Managers and Market Capitalism Working Paper
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Economic Resources and Systems
Chapter 2 Economic Resources and Systems Section 2.2 Economic Systems Click here to advance to the next slide. Read to Learn The Main Idea Describe the three basic economic questions Scarcity of economic resources forces every each country must answer to make decisions country to develop an economic system that about using their resources. determines how resources will be used. Each economic system has its advantages and Contrast the way a market economy and a disadvantages. command economy answer the three economic questions. Key Concepts Key Terms Basic Economic Questions the study of how individuals and Different Types of Economies groups of individuals strive to satisfy economics their needs and wants by making choices 1 Key Terms Key Terms the amount of money given or economic the methods societies use to price asked for when goods and services systems distribute resources are bought or sold an economic system in which the amount of goods and services market economic decisions are made in the supply that producers will provide at economy marketplace various prices Key Terms Key Terms the amount or quantity of goods and an economic system in which a command demand services that consumers are willing central authority makes the key economy to buy at various prices economic decisions the point at which the quantity equilibrium mixed an economy that contains both demanded and the quantity supplied price economy private and public enterprises meet Basic Economic Questions Basic Economic Questions There are three basic What should be How should it Who should produced? be produced? share in what is Economic questions. -
Market Design in the Presence of Repugnancy: a Market for Children
Shane Olaleye Market Design in the Presence of Repugnancy: A Market for Children Shane Olaleye Abstract A market-like mechanism for the allocation of children in both the primary market (market for babies) and the secondary market (adoption market) will result in greater social welfare, and hence be more efficient, than the current allocation methods used in practice, even in the face of repugnancy. Since a market for children falls under the realm of repugnant transactions, it is necessary to design a market with enough safeguards to bypass repugnancy while avoiding the excessive regulations that unnecessarily distort the supply and demand pressures of a competitive market. The goal of designing a market for children herein is two-fold: 1) By creating a feasible market for children, a set of generalizable rules and principles can be realized for designing functioning and efficient markets in the face of repugnancy and 2) The presence of a potential, credible and efficient market in the presence of this repugnancy will stimulate debate into the need for such markets in other similar areas, especially in cases creating a tradable market for organs for transplantation, wherein the absence of the transaction is often a death sentence for those who wish to, but are prevented from, participating in the market. Introduction What is a Repugnant Transaction? Why Care About It? Classical economics posits that when the marginal benefit of an action outweighs its marginal cost, a market mechanism can be implemented wherein an appropriate price emerges that balances the marginal benefit and marginal cost of the action through a suitable transaction between counterparties. -
Market Mechanisms and Central Economic Planning
The Thomas JeffersonCenter Foundation Market Mechanisms and Central EconomicPlanning YVfiltonPriedman The C. Warren Nutter Lectures in Political Economy The C Warren Nutter Lectures in Political Economy The G. Warren Nutter Lectures in Political Economy have been insti tuted to honor the memory of the late Professor Nutter, to encourage scholarly interest in the range of topics to which he devoted his career, and to provide his students and associates an additional con tact with each other and with the rising generation of scholars. At the time of his death in January 1979, G. Warren Nutter was director of the Thomas Jefferson Center Foundation, adjunct scholar of the American Enterprise Institute, director of AEI's James Madison Center, a member of advisory groups at both the Hoover Institution and The Citadel, and Paul Goodloe Mcintire Professor of Economics at the University of Virginia. Professor Nutter made notable contributions to price theory, the assessment of monopoly and competition, the study of the Soviet economy, and the economics of defense and foreign policy. He earned his Ph.D. degree at the University of Chicago. In 1957 he joined with James M. Buchanan to establish the Thomas Jefferson Center for Studies in Political Economy at the University of Virginia. In 1967 he established the Thomas Jefferson Center Foundation as a separate entity but with similar objectives of supporting scholarly work and graduate study in political economy and holding confer ences of economists from the United States and both Western and Eastern Europe. He served during the 1960s as director of the Thomas Jefferson Center and chairman of the Department of Economics at the University of Virginia and, from 1969 to 1973, as assistant secre tary of defense for international security affairs. -
Brazilian Economic Development in Historical Perspective
