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An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti
Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti DISSERTATION ZUR ERLANGUNG DER GRADES DES DOKTORS DER PHILOSOPHIE DER UNIVERSTÄT HAMBURG VORGELEGT VON YASIN MOHAMMED YASIN from Assab, Ethiopia HAMBURG 2010 ii Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti by Yasin Mohammed Yasin Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree PHILOSOPHIAE DOCTOR (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULITY OF BUSINESS, ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES at the UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG Supervisors Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff HAMBURG 15 December 2010 iii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral fathers Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit and Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff for their critical comments and kindly encouragement that made it possible for me to complete this PhD project. Particularly, Prof. Jakobeit’s invaluable assistance whenever I needed and his academic follow-up enabled me to carry out the work successfully. I therefore ask Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit to accept my sincere thanks. I am also grateful to Prof. Dr. Klaus Mummenhoff and the association, Verein zur Förderung äthiopischer Schüler und Studenten e. V., Osnabruck , for the enthusiastic morale and financial support offered to me in my stay in Hamburg as well as during routine travels between Addis and Hamburg. I also owe much to Dr. Wolbert Smidt for his friendly and academic guidance throughout the research and writing of this dissertation. Special thanks are reserved to the Department of Social Sciences at the University of Hamburg and the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) that provided me comfortable environment during my research work in Hamburg. -
Classical Islamic Political Thought: Study of Sunni Perspectives
ISLAH: Journal of Islamic Literature and History Vol. 1, No. 2, December 2020: p. 137-153 DOI: 10.18326/islah.v1i2.137-153 ISSN : 2723-407X Website: https://e-journal.iainsalatiga.ac.id/index.php/islah Classical Islamic Political Thought: Study of Sunni Perspectives Suyadi Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Waliwongo [email protected] Ahmad Fikri Sabiq Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Salatiga [email protected] Submission Track: Received: 27-08-2020 Final Revision: 20-01-2021 Available Online: 20-01-2021 Abstract The purpose of this study is to determine the Islamic political thought in classical Islam in the perspective of the Sunni sect. This research is a qualitative research which is library research. Data collection method is library data that has been selected, searched, presented and analyzed. This study uses data analysis techniques in the form of content analysis. Content analysis is a scientific analysis of the message content of a data. One of the characteristics of the classical era Islamic political thought is that it does not question the position of religion and state, whether integrated or separate. The debates that occurred in the classical era on the establishment of a state, the election of a head of state, and the conditions that a head of state must-have. Besides, political thought that develops also tends to be a response to the prevailing socio-political conditions. The emergence of Sunni ideology is a form of anxiety over the viewpoints developed by groups that tend to discredit the position of the Prophet's companions who are considered by some on the opposite side to have committed treason or treason. -
The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia
The Security Bazaar The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia Many intractable civil wars take place in countries with large Muslim populations.1 In these pro- tracted conºicts, Islamists are often just one of many actors ªghting in a com- plex landscape of ethnic, tribal, and political violence. Yet, certain Islamist groups compete exceptionally well in these conºicts. Why do Islamists some- times gain power out of civil war stalemates? Although much of the existing research points to either ethnic or religious motivations, I argue that there are also hard economic reasons behind the rise of Islamist power.2 In this article, I offer a micro-political economy model of Islamist success in civil war that highlights the role of an important, but often-overlooked, class: the local busi- ness community. The convergence of business and Islamist interests is relevant across a wide range of cases of contemporary civil war. In present-day Syria and Iraq, jihadi groups have built strong ties to smuggling and criminal networks to fund their Aisha Ahmad is Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto and a former fellow of the International Se- curity Program at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. The author is especially grateful to outstanding colleagues in Kenya and Somalia, including Jabril Abdulle, Sahal Abdulle, Dr. Ibrahim Farah, Dr. Yahya Amir Ibrahim, and Dr. Deqo Mohamed. The author also thanks Theodore McLauchlan, Stephen Saideman, Stuart Soroka, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts, as well seminar and workshop participants at the Belfer Center and McGill University who provided helpful feedback. -
