Green Cities, Growing Cities, Just Cities?: Urban Planning and the

Green cities, growing cities, just cities?: Urban planning and the ... Campbell, Scott American Planning Association. Journal of the American Planning Association; Summer 1996; 62, 3; ProQuest Central pg. 296 Green Cities, Growing Cities, Just Cities? Urban Planning and the Contradictions of Sustainable Development Nothing inherent in the discipline steers planners either toward environ Scott Campbell mental protection or toward eco nomic development-or toward a third goal of planning: social equity. Instead, planners work within the ten n the coming years planners face tough decisions about where they sion generated among these three fun damental aims, which, collectively, I stand on protecting the green city, promoting the economically grow call the "planner's triangle," with sus Iing city, and advocating social justice. Conflicts among these goals are tainable development located at its not superficial ones arising simply from personal preferences. Nor are center. This center cannot be reached they merely conceptual, among the abstract notions of ecological, eco directly, but only approximately and indirectly, through a sustained period nomic, and political logic, nor a temporary problem caused by the un of confronting and resolving the trian timely confluence of environmental awareness and economic recession. gle's conflicts. To do so, planners have Rather, these conflicts go to the historic core of planning, and are a leit to redefine sustainability, since its cur motif in the contemporary battles in both our cities and rural areas, rent formulation romanticizes our sus tainable past and is too vaguely whether over solid waste incinerators or growth controls, the spotted holistic. Planners would benefit both owls or nuclear power. And though sustainable development aspires to from integrating social theory with en offer an alluring, holistic way of evading these conflicts, they cannot be vironmental thinking and from com bining their substantive skills with shaken off so easily. techniques for community conflict res This paper uses a simple triangular model to understand the diver olution, to confront economic and en gent priorities of planning. My argument is that although the differences vironmental injustice. are partly due to misunderstandings arising from the disparate languages of environmental, economic, and political thought, translating across dis Campbell IS an assistant professor of urban planning and policy develop ciplines alone is not enough to eliminate these genuine clashes of interest. ment at Rutgers University, where he The socially constructed view of nature put forward here challenges the teaches graduate courses in planning view of these conflicts as a classic battle of "man versus nature" or its theory, research methods, environ mental economics, and regional current variation, "jobs versus the environment." The triangular model is planning. then used to question whether sustainable development, the current ob ject of planning's fascination, is a useful model to guide planning prac journal of the American Planning tice. I argue that the current concept of sustainability, though a laudable Association, Vol. 62, No.3, Summer 1996. ~American Planning holistic vision, is vulnerable to the same criticism of vague idealism made Association, Chicago, IL. thirty years ago against comprehensive planning. In this case, the idealis- 2961 APA JOURNAL • SUMMER 1996 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. GREEN CITIES, GROWING CITIES, JUST CITIES? tic fascination often builds upon a romanticized view ners' efforts with downtown redevelopment, freeway of pre-industrial, indigenous, sustainable cultures~ planning, public-private partnerships, enterprise inspiring visions, but also of limited modern applica zones, smokestack-chasing and other economic devel bility. Nevertheless, sustainability, if redefined and opment strategies don't easily add up to equity plan incorporated into a broader understanding of political ning. At best, the planner has taken an ambivalent conflicts in industrial society, can become a powerful stance between the goals of economic growth and eco and useful organizing principle for planning. In fact, nomic justice. the idea will be particularly effective if, instead of In short, the planner must reconcile not two, but merely evoking a misty-eyed vision of a peaceful eco at least three conflicting interests: to "grow" the econ topia, it acts as a lightening rod to focus conflicting omy, distribute this growth fairly, and in the process economic, environmental, and social interests. The not degrade the ecosystem. To classify contemporary more it stirs up conflict and sharpens the debate, the battles over environmental racism, pollution more effective the idea of sustainability will be in the producing jobs, growth control, etc., as simply clashes long run. between economic growth and environmental protec The paper concludes by considering the implica tion misses the third issue, of social justice. The "jobs tions of this viewpoint for planning. The triangle versus environment" dichotomy (e.g., the spotted owl shows not only the conflicts, but also the potential versus Pacific Northwest timber jobs) crudely collapses complementarity of interests. The former are unavoid under the "economy" banner the often differing inter able and require planners to act as mediators, but the ests of workers, corporations, community members, latter area is where planners can be especially creative and the national public. The intent of this paper's title in building coalitions between once-separated interest is to focus planning not only for "green cities and groups, such as labor and environmentalists, or com growing cities," but also for "just cities." munity groups and business. To this end, planners In an ideal world, planners would strive to achieve need to combine both their procedural and their sub a balance of all three goals. In practice, however, pro stantive skills and thus become central players in the fessional and fiscal constraints drastically limit the lee battle over growth, the environment, and social way of most planners. Serving the broader public justice. interest by holistically harmonizing growth, preserva tion, and equality remains the ideal; the reality of The Planner's Triangle: Three practice restricts planners to serving the narrower in Priorities, Three Conflicts terests of their clients, that is, authorities and bureau The current environmental enthusiasm among cracies (Marcuse 1976), despite efforts to work outside planners and planning schools might suggest their in those limitations (Hoffman 1989). In the end, plan nate predisposition to protect the natural environ ners usually represent one particular goal~planning ment. Unfortunately, the opposite is more likely to be perhaps for increased property tax revenues, or more true: our historic tendency has been to promote the open space preservation, or better housing for the development of cities at the cost of natural destruc poor~while neglecting the other two. Where each tion: to build cities we have cleared forests, fouled riv planner stands in the triangle depicted in figure 1 de ers and the air, leveled mountains. That is not the fines such professional bias. One may see illustrated complete picture, since planners also have often come in the figure the gap between the call for integrative, to the defense of nature, through the work of conser sustainable development planning (the center of the vationists, park planners, open space preservationists, triangle) and the current fragmentation of profes the Regional Planning Association of America, green sional practice (the edges). This point is developed belt planners, and modern environmental planners. later. Yet along the economic-ecological spectrum, with Robert Moses, and Dave Foreman (of Earth First!) The Points (Corners) of the Triangle: the standing at either pole, the planner has no natural Economy, the Environment, and Equity home, but can slide from one end of the spectrum to The three types of priorities lead to three perspec the other; moreover, the midpoint has no special tives on the city: The economic development planner claims to legitimacy or fairness. sees the city as a location where production, consump Similarly, though planners often see themselves as tion, distribution, and innovation take place. The city the defenders of the poor and of socio-economic is in competition with other cities for markets and for equality, their actions over the profession's history new industries. Space is the economic space of high have often belied that self-image (Harvey 1985). Plan- ways, market areas, and commuter zones. APA JOURNAL • SUMMER 1996 1297 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. SCOTT CAMPBELL the the property / conflict , development "green, conflict profitable and fair" ' (sustainable deuelopment?)' Environmental Protection ---··the resource ...~-- conflict FIGURE 1. The triangle of conflicting goals for planning, and the three associated con flicts. Planners define themselves, implicidy, by where they stand on the triangle. The elu sive ideal of sustainable development leads one to the center. The environmental planner sees the city as a con Triangle Axis 1: The Property Conflict sumer of resources and a producer of wastes. The city The three points on the triangle represent

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