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A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE by Ethan Earle Table of Contents
A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE By Ethan Earle Table of Contents Spontaneity and Organization. By the Editors................................................................................1 A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street....................................................2 By Ethan Earle The Beginnings..............................................................................................................................2 Occupy Wall Street Goes Viral.....................................................................................................4 Inside the Occupation..................................................................................................................7 Police Evictions and a Winter of Discontent..............................................................................9 How to Occupy Without an Occupation...................................................................................10 How and Why It Happened........................................................................................................12 The Impact of Occupy.................................................................................................................15 The Future of OWS.....................................................................................................................16 Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, November 2012 Editors: Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114, -
Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion: the End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 5 Issue 2 Article 8 August 2010 Book Review: Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and The Triumph of Spectacle Herb Hirsch Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Hirsch, Herb (2010) "Book Review: Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and The Triumph of Spectacle," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 5: Iss. 2: Article 8. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol5/iss2/8 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Book Review Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and The Triumph of Spectacle. New York: Nation Books, 2009. Pp. 232, cloth, $24.95. Reviewed by Herb Hirsch, Professor of Political Science, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University; Co-Editor, Genocide Studies and Prevention At first glance, a book that is a critical analysis of US culture might appear not be relevant to the study and prevention of genocide. This would be a profound mistake. Chris Hedges’ analysis is not only applicable but important. Hedges, author of the National Book Critics Circle–nominated War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning (2002), has given those who consider themselves genocide scholars much to think about and to apply to their concerns. -
IN the MOUNTIES WE TRUST: a Study of Royal Canadian Mounted
IN THE MOUNTIES WE TRUST: A Study of Royal Canadian Mounted Police Accountability by STEPHEN LORENZ WETTLAUFER A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada July, 2011 Copyright © Stephen Lorenz Wettlaufer, 2011 Abstract Police and Canadian citizens often clash during protests sometimes resulting in violent outcomes. Due to the nature of those altercations, there are few other events that require oversight more than the way police clash with protesters and there is a history of such oversight resulting in a number of Federal Parliamentary documents, Parliamentary Committee reports Task Force reports, reports arising from Public Interest Hearings of the Commission for Complaints Against the RCMP, and testimony at various hearings and inquiries which have produced particular argumentative discourses. Argumentative discourses that have a great effect on the construction of a civilian oversight agency of the RCMP is the focus of this thesis. This thesis examines how it is that different discourses, as represented by argumentative themes in these reports, intersect with one another in the process of creating a system of accountability for the RCMP. Through the lens of complaints that arise from protest and police clashes one may conclude that the current system of accountability does not adhere to a practice of protecting the most fundamental rights as prescribed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; nor would the currently proposed legislation contained within Bill C‐38 alter the system in a substantial way to allow for such protections. The power dynamic between the Commissioner of the Force and the Commission for Complaints Against the RCMP favours the police force in the current and proposed system. -
An Analysis of the Works of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt
Journal of Global Media Studies Vol. 23 [ 初 校 ] P . 3 1 Towards Global Multitude and Assembly: An Analysis of the Works of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt Atsushi Shibasaki ※ You say you'll change the Constitution Well, you know We all want to change your head You tell me it's the institution Well, you know You better free your mind instead - John Lennon - Key words: Antonio Negri, Empire, Multitude, Common, Assembly, Global Relations Summary This paper reveals only the very introductory part of an ongoing research on the thought, theory, and phi- losophy of Antonio Negri (1934-). The original script was read at the working lunch seminar held at the In- stitute of Global European Studies (Europainstitut), University of Basel, on 24 April 2018. Before the publi- cation, slight and minimum revisions and corrections were done. In addition, because of its nature as being originally a manuscript for a lecture, all slides are attached in order to help the readers to understand the argu- ment. The author has long been tackling with this research project from the perspectives of theory and philoso- phy of international relations, or rather international cultural relations, since the publication of the book Empire (2000), co-authored by Negri and Michael Hardt (1960-). Until now, two papers had been published by the author, respectively in 2006, and 2011. The former mainly dealt with Empire and Multitude (2005), and the latter measured the development of their argument from Empire, Multitude to Commonwealth (2009). Since the author’s publications, they published new books and many articles. -