Hujjat Allah Al-Balighah: the Uniqueness of Shah Wali Allah Al-Dihlawi's Work
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 6 No 5 S1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy September 2015 Hujjat Allah Al-Balighah: The Uniqueness of Shah Wali Allah Al-Dihlawi’s Work Fadlan Mohd Othman1 Lutpi Mustafa1 Mohd Arif Nazri1 Ahamad Asmadi Sakat1 Abur Hamdi Usman2 Mohd Akil Muhamed Ali1 Muhamad Rozaimi Ramle3 1 Faculty of Islamic Studies, The National University of Malaysia, Malaysia 2 International Islamic University College Selangor (KUIS), Malaysia; Corresponding Author Email: [email protected] 3 Faculty of Human Sciences, Sultan Idris Education University, Malaysia Doi:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n5s1p403 Abstract This study reviews on the uniqueness of the book Hujjat Allah al-Baligha by al-Dihlawi that emphasizes two important aspects, in terms of thought and debate on the topics presented by him. The study found al-Dihlawi’s thoughts in this book reflect his idealism as an Islamic scholar. He expressed impressive thoughts with the Qur’an as a fundamental ingredient and Sunna as a commentator to the Qur’an. While the reflection may generate useful perspective from the point of significance or preference according to the prevailing realities. Due to dissension between the Islamic parties during that time was considered chronically. This anxiety inspired a number of ideas to him to rebuild civilization of life in the name of Islam without mingling with the seeds of superstition and believing in mythical. Keywords: Hujjat Allah al-Balighah, al-Dihlawi, Sufism, Juriprudence 1. Preliminary Shah Wali Allah al-Dihlawi (d. 1762) is not only an extremely impressive thinker, but also, when he is not being Indian, a thoroughly Islamic one. -
Legalised Pedigrees: Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan
Legalised Pedigrees: Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan SIMON WOLFGANG FUCHS Abstract This article draws on a wide range of Shiʽi periodicals and monographs from the s until the pre- sent day to investigate debates on the status of Sayyids in Pakistan. I argue that the discussion by reform- ist and traditionalist Shiʽi scholars (ʽulama) and popular preachers has remained remarkably stable over this time period. Both ‘camps’ have avoided talking about any theological or miracle-working role of the Prophet’s kin. This phenomenon is remarkable, given the fact that Sayyids share their pedigree with the Shiʽi Imams, who are credited with superhuman qualities. Instead, Shiʽi reformists and traditionalists have discussed Sayyids predominantly as a specific legal category. They are merely entitled to a distinct treatment as far as their claims to charity, patterns of marriage, and deference in daily life is concerned. I hold that this reductionist and largely legalising reading of Sayyids has to do with the intense competition over religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan. For both traditionalist and reformist Shiʽi authors, ʽulama, and preachers, there was no room to acknowledge Sayyids as potential further competitors in their efforts to convince the Shiʽi public about the proper ‘orthodoxy’ of their specific views. Keywords: status of Sayyids; religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan; ahl al-bait; Shiʻi Islam Bashir Husain Najafi is an oddity. Today’s most prominent Pakistani Shiʽi scholar is counted among Najaf’s four leading Grand Ayatollahs.1 Yet, when he left Pakistan for Iraq in in order to pursue higher religious education, the deck was heavily stacked against him. -
