visitation arrangements. pattern or serious incident of interspousal battery [as These issues may further disadvantage battered described in statutes], or domestic abuse, the safety mothers who are not represented by an attorney and and well-being of the child and the safety of the in cases where the abuser persistently uses court parent who was the victim of the battery or abuse actions to extend his control or harassment of her. shall be the paramount concerns in determining legal custody and periods of physical placement” Again, as with changes in criminal statutes, there is (Wisconsin Act 130, §25, 767.24(5)). The new law little research on these law changes in the domain of also requires training of all guardians ad litem and custody and visitation. Kernic et al. (2005) studied custody mediators in assessing domestic violence 324 divorcing couples with a documented history and its impact on adult victims and children and lays of domestic violence to 532 divorcing couples with out new procedures for safe mediation. no such history. They found that even if domestic violence is a criterion for deciding on custody and While legislative developments such as rebuttable visitation, it does not seem to change court outcomes. presumption laws appear to be positive, there is little Court records failed to identify documented or no evaluation of their impact on children’s and domestic violence in almost half of the cases, non-abusive parents’ safety. There also are a number and in approximately another quarter allegations of other critical issues that remain mostly unattended were noted but not documented despite available in custody and visitation decisions that involve evidence. Battered mothers were no more likely domestic violence. Part of the problem is that many than others to be awarded custody of their children battered mothers are self-represented in disputed and violent fathers were seldom denied visitation. custody cases. This raises concerns about both safety In another recent study, Morrill et al. (2005) for the adult victims and the degree to which they are reviewed 393 custody and visitation orders involving well represented in court proceedings. domestic violence across six states and surveyed 60 judges. They found that in most jurisdictions Poor representation for adult victims, or even raising when a rebuttable presumption was in place, that the issue of domestic violence in court proceedings, battered mothers more often received custody and may compound in a number of ways with other violent fathers were more often given scheduled and outcomes that can disadvantage her, for example: restricted visitation with their children. This was true (1) the abuser or his legal counsel accusing the except in jurisdictions where “friendly parent” and/ mother of purposefully alienating her children from or presumptions of joint custody were also in place him using empirically questionable concepts such creating a contradictory legal environment. as Parental Alienation Syndrome (Faller, 1998); (2) using “friendly parent” provisions of custody Child welfare regulations statutes to accuse a mother concerned about her and Finally, some states have approached child exposure her children’s safety of being uncooperative; (3) by expanding the definitions of child maltreatment to minimizing the impact of adult domestic violence include children who have been exposed to domestic exposure on children’s safety and well-being; (4) violence. For example, in 1999, the Minnesota State

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Legislature expanded the definition of child neglect large increase of reports threatened to stretch some in the Maltreatment of Minors Reporting Act to counties beyond their capacity to respond. As current include exposure to adult domestic violence as a and former child protection workers explained, there specific type of neglect (Minn. State Ann. §626.556, was a wide range of children that were swept up by see Minnesota Department of Human Services, the legislation, some of whom were very much in 1999; see Edleson, Gassman-Pines, & Hill, 2006). need of child protective services, and others who The change in Minnesota acknowledged what had needed services but not those of child protection. long been believed to be the practice in many child protection agencies across the country - accepting The expanded reporting requirements also raised certain reports of children’s exposure to adult concerns among advocates for battered women domestic violence as child neglect. who feared that as a result of the new definition child protective services would utilize methods that This change in Minnesota’s definition of child would blame more mothers for their male partners’ neglect to include children exposed to domestic violent behavior toward her by finding her case as violence meant that the state was suddenly substantiated for “failure to protect” (see Magen, mandating that a range of professionals report 1999). This very issue was the focus of a recent every child they suspected had witnessed adult class action lawsuit against the City of New York’s domestic violence. A survey of 52 Minnesota child protection agency. The court found that the counties estimated that the language change would City had unconstitutionally removed children from generate 9,101 new domestic violence exposure the custody of their non-abusive battered mothers reports to be screened by child protection agencies after substantiating mothers for engaging in domestic each year (Minnesota Association of County Social violence. Engaging in domestic violence often Service Administrators, 2000), a greater than 50% simply meant being a victim at the hands of an adult increase over current levels. While exact figures male perpetrator (Nicholson v. Williams). are not available, the change in definition resulted in rapidly rising child maltreatment reports across Minnesota’s story really had two endings, both of Minnesota. This relatively simple change resulted which were frustrating and raise questions about in dramatically increasing workloads in most an appropriate response to these families. In the Minnesota county child protection agencies. Though first ending, the community responded to the legislators thought the language change would expanded definition of neglect by reporting many merely clarify existing practices, many county thousands of newly identified Minnesota children agencies suddenly faced huge numbers of newly exposed to domestic violence. Unfortunately, the defined neglected children being reported to them. capacity of child protective services to respond was greatly strained, resulting in more identification The increase in child maltreatment reports created and screening but probably fewer services to those significant problems for many county agencies. most in need. In the second ending, almost all There were two parts to this change that raised Minnesota counties decided to drop the requirement particular concerns among county social service for reporting exposed children to child protective administrators. First, current Minnesota law required services after the Legislature repealed the change. an immediate response to all child maltreatment The sad outcome of this result is that many reports. Second, there was no specific funding thousands of children who were earlier identified appropriated to implement this change. Social were no longer visible in the systems and also not service administrators argued that the change likely to receive needed services (see Edleson, represented an “unfunded mandate” by the Gassman-Pines, & Hill, 2006, for a more completed Legislature. Child protection workers already felt discussion of Minnesota’s experience). their agencies were inadequately supported and the

