What Is Social Progress and How Should It Be Measured?

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Needs and Wants: What Is Social Progress and How Should It Be Measured?

Lars Osberg

23 THE REVIEW OF ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE AND SOCIAL PROGRESS | 2001 INTRODUCTION development and prosperity are important determinants of “sociological” change and hen the United Nations partly because the resources produced by Development Program published economic growth enable social policy expen- W its Human Development Report ditures. The relationship between economic 2000, its calculation of a Human and social issues is also reciprocal, since the Development Index put Canada in first place process of economic production has social among all the world’s nations. Norway, the implications and social change strongly influ- United States and Australia were close ences economic events. As a consequence of behind, but for some observers the first-place this interdependency, it is in practice very ranking was all that mattered.1 The difficult to draw a clear dividing line Weighted Index of Social Progress (WISP), between “economic” and “non-economic” however, ranked Canada 31st — approxi- issues, but it is clear that, whatever the line, mately on a par with Hong Kong, marginal- economics is only part of life. Since a reason- ly behind the United States and well below able definition of “social” must reflect a all European countries.2 broader conception of events than the pure- By what criteria should one choose ly economic, this article considers economic among indices of “social progress”? issues as a subset of social issues and social If we are to agree on a measure of social progress as referring to the progress of socie- progress we have to agree on the scope of the ty on both social and economic dimensions. adjective “social” and the meaning of What, then, is “progress”? The com- “progress.” It is clear that if we wanted to mon meaning is “advance or development consider only the economic dimensions of toward completion, betterment, etc: improve- well-being, there would be no need to use ment” (Canadian Oxford Dictionary 1998, p. the term “social,” but it is equally clear that 1155). However, “betterment” or “improve- economic and social issues are closely linked. ment” implies some conception of “good” The linkage arises partly because economic outcomes, and a process which approaches Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 24

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those outcomes. The idea of social progress being.” While constructed by a variety of therefore presupposes some conception of authors using an array of methodologies and “the good” and some way of knowing calling themselves a variety of names (“qual- whether society is getting closer, or further ity of life indices,” Human Development away. There are a broad variety of economic Index, Index of Social Health, Index of Social and social outcomes, each of which is experi- Progress, etc.), all social indicators attempt enced to a different degree by millions of to measure aspects of social progress. Hagerty individual citizens. Any summary index of et al. (2001) and Sharpe (1999) have recent- social progress must therefore specify a list of ly surveyed the literature from their own per- social issues and find a way of weighing the spectives. The subsequent section of the essay relative importance of improvement or dete- examines a few of the indices most common- rioration in each potential social and eco- ly cited from the perspective of whether or 24 nomic outcome for all persons — that is, a not they measure the satisfaction of needs method of aggregating outcomes over indi- (i.e., basic human rights) or wants. viduals and across types of outcome. What The essay concludes with a discussion criteria can guide this process? of possible empirical measures of trends in In common usage, people often draw social progress in a country such as Canada. a distinction between needs and wants — and think of progress in terms of first meeting needs and then satisfying wants. This NEEDS essay proposes the same hierarchy. The next section discusses how one might specify such Rights and Needs a distinction. It argues that basic human How can we decide what basic human rights should be thought of as needs, needs are? and that Canadian society has already com- For some people, the issue is straight- mitted itself to a definition of such rights in forward. Those who believe that the Word of signing and ratifying a series of internation- God is directly revealed in an authoritative al covenants such as the UN Universal text will look to that text for guidance. For Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the them, the only important issue in defining International Covenant on Economic, Social and measuring social progress is the correct and Cultural Rights (1966).3 One measure of interpretation of the sacred text. The Taliban social progress in Canada would therefore be regime in Afghanistan and fundamentalist the percentage of Canadians who actually Christians in Canada disagree about which enjoy their basic human rights. text (the Koran or the Bible) should be Human Resources Development regarded as the revealed Word of God, but Canada (1997) notes that, after an extended they concur in their reliance on divine reve- dormant period lasting from the late 1970s lation. Other fundamentalist groups appeal through the early 1990s, “social indicators to other holy books, and all fundamentalist are back in vogue. Social analysts are show- groups must find a method of choosing ing interest once again in identifying and between alternative versions of the sacred text standardizing measurements of human well- and among interpretations of the text in the Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 25

Needs and Wants: What Is Social Progress and How Should It Be Measured?