Who Is Jabhat Al-Islah? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Who Is Jabhat al-Islah? by Aaron Y. Zelin Jul 18, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Aaron Y. Zelin Aaron Y. Zelin is the Richard Borow Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy where his research focuses on Sunni Arab jihadi groups in North Africa and Syria as well as the trend of foreign fighting and online jihadism. Articles & Testimony he legalization and participation of Salafi parties in the democratic process is one of the recent trends to T emerge from the Arab uprisings. Like Egypt, which legalized three Salafi parties for its elections, and Yemen, which recently legalized its own Salafi party, Tunisia licensed the Tunisian Islamic Reform Front (Hizb Jabhat al- Islah al-Islamiyya al-Tunisiyya; Jabhat al-Islah for short, or JI) on March 29, 2012. Previously, the transitional government led by former Prime Minister Beji Caid el-Sebsi rejected JI’s demands for official recognition on two separate occasions because of national security concerns. In contrast, the current ruling party, Ennahda, supports the legalization of Salafi groups both because of its own history in the opposition (where it experienced harsh crackdown) and the practical considerations of governing an ideologically polarized country. Ennahda seems to believe that by bringing groups like JI into the system, it can send a clear signal: if one wants to take part in shaping the future of Tunisia, one must buy into the democratic process. Jabhat al-Islah is clearly attempting to navigate this new terrain and balance Salafi values in simultaneous conformation to new norms. -
Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa. -
CONFLICTS and ISLAH STRATEGY of MUSLIM WOMEN ORGANIZATION Case Study of ‘Aisyiyah in Intra and Inter- Organizational Divergence
Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e) Vol. 58, no. 2 (2020), pp.355-390, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2020.582.355-390 CONFLICTS AND ISLAH STRATEGY OF MUSLIM WOMEN ORGANIZATION Case Study of ‘Aisyiyah in Intra and Inter- Organizational Divergence Siti Syamsiyatun Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University (UIN), Yogyakarta email: [email protected] Abstract Indonesians have witnessed the rise and fall of women organizations, at both micro and macro levels. In 1928, there were at least thirty women’s organizations from various religious and regional backgrounds, and working on various issues, succeeded in holding the first Indonesian Women’s Congress. But a century later there were only three organizations that survived, one of them is ‘Aisyiyah. This current paper aims at exploring factors that contribute to the survival of the organization from a perspective of conflict resolution; it investigates what strategies they use to address intra and inter-organizational conflicts, by employing a qualitative analytical approach by way of case study. The data were collected through interviews and documentation. From studying several cases of organizational conflicts encountered by ‘Aisyiyah at different times it is found that the organization constantly encounters intra and interorganizational conflicts. It applies various strategies to deal with them in accordance to the situation and necessity. What is pivotal is ‘Aisyiyah’s willingness to explore possibilities to find win-win solutions, such as silence, inaction, negotiation, mediation to conflict transformation, to find islah ways. However, when foundational values are at stake, ‘Aisyiyah would not be reluctant to contend and use a strategy of threat. -
Puntland and Somaliland: the Land Legal Framework
Shelter Branch Land and Tenure Section Florian Bruyas Somaliland Puntland State of Somalia The Land Legal Framework Situation Analysis United Nations Human Settlement Programme November 2006 Map of Somalia 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Scope and methodology of the study Chapter 1: Introduction Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland 1.1 Background 1.2 Recent history of Somalia 1.3 Clans 1.4 Somaliland 1.5 Puntland 1.6 Land through History 1.6.1 Under colonial rules 1.6.2 After independence Chapter 2: Identification of needs and problems related to land 2.1 Land conflict 2.2 IDPs and refugees 2.2.1 Land tenure option for IDPs 2.3 Limited capacity 2.3.1 Human resources 2.3.2 Capital city syndrome Chapter 3: The current framework for land administration 3.1 Existing land administration 3.1.1 In Somaliland 3.1.2 In Puntland 3.2 Existing judicial system 3.2.1 In Somaliland 3.2.2 In Puntland 3.3 Land and Tenure 3.2.1 Access to land in both regions 3 Chapter 4: A new legal framework for land administration 4.1 In Somaliland 4.1.1 Laws 4.1.2 Organizations 4.2 In Puntland 4.2.1 Law 4.2.2 Organizations 4.3 Land conflict resolution Chapter 5: Analysis of the registration system in both regions 5.2 Degree of security 5.3 Degree of sophistication 5.4 Cost of registering transactions 5.5 Time required for registering transactions 5.6 Access to the system Chapter 6: Minimum requirements for implementing land administration in other parts of the country Chapter 7: Gender perspective Chapter 8: Land and HIV/AIDS References Annexes --------------------------------------- 4 Acknowledgement I appreciate the assistance of Sandrine Iochem and Tom Osanjo who edited the final draft. -
(I) the SOCIAL STRUCTUBE of Soumn SOMALI TRIB by Virginia I?