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Many communities around the country have of direct attacks on them. Given the limited resources attempted to change the way they respond to of most public child welfare agencies, families and battered women and their children as a reaction to their children who show minimum evidence of harm experiences similar to those outlined throughout resulting from such exposure and who have other this section. Below, some of the more noteworthy protective factors present in their lives may benefit responses are reviewed. more from voluntary services in the non-profit sector.

Implications for Practice Responses Many of these children will enter our child protection systems because they are abused children The implications of these research findings and some and in disproportionate numbers based on race and of the states’ experiences with legislation suggest class. Child protection systems must re-examine several key points: their responses to families in which both children and adults are being abused. Every effort must be made to keep children with their non-abusing • Children’s social environments and caregivers, provide safety resources for both adult experiences vary greatly; and child victims in a family, and develop new methods for intervening with men who both batter •The impact of exposure also varies greatly, their adult partners and the children in their homes. even within the same families; Federal and privately funded efforts are underway to test new ways of collaborative work between child • Children have a variety of protective and protection systems, the courts, and domestic violence risk factors present in their lives; and organizations (see http://www.thegreenbook.info). Alternative or differential response initiatives within • This varied group of children deserves a child protection systems may, in part, provide an varied response from our communities additional avenue for providing more voluntary services to the lower risk cases (Sawyer & Lohrbach, It is clear from the available research that children 2005). exposed to adult domestic violence are not a monolithic group. The frequency, severity, and Perhaps the greater challenge is to develop voluntary chronicity of violence in their families, their own systems of care for children who are exposed to level of exposure to this violence, children’s own domestic violence but not themselves direct victims ability to cope with stressful situations, and the of physical abuse. These systems of care often multiple protective factors present (e.g. a protective operate outside of child protection agencies and battered mother) as well as the multiple risks present allow communities to rely on more than one type (e.g. substance abuse or mental illness among of response, thereby avoiding overwhelming the caregivers) create a group of children who are as child protection system. Such responses include varied as their numbers. These many factors combine expanded programming within domestic violence in unique ways for each child, likely creating unique organizations, partnerships with community-based impacts as a result of exposure. organizations, and new types of “child witness to violence” projects around the country (see Drotar Child exposure should not be automatically et al., 2003). Many of these programs stress the considered child maltreatment under the law and importance of mothers in their children’s healing and our current responses may not match the needs of encourage mother-child dyadic interventions (see families precisely because there are such varied Groves, Roberts, & Weinreb, 2000; Lieberman, Van impacts among children. Certainly many children Horn, & Ippen, 2005). These systems of care need will be referred to child protection agencies because to be developed as part of the fabric of communities