context of modern life. At least in principle, eters of the life they personally value. “The however, the line of moral authority is clear. presupposition of liberalism (as a philosoph- If this essay were being written a cen- ical doctrine), as represented by Locke, Kant tury ago, its social context would be a Canada and J.S. Mill, is that there are many conflict- in which official pronouncements reflected a ing and incommensurable conceptions of the widespread and largely unquestioned faith in good, each compatible with the full autono- the virtues of Christianity, the British Empire my and rationality of human persons. and a set of social practices somehow associ- Liberalism assumes, as a consequence of this ated4 with both. Religious hegemony and the presupposition, that it is a natural condition British Empire are now gone, and Canada, of a free democratic culture that a plurality like other secular modern societies, has a of conceptions of the good is pursued by its more subtle problem. As a practical matter, citizens... The consequence is that the unity when a number of groups of people believe of society and the allegiance of its citizens to 25 in different sacred texts, peaceful cohabitation their common institutions rest not on their of the same geographic space requires some espousing one rational conception of the level of tolerance of alternative viewpoints. good, but on an agreement as to what is just Tolerance necessarily implies that no partic- for free and equal moral persons with differ- ular sacred text should be granted prece- ent and opposing conceptions of the good” dence. In the Canadian context, as the (Rawls 1982, p. 160).7 pluralism of Canadian society has grown over In this conception, social progress must time, it has become less and less possible to be measured in the “enabling” sense that a justify definitions of the good to which social society progresses when it enables more of its progress corresponds by appeals to biblical citizens to choose the kind of life they per- references or the presumption of a “Judeo- sonally have reason to value. However, if Christian heritage” or the civilizing virtues individuals are to exercise their personal for the Empire of “British values.” However, autonomy in a meaningful way, their choic- the historical evidence is clear that such es must be free and informed. In the work of appeals have been important in the past. Rawls and other moral philosophers (see, for What is to take their place? example, Elster and Roemer 1991), there is Moral philosophers who attempt to a clear distinction between the primary articulate a vision of social progress that does goods, such as equal basic liberties, which are not rely on explicit divine sanction or ethnic preconditions for effective individual auto- traditionalism must start somewhere. For nomous choice, and the objects of those free many,5 the basic starting point has to be the and informed choices. individual — the conception, as Rawls6 puts If some social, legal and economic it, that “each person possesses an inviolabili- outcomes are preconditions for individuals ty founded on justice that even the welfare of to exercise autonomous choice in the satis- society as a whole cannot override” (Rawls faction of their wants, then these “needs” 1971, p. 3). The liberal project in political must be distinguished from, and have pri- thinking starts from the conception that all ority over, “wants.” As well, if actual persons have the right to choose the param- human individuals are both autonomous Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 26

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and social, embodying both a unique indi- unclear in a particular context, a court sys- viduality which has a right to self-expres- tem exists to interpret the law in concrete sit- sion and a social personality that requires uations and to reconcile apparent conflicts in satisfying interpersonal relationships, the the law. concept of “needs” must embrace the pre- In thinking about how to define the requisites of both autonomy and support- basic human rights which are the primary ive relationships. needs of citizens, these institutional mecha- Although liberal, pluralist societies nisms are a great advantage. Social philoso- lack a common ethnic tradition or divine- phers (e.g., Sen 1985, 1999) have attempted ly ordained criteria for judging social to reason from first principles to establish the progress, real-world decisions on public capabilities, freedoms and rights which are policy have to be made. Democratic soci- essential preconditions for the autonomy of 26 eties claim legitimacy for these decisions all citizens. However, their writings ulti- from the institutions which produce them. mately represent the reasoned opinion of the These institutions function at a number of author alone, which may or may not be per- levels in the form of constitutions, treaties, suasive to others.8 It is unclear what percent- legislation, regulations, judicial interpreta- age of the population needs to be convinced tions and administrative decisions, which of the merits of a philosophical argument, or constitute a hierarchy of legal status. Each whether the criterion for acceptance is popu- level is constrained by the level above, but lar or academic opinion. Furthermore, the list all ultimately derive their claim to legiti- of basic needs enumerated is invariably spec- macy from some expression of consent of ified at a high level of abstraction and is often the citizenry, and the presumption that this consciously incomplete (i.e., generally phrased consent is free and informed. and non-exhaustive).9 Constitutionalism in general and con- Philosophical discourse offers no way stitutionally embedded rights in particular to verify the general acceptance of a specific are based on the idea that there should be a list of human rights and has no mechanism hierarchy of decision-making. The whole for finding a balance among conflicting point of constitutions is that, although they objectives or for interpreting general state- are democratically adopted, they are hard to ments in a particular social context. change and their provisions trump ordinary Although, in practice, the political, social legislation. Because the framers of constitu- and economic rights enumerated by different tions and the writers of treaties recognize authors have much in common, the ultimate that they cannot possibly anticipate the arbiter of philosophical consensus is cogency details of all future situations, constitution- of argument (as, for example, in the argu- al provisions and international treaty obliga- ment that literacy and basic education are tions (e.g., under NAFTA) are often written prerequisites for the informed free choice of in general language, as a framework for per- autonomous individuals). missible later legislation and regulation. Despite these difficulties, there is Since the provisions of ordinary legislation much to learn from philosophical debates. In and regulations may also be somewhat particular, in the philosophical literature Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 27