GOVERNMENT, MARKET AND DEVELOPMENT: BRAZILIAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE FABIANO ABRANCHES SILVA DALTO Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Hertfordshire for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The programme of research has been carried out in the Department of Statistics, Economics, Accounting & Management Science, Business School, University of Hertfordshire November 2007 1 2 Abstract In the last 30 years the World has been swept by neoliberal doctrine. Under neoliberal conceptions, freedom of the market mechanism has precedence in the process of development. Neoliberalism has had a major impact on the mindset of policymakers, on government strategies for development and on economic performance. This thesis is about the economic consequences of neoliberalism in Brazil. It approaches the problem from a historical perspective. By examining government economic strategies in Brazil from the 1930s through the 1970s it undermines a central neoliberal argument that government interventions in the economy are either inimical or irrelevant to economic development. While government failures did occur indeed, in the Brazilian case it is shown that the government performed a crucial role in this period in building key institutions that guided market forces towards industrial transformation. Since the mid-1970s, Brazil has been a laboratory for neoliberal economic policymaking. Restrictive macroeconomic policies alongside liberalised markets have been the cornerstones of policymaking. The second line of argument developed here is that neoliberalism has since constrained economic development in Brazil. During this period the country has been through several financial crises and has experienced low economic growth and unprecedented unemployment. Compared with the previous period of government-led development, neoliberal policies and institutions fall far behind in terms of overall economic performance. -
New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: a General Equilibrium Analysis
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Research Department New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian∗ Working Paper 597 Revised May 2001 ABSTRACT There are two striking aspects of the recovery from the Great Depression in the United States: the recovery was very weak and real wages in several sectors rose significantly above trend. These data contrast sharply with neoclassical theory, which predicts a strong recovery with low real wages. We evaluate the contribution of New Deal cartelization policies designed to limit competition and increase labor bargaining power to the persistence of the Depression. We develop a model of the bargaining process between labor and firms that occurred with these policies, and embed that model within a multi-sector dynamic general equilibrium model. We find that New Deal cartelization policies are an important factor in accounting for the post-1933 Depression. We also find that the key depressing element of New Deal policies was not collusion per se, but rather the link between paying high wages and collusion. ∗Both, U.C.L.A. and Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. We thank Andrew Atkeson, Tom Holmes, Narayana Kocherlakota, Tom Sargent, Nancy Stokey, seminar participants, and in particular, Ed Prescott for comments. Ohanian thanks the Sloan Foundation and the National Science Foundation for support. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis or the Federal Reserve System. 1. Introduction There are two striking aspects of the recovery from the Great Depression in the United States. -
86-2 17-37.Pdf
Opinions expressedil'lthe/ nomic Review do not necessarily reflect the vie management of the Federal Reserve BankofSan Francisco, or of the Board of Governors the Feder~1 Reserve System. The FedetaIReserve Bank ofSari Fraricisco's Economic Review is published quarterly by the Bank's Research and Public Information Department under the supervision of John L. Scadding, SeniorVice Presidentand Director of Research. The publication is edited by Gregory 1. Tong, with the assistance of Karen Rusk (editorial) and William Rosenthal (graphics). For free <copies ofthis and otherFederal Reserve. publications, write or phone the Public InfofIllation Department, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702, San Francisco, California 94120. Phone (415) 974-3234. 2 Ramon Moreno· The traditional critique of the "real bills" doctrine argues that the price level may be unstable in a monetary regime without a central bank and a market-determined money supply. Hong Kong's experience sug gests this problem may not arise in a small open economy. In our century, it is generally assumed that mone proposed that the money supply and inflation could tary control exerted by central banks is necessary to successfully be controlled by the market, without prevent excessive money creation and to achieve central bank control ofthe monetary base, as long as price stability. More recently, in the 1970s, this banks limited their credit to "satisfy the needs of assumption is evident in policymakers' concern that trade". financial innovations have eroded monetary con The real bills doctrine was severely criticized on trols. In particular, the proliferation of market the beliefthat it could lead to instability in the price created substitutes for money not directly under the level. -
The Theory of Allocation and Its Implications for Marketing and Industrial Structure