(i) THE SOCIAL STRUCTUBE OF SOumN SOMALI TRIB by Virginia I?lling A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of London. October 197]. (ii) SDMMARY The subject is the social structure of a southern Somali community of about six thousand people, the Geledi, in the pre-colonial period; and. the manner in which it has reacted to colonial and other modern influences. Part A deals with the pre-colonial situation. Section 1 deals with the historical background up to the nineteenth century, first giving the general geographic and ethnographic setting, to show what elements went to the making of this community, and then giving the Geledj's own account of their history and movement up to that time. Section 2 deals with the structure of the society during the nineteenth century. Successive chapters deal with the basic units and categories into which this community divided both itself and the others with which it was in contact; with their material culture; with economic life; with slavery, which is shown to have been at the foundation of the social order; with the political and legal structure; and with the conduct of war. The chapter on the examines the politico-religious office of the Sheikh or Sultan as the focal point of the community, and how under successive occupants of this position, the Geledi became the dominant power in this part of Somalia. Part B deals with colonial and post-colonial influences. After an outline of the history of Somalia since 1889, with special reference to Geledi, the changes in society brought about by those events are (iii) described. -
Somalia's Politics: the Usual Business?
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Somalia’s Politics: The Usual Business? A Synthesis Paper of the Conflict Research Programme Nisar Majid, Aditya Sarkar, Claire Elder, Khalif Abdirahman, Sarah Detzner, Jared Miller and Alex de Waal About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS and funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence, or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. © Nisar Majid, Aditya Sarkar, Claire Elder, Khalif Abdirahman, Sarah Detzner, Jared Miller and Alex de Waal 2021. This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. 3 Somalia’s Politics: The Usual Business? Contents 1. Overview 4 2. Introduction 5 3. Emergence and Evolution of the Political Marketplace 8 4. Finance, Flows of Resources and Political Budgets 21 External patronage 23 Logistics and humanitarian contracts/resources 24 Revenue generation – taxation at seaports, airports, checkpoints 26 Business 26 Covid and the marketplace 28 5. Control of Violence 29 The FGS 29 The FMS 31 Al-Shabaab 32 External actors 33 6. (Informal) Norms and Constraints 34 The ‘clan’ system 34 Business, clan and Islam 35 Clan as a regulating structure in peace making 35 Peacemaking and state-building at the Puntland-Galmudug border 36 Justice and security in Kismayo 38 Transnational citizenship and resistance 39 7. -
Outline of Course Schedule and Readings
ISLA 682 ISLAM AND POLITICS IN AFRICA Fall 2012 Khalid Mustafa Medani Mondays, 6:05– 7:55 pm MOR 328 Associate Professor: Khalid M. Medani Department of Political Science, McGill University Email: [email protected] Office Hours: TBA Seminar Description This is an advanced seminar on Islam and Politics in Africa. The discussion begins by critically examining current debates used to study the relationship between globalization, Islamism and politics in Africa and beyond. We will then discuss the history and different analytical approaches used to study Islamic politics in Africa with particular references to the cases of Sudan, Egypt and Somalia. In doing so, we will consider the merits and deficiencies of the cultural, moral economy, political economy and social movement approaches utilized to understand political Islam. The second section examines the trajectory of Islamist movements with emphasis on sub-Saharan Africa with a focus on west Africa. What is the difference between Islamist movements in northern Africa versus their counterparts south of the Sahara? Finally, the seminar focuses on the causes (i.e. economic globalization, and geo-political rivalries) and consequences (i.e. the war on terrorism) of the 9/11 attacks for Islamic countries in Africa. We will conclude with presentations of the students’ research paper drafts. Course Requirements Participation in Discussion: Students will be expected to keep up with assigned readings and to come to the seminar prepared to participate in discussion. Students are expected to lead and participant in discussion based on several assignments designed to encourage a deeper understanding of the relationship between Islam and Politics in Africa.