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from which the women and children come if they are Author of this document: to be sustained and culturally proficient. Jeffrey L. Edleson, Ph.D. Beyond treatment, there is a dire need to begin Director, Minnesota Center Against Violence & efforts that engage community members in taking Abuse part in community wide prevention. Developing Professor, School of Social Work the capacity of formal and informal systems to University of Minnesota understand the social roots of domestic violence, to [email protected] promote batterer accountability, and to better respond to cultural differences are all important benefits that may be derived from community engagement. Consultant: Greater community engagement and system coordination also offer the possibility of overcoming Barbara A. Nissley, M.H.S. institutional barriers that commonly stand in the Children’s Program Specialist way of creating safety for battered mothers and their Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence children. [email protected]

Communities across North America are significantly revising the way they think about children exposed to domestic violence. At local, county and state levels, communities are engaged in a variety of policy and programmatic actions to respond to these children and their families. The recently reauthorized federal Violence Against Women Act of 2005 for the first time addresses the needs of these children. We need to continue to develop multiple pathways into into services and multiple responses by social institutions if we are to adequately address the needs of these children and help them to grow into emotionally and physically healthy adults.

Distribution Rights: This Applied Research paper and In Brief may be reprinted in its entirety or excerpted with proper acknowledgement to the author(s) and VAWnet (www.vawnet.org), but may not be altered or sold for profit. Suggested Citation: Edleson, J. L (2006, October. Updated 2011, July). Emerging Responses to Children Exposed to Domestic Violence. Harrisburg, PA: VAWnet, a project of the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence. Retrieved month/day/year, from: http://www.vawnet.org

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In Brief: Emerging Responses to Children Exposed to Domestic Violence Jeffrey L. Edleson in consultation with Barbara A. Nissley

ublic attention to the effects of children’s exposure to adult domestic violence has increased over the last decade. This attention focuses on both the impact of the exposure on children’s development and on the Plikelihood that exposed children may be at greater risk for becoming either a child victim of physical or sexual abuse or an adult perpetrator of domestic violence. New research, policies, and programs focused on these children have resulted. These new efforts are reviewed in this document and an argument is made that the diversity of children’s experiences requires equally diverse responses from our communities.

“Exposure to adult domestic violence” describes the multiple experiences of children living in homes where an adult is using physically violent behavior in a pattern of coercion against an intimate partner. Several studies on children exposed to adult domestic violence have indicated children’s responses to violence may vary. Many exposed children show more aggressive and antisocial as well as fearful and inhibited behaviors, exhibit lower social competence, and have poorer academic performance (Kitzmann, Gaylord, Holt & Kenny, 2003; Wolfe, Crooks, Lee, McIntyre-Smith & Jaffe, 2003). Children also show similar emotional health to those of physi- cally abused children (Kitzmann et al., 2003). Other children display more resiliency to the negative effects of exposure and have no greater social or emotional problems than those not exposed to domestic violence (Graham-Bermann, 2001). The more social support networks and family members in protective roles available to the child, the more resilient a child may become (Masten & Reed, 2002).

Laws relating to child exposure to adult domestic violence have changed considerably in the last decade. These laws focus most often on criminal prosecution of violent assaults, custody and visitation decision-making, and the child welfare system’s response (Lemon, 1999; Mathews, 1999; Weithorn, 2001).

The implications of research findings and some of the states’ experiences with legislation suggest several key points: • Children’s social environments and experiences vary greatly; • The impact of exposure also varies greatly, even within the same families; • Children have a variety of protective and risk factors present in their lives; and • This varied group of children deserves a varied response from our communities.

Currently, there are only limited options available for children who have been exposed to domestic violence. These options sadly do not reflect adequate responses to the range of experiences exposed children may experi- ence. Perhaps the greatest challenge is to develop voluntary systems of care for children who are exposed but not themselves direct victims of physical abuse. These systems of care often operate outside of child protection agencies and allow communities to rely on more than one type of response, thereby avoiding overwhelming the child protection system.

Communities across North America are significantly revising the way they think about children exposed to adult domestic violence. At local, county and state levels, communities are engaged in a variety of policy and programmatic actions to respond to these children and their families. The recently reauthorized federal Vio- lence Against Women Act of 2005 for the first time addresses the needs of these children. We need to continue to develop multiple pathways into services and multiple responses by social institutions if we are to adequately address the needs of these children and help them to grow into emotionally and physically healthy adults.

The production and dissemination of this publication was supported by Cooperative Agreement Number U1V/CCU324010-02 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

VAWnet is a project of the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence (Updated July 2011)