NBER WORKING PAPERS SERIES THE THEORY OF ALLOCATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR MARKETING AND INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE Dennis W. Canton Working Paper No. 3786 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 July 1991 I thank NSF and the program in Law and Economics at the University of Chicago for financial assistance. I also thank K. Crocker, E. Lazear, S. Peltzman, A. Shleifer, G. Stigler, and participants at seminars at the Department of Justice, MIT, NBER, Northwestern, Pennsylvania State, Princeton, University of Chicago and University of Florida. This paper is part of NBER's research programs in Economic Fluctuations and Industrial Organization. Any opinions expressed are those of the author and not those of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER Working Paper #3786 July 1991 THE THEORY OF ALLOCATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR MARKETING AND INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE ABSTRACT This paper identifies a cost of using the price system and from that develops a general theory of allocation. The theory explains why a buyer's stochastic purchasing behavior matters to a seller. This leads to a theory of optimal customer mix much akin to the theory of optimal portfolio composition. It is the ob of a firm's marketing department to put together this optimal customer mix. A dynamic pattern of pricing related to Ramsey pricing emerges as the efficient pricing structure. Price no longer equals marginal cost and is no longer the sole mechanism used to allocate goods. It is optimal for long term relationships to emerge between buyers and sellers and for sellers to use their knowledge about buyers to ration goods during periods when demand is high. -
RATIONING and ALLOCATING RESOURCES Price Rationing
Chapter 4 Demand and Supply Applications Prepared by: Fernando & Yvonn Quijano © 2007 Prentice Hall Business Publishing Principles of Economics 8e by Case and Fair Demand and Supply Applications 4 Chapter Outline The Price System: Rationing and Allocating Resources Price Rationing Constraints on the Market and Alternative Rationing Mechanisms Prices and the Allocation of Resources Price Floors Applications Supply and Demand Analysis: An Oil Import Fee Supply and Demand and Market Efficiency Consumer Surplus Producer Surplus Competitive Markets Maximize the Sum of Producer and Consumer Surplus Potential Causes of Deadweight CHAPTER 4: Demand and Supply and 4: Demand CHAPTER Loss from Under- and Overproduction Looking Ahead © 2007 Prentice Hall Business Publishing Principles of Economics 8e by Case and Fair 2 of 23 THE PRICE SYSTEM: RATIONING AND ALLOCATING RESOURCES price rationing The process by which the market system allocates goods and services to consumers when quantity demanded exceeds quantity supplied. Applications CHAPTER 4: Demand and Supply and 4: Demand CHAPTER © 2007 Prentice Hall Business Publishing Principles of Economics 8e by Case and Fair 3 of 23 THE PRICE SYSTEM: RATIONING AND ALLOCATING RESOURCES PRICE RATIONING Applications CHAPTER 4: Demand and Supply and 4: Demand CHAPTER FIGURE 4.1 The Market for Lobsters © 2007 Prentice Hall Business Publishing Principles of Economics 8e by Case and Fair 4 of 23 THE PRICE SYSTEM: RATIONING AND ALLOCATING RESOURCES When supply is fixed or something for sale is unique, its price is demand determined. Price is what the highest bidder is willing to pay. In 2004, the highest bidder was willing to pay $104.1 million for Picasso’s Boy Applications with a Pipe. -
Friedrich Von Hayek and Mechanism Design
Rev Austrian Econ (2015) 28:247–252 DOI 10.1007/s11138-015-0310-3 Friedrich von Hayek and mechanism design Eric S. Maskin1,2 Published online: 12 April 2015 # Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015 Abstract I argue that Friedrich von Hayek anticipated some major results in the theory of mechanism design. Keywords Hayek . Mechanism design JEL Classification D82 1 Introduction Mechanism design is the engineering part of economic theory. Usually, in economics, we take economic institutions as given and try to predict the economic or social outcomes that these institutions generate. But in mechanism design, we reverse the direction. We begin by identifying the outcomes that we want. Then, we try to figure out whether some mechanism – some institution – can be constructed to deliver those outcomes. If the answer is yes, we then explore the form that such a mechanism might take. Sometimes the solution is a “standard” or “natural” mechanism - - e.g. the “market mechanism.” Sometimes it is novel or artificial. For example, the Vickrey-Clarke- Groves (Vickrey 1961; Clarke 1971; Groves 1973) mechanism can be used for obtaining an efficient allocation of public goods - - which will typically be underprovided in a standard market setting (see Samuelson 1954). Friedrich von Hayek’s work was an important precursor to the modern theory of mechanism design. Indeed, Leonid Hurwicz – the father of the subject – was directly inspired by the Planning Controversy between Hayek and Ludwig von Mises on the A version of this paper was presented at the conference “40 Years after the Nobel,” George Mason University, October 2, 2014. -
Some Skeptical Observations on Real Business Cycle Theory (P