Arch : Northwestern University Institutional Repository
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY Myth and the Modern Problem: Mythic Thinking in Twentieth-Century Britain A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Field of History By Matthew Kane Sterenberg EVANSTON, ILLINOIS December 2007 2 © Copyright by Matthew Kane Sterenberg 2007 All Rights Reserved 3 ABSTRACT Myth and the Modern Problem: Mythic Thinking in Twentieth-Century Britain Matthew Sterenberg This dissertation, “Myth and the Modern Problem: Mythic Thinking in Twentieth- Century Britain,” argues that a widespread phenomenon best described as “mythic thinking” emerged in the early twentieth century as way for a variety of thinkers and key cultural groups to frame and articulate their anxieties about, and their responses to, modernity. As such, can be understood in part as a response to what W.H. Auden described as “the modern problem”: a vacuum of meaning caused by the absence of inherited presuppositions and metanarratives that imposed coherence on the flow of experience. At the same time, the dissertation contends that— paradoxically—mythic thinkers’ response to, and critique of, modernity was itself a modern project insofar as it took place within, and depended upon, fundamental institutions, features, and tenets of modernity. Mythic thinking was defined by the belief that myths—timeless rather than time-bound explanatory narratives dealing with ultimate questions—were indispensable frameworks for interpreting experience, and essential tools for coping with and criticizing modernity. Throughout the period 1900 to 1980, it took the form of works of literature, art, philosophy, and theology designed to show that ancient myths had revelatory power for modern life, and that modernity sometimes required creation of new mythic narratives. -
The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: from the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, Vol
Papel Político ISSN: 0122-4409 [email protected] Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Colombia Herrera-Zgaib, Miguel Ángel The public intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, vol. 14, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 143-164 Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=77720764007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect* El intelectual público en el marxismo crítico: del intelectual orgánico al intelecto general Miguel Ángel Herrera-Zgaib** Recibido: 28/02/09 Aprobado evaluador interno: 31/03/09 Aprobado evaluador externo: 24/03/09 Abstract Resumen The key issue of this essay is to look at Antonio El asunto clave de este artículo es examinar los Gramsci’s writings as centered on the theme escritos de Antonio Gramsci como centrados en of public intellectual within the Communist el tema del intelectual público, de acuerdo con la experience in the years 1920s and 1930s. The experiencia comunista de los años 20 y 30 del si- essay also deals with the present significance of glo XX. El artículo también trata la significación what Gramsci said about the organic intellectual presente de aquello que Gramsci dijo acerca del regarding the existence of the general intellect intelectual orgánico, considerando la existencia in the current capitalist relations of production del intelecto general en las presentes relaciones de and reproduction of society. -
Anarchy in the PA? Anti-Essentialism, Anti-Statism, and the Future of Public Administration
CONFERENCE DRAFT This paper is not intended for general circulation and may not be cited without the permission of the author. Anarchy in the PA? Anti-Essentialism, Anti-Statism, and the Future of Public Administration Thomas J. Catlaw Assistant Professor School of Public Affairs Arizona State University 411 North Central Avenue Mail Code 3720, Suite 450 Phoenix, AZ 85004 Email: [email protected] Phone (602) 496-0459 Paper prepared for presentation at the “Public Administration and Anti-Essentialism” Conference, Florida Atlantic University, Fort Lauderdale, FL—March 2-3, 2007 Introduction Authority has been an ongoing focus of scholarly and intellectual investigation for nearly entirety of modern social science. In sociology, this concern can be tracked from Weber’s famous typologies and Durkheim’s exposition of anomie, a state induced by the decline of regulative authority relations, through the 1960’s “twilight of authority” (Nisbet, 1975) and the contemporary declaration of a “post-traditional” order (Giddens, 1994). Authority has also received enormous consideration in political science and political philosophy (Agamben, 2005; Arendt, 1958; Benne, 1943; DeGeorge, 1985; Engles, 1978; Flathman, 1980; Friedrich, 1972; Laski, 2000/1919; Lowi, 1970; McKercher, 1989), anthropology (W. B. Miller, 1955; Turner, 1969), organizational sociology (Blau, 1968; Dalton, Barnes, & Zaleznik, 1973/1968; Meyer, 1972), psychology (Kelman & Hamilton, 1989), and a wide range of provocative interdisciplinary legal, political, and psychological perspectives (Diggins & Kann, 1981; Friedrich, 1958; Horkheimer, 1972; Lincoln, 1994; Pennock & Chapman, 1987; Sennett, 1980). The literature on the topic is internally contradictory and voluminous—not withstanding the fact that consideration of authority readily expands into equally nebulous and complex concepts such as power, legitimacy, the state, and the nature of social order itself with no obvious analytic or historical limit. -
Reflections on Hardt and Negri and John Holloway. A