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Modern Business Cycle Analysis: A Guide to the Prescott-Summers Debate (p. 3) Rodolfo E. Manuelli Theory Ahead of Business Cycle Measurement (p. 9) Edward C. Prescott Some Skeptical Observations on Real Business Cycle Theory (p. 23) Lawrence H. Summers Response to a Skeptic (p. 28) Edward C. Prescott Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review Vol. 10, NO. 4 ISSN 0271-5287 This publication primarily presents economic research aimed at improving policymaking by the Federal Reserve System and other governmental authorities. Produced in the Research Department. Edited by Preston J. Miller and Kathleen S. Rolte. Graphic design by Phil Swenson and typesetting by Barb Cahlander and Terri Desormey, Graphic Services Department. Address questions to the Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55480 (telephone 612-340-2341). Articles may be reprinted it the source is credited and the Research Department is provided with copies of reprints. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis or the Federal Reserve System. Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review Fall 1986 Some Skeptical Observations on Real Business Cycle Theory* Lawrence H. Summers Professor of Economics Harvard University and Research Associate National Bureau of Economic Research The increasing ascendancy of real business cycle business cycle theory and to consider its prospects as a theories of various stripes, with their common view that foundation for macroeconomic analysis. Prescott's pa- the economy is best modeled as a floating Walrasian per is brilliant in highlighting the appeal of real business equilibrium, buffeted by productivity shocks, is indica- cycle theories and making clear the assumptions they tive of the depths of the divisions separating academic require. -
Money and Banking in a New Keynesian Model∗
Money and banking in a New Keynesian model∗ Monika Piazzesi Ciaran Rogers Martin Schneider Stanford & NBER Stanford Stanford & NBER March 2019 Abstract This paper studies a New Keynesian model with a banking system. As in the data, the policy instrument of the central bank is held by banks to back inside money and therefore earns a convenience yield. While interest rate policy is less powerful than in the standard model, policy rules that do not respond aggressively to inflation – such as an interest rate peg – do not lead to self-fulfilling fluctuations. Interest rate policy is stronger (and closer to the standard model) when the central bank operates a corridor system as opposed to a floor system. It is weaker when there are more nominal rigidities in banks’ balance sheets and when banks have more market power. ∗Email addresses: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. We thank seminar and conference participants at the Bank of Canada, Kellogg, Lausanne, NYU, Princeton, UC Santa Cruz, the RBNZ Macro-Finance Conference and the NBER SI Impulse and Propagations meeting for helpful comments and suggestions. 1 1 Introduction Models of monetary policy typically assume that the central bank sets the short nominal inter- est rate earned by households. In the presence of nominal rigidities, the central bank then has a powerful lever to affect intertemporal decisions such as savings and investment. In practice, however, central banks target interest rates on short safe bonds that are predominantly held by intermediaries.1 At the same time, the behavior of such interest rates is not well accounted for by asset pricing models that fit expected returns on other assets such as long terms bonds or stocks: this "short rate disconnect" has been attributed to a convenience yield on short safe bonds.2 This paper studies a New Keynesian model with a banking system that is consistent with key facts on holdings and pricing of policy instruments. -
2020 Briefing Paper
2020 International Student Summit Restarting the Global Economy Post COVID-19: A Model G7+5 Summit Background Briefing Paper “The economic impact is and will be severe, but the faster the virus stops, the quicker and stronger the recovery will be.” - Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, International Monetary Fund COVID-19’s Impact on the Global Economy The novel coronavirus which emerged in late 2019 and early 2020 has become one of the largest public health crises in modern human history. The virus, a contagious airborne disease, is known to transmit between humans in close proximity. In order to slow the spread of the virus, public health experts in the United States and across the world have called for the suspension of large gatherings, use of masks or face coverings, and increased physical distancing when appropriate. These public health recommendations have fundamentally altered social and economic relationships for billions around the world. Immediate responses to the coronavirus have varied by country, as public health infrastructure initially struggled to respond to the virus. In some countries with strong, centralized government institutions like China, full community lockdowns were put into place with extreme limitations on movement, commerce, and other areas of public life. In other countries, national and local governments attempted to limit the spread of the virus through a patchwork of recommendations and local ordinances. Although responses varied between countries, the virus, and subsequent public health responses, undoubtedly changed the global economic landscape. In March 2020, as outbreaks in Italy and Spain surged and outbreaks began in the United States, the reality of a global pandemic set in.