Page 1 of 28 Occupy: ‘struggles for the common’ or an ‘anti-politics of dignity’? Reflections on Hardt and Negri and John Holloway. Abstract This article provides a critical examination of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s and John Holloway’s theory of revolutionary subjectivity, and does so by applying their theories to the Occupy movement of 2011. Its central argument is that one should avoid collapsing ‘autonomist’ and ‘open’ Marxism, for whilst both approaches share Tronti’s (1979) insistence on the constituent role of class struggle, and also share an emphasis on a prefigurative politics which engages a non-hierarchical and highly participatory politics, there nevertheless remain some significant differences between their approaches. Ultimately, when applied to Occupy Movement whilst their theory isn’t entirely unproblematic, I will argue that Hardt and Negri’s ‘autonomist’ approach offers the stronger interpretation, due mainly to their revised historical materialism. Introduction Some years ago, writing in this journal Martin Spence (2010) argued that, because of its specific Italian heritage, the body of thought labelled ‘autonomism’ had become ‘misleading. The reason for this lay in the diversity of its authors, ranging from Mario Tronti and Antonio Negri, to Harry Cleaver and John Holloway. We might add here the inclusion of others, such as Werner Bonefeld and Simon Clarke, and Massimo De Angelis and Nick Dyer-Witheford. For his own purposes, Spence (2010) replaced the category of ‘autonomism’ with that of ‘open Marxism’, arguing its usefulness as an ‘appropriate tag for the field as a whole’ (Spence 2010, p.99). In some ways this was an unusual move. -
Reclaim the Streets, the Protestival and the Creative Transformation of the City
Finisterra, XLVii, 94, 2012, pp. 103-118103 RECLAIM THE STREETS, THE PROTESTIVAL aND THE CREaTiVE TRaNSFoRMaTioN oF THE CiTY anDré carMo1 abstract – the main goal of this article is to reflect upon the relationship between creativity and urban transformation. it stems from the assumption that creativity has a para- doxical nature as it is simultaneously used for the production of the neoliberal city and by those seeking to challenge it and build alternative urban realities. first, we put forth a criti- cal review of the creative city narrative, focused on richard florida’s work, as it progres- sively became fundamental for the neoliberal city. afterwards, and contrasting with that dominant narrative, we describe a trajectory of Reclaim the Streets that provides the basis for our discussion of the protestival (protest + carnival) as its main creative force of urban transformation. Keywords: Creativity, urban transformation, Reclaim the Streets, protestival. Resumo – reclaiM the streets, o protestival e a transForMação criativa Da ciDaDe. O principal objetivo deste artigo é refletir sobre a relação existente entre criativi- dade e transformação urbana. Parte-se do princípio de que a criatividade tem uma natureza paradoxal, na medida em que é simultaneamente usada para a produção da cidade neolibe- ral, mas também por aqueles que procuram desafiá-la e construir realidades urbanas alter- nativas. Primeiro, fazemos uma revisão crítica da narrativa da cidade criativa, focada no trabalho de richard florida, por esta se ter progressivamente tornado fundamental para a cidade neoliberal. Depois, e contrastando com essa narrativa dominante, descrevemos uma trajetória do Reclaim the Streets que providencia a base para a nossa discussão do protesti- val (protesto + carnaval) como a sua principal força criativa de transformação urbana. -
Submission and Executive Summary Submission Submission
SUBMISSION AND EXECUTIVE SUMMARY SUBMISSION SUBMISSION SUBMISSION OF THE ANNUAL REPORT TO THE EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY To the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma; I have the honour of presenting the 2002/03 Annual Report of the Department of Foreign Affairs. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA SUBMISSION SUBMISSION Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY BY THE ACTING DIRECTOR-GENERAL OUR DEPARTMENT, IN COLLABORATION WITH OUR SISTER DEPARTMENTS in African region, remained the core focus of our foreign policy. the International Relations, Peace and Security Cluster, has over To give practical expression to our foreign policy objectives the the past year worked extensively in many very important areas priority areas for the Department’s work included: in pursuit of our foreign policy goals. At the same time we have • African Renaissance had to adjust our focus to a global environment that has been – Launch and operationalise the African Union (AU); fundamentally changed by the seminal events of 11 September – Restructure the Southern African Development Community 2001 and the war against Iraq. (SADC) and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU); During the period 2002/03, our foreign policy programmes – Implement the New Partnership for Africa’s Development were aimed at supporting the rapid delivery of basic needs to our (NEPAD); people; developing human resources; building the economy and • Peace, stability and security; and creating jobs; combating crime and corruption; transforming the • Economic development and co-operation. -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, Could Help Build a Stronger, Fairer and Cleaner Global Economic Growth
THE G8 L’AQUILA SUMMIT TUAC EVALUATION July 2009 Summit Overview 1. The G8 L’Aquila Summit took place amidst fears of an escalating global jobs crisis, despite reports of economic ‘green shoots’. Whilst the figures released by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on the eve of the Summit forecast a weak recovery in 2010, they also signal that “unemployment rates will reach double digits in some countries, holding back wages and household spending and presenting significant policy challenges”1. Earlier forecasts published by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) predicted increases in unemployment of up to 59 million worldwide by the end of 20092. 2. The G8 sessions at the Summit were followed by meetings of the G13/G14, as well as a session of the Major Economies Forum (MEF) on climate change. Over 40 countries3 and international organisations4 took part in the Summit, including the Director-General of the ILO. The Summit issued a 40-page economic statement, ‘Responsible Leadership for a Sustainable Future’ made up of the following sections: Economic and financial crisis: the way to recovery (§7-59); Sustainable use of natural resources; climate change, clean energy and technology (§60-93); and development and Africa (§94-134). Statements on water and food and agricultural security were also issued, together with a joint declaration by the G13 on “Promoting the Global Agenda” and by the MEF on Climate Change. 3. A union delegation comprising the three Italian trade union confederations and TUAC (also representing the ITUC) attended the Summit and met with the Brazilian President Mr Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the ILO Director-General, Mr Juan Somavía, on the margins of the meeting.