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there is a general recognition of the interde- viduals in isolation makes no sense in phi- pendency of rights. As well, one can often losophy or politics. The concepts of justice, read this literature as embodying an under- ethics and political activity are all inherently lying conception of the “person in society” social. And since a “right” is a socially recog- — Rawls (1982, p. 162), for example, refers nized entitlement, the lists of rights that flow to the “social bases of self respect” as one of from the concepts of justice or ethics are the “primary goods.” However, limitations inherently social as well. are also apparent. Writers in the liberal tra- However, the continued debate over dition tend to start from an emphasis on the these differing conceptions illustrates the fact desirability of ensuring freedom and auton- that academic discourse has no general insti- omy in the choices that individuals have in tutional mechanism for deciding between society, even though interpersonal relation- arguments or for judging the extent to which ships of any depth inevitably involve some the reasoned arguments of particular writers 27 interdependence. As a consequence, some are accepted as valid in the broader popula- feminist scholarship (e.g., England 1993; tion. There is also no basis except “profes- Nelson 1995) places less emphasis on the sional consensus” (which can be hard to find) “separative self” and builds on a conception for resolving apparent or real contradictions of “individuals in relationships,” in which or ambiguities of interpretation. Philosophy people have both unique individualities and cannot, therefore, provide specific guidance social personalities and in which a basic need for the immediate decisions required in day- of individuals is to have satisfying personal to-day life. Since some practical resolution of relationships in a supportive community. immediate issues is needed, it is the role of Because humans are both individual the international and domestic legislative and and social in their natures, these perspectives legal systems to define and arbitrate values. are best seen as complementary, but both are a distinct contrast to some types of econom- Law and Legitimacy ic thinking. In order to motivate discussion The UN High Commissioner for of efficient production, some economics texts Human Rights (UNHCHR) has argued: use the “Robinson Crusoe” metaphor to At the core of United Nations action to explore how a person would behave if he or protect and promote human rights and she were maximizing utility in complete iso- fundamental freedoms is the International lation from other persons. In this story (the Bill of Rights. The Bill consists of three essential aspects of which are taught to both instruments: doctoral and introductory-level economics The Universal Declaration of Human students), individuals derive satisfaction only Rights (1948); from their own personal consumption of The International Covenant on Economic, goods and services. When theorists define Social and Cultural Rights (1966); utility functions in which only a person’s own The International Covenant on Civil and consumption of goods and leisure appear, it Political Rights (1966). is (by construction) irrelevant what others do These three documents define and establish or consume. This economist’s story of indi- human rights and fundamental freedoms. Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 28

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They form the foundation for the more than World Trade Organization or the North 50 additional United Nations human rights American Free Trade Agreement, Canada’s conventions, declarations, sets of rules and obligations under international law are inter- principles. preted by international institutions in which The Covenants are international legal Canada has a voice and to whose jurisdiction instruments. This means that members of the Canada has formally agreed. United Nations, when they become parties to By repeatedly signing and ratifying a Covenant or other conventions by ratifying international obligations to observe specified or acceding to them, accept major obligations human rights, Canada has clearly accepted grounded in law. limitations on the legitimate exercise of States parties voluntarily bind themselves domestic political sovereignty. In the same to bring national legislation, policy and prac- way and by the same process, Canada has 28 tice into line with their existing internation- accepted limitations on domestic legislation al legal obligations. by agreeing to participate in the WTO and By ratifying these and other binding texts, NAFTA. However, enforcement differs. States become accountable to their citizens, In practice, the contravention of trade other States parties to the same instrument protocols will affect the economic self-interest and to the international community at large of corporate and industrial interests. These by solemnly committing themselves to respect groups typically have the wealth and political and ensure the rights and freedoms found in influence to prod their national governments these documents.10 into making use of the trade sanction reme- International law differs from domestic dies built into trade treaties (as, for example, law in that international courts cannot appeal when the United States threatened punitive to an international police force to exercise coer- duties on Canadian steel exports, in retaliation cive power to enforce judgements. However, for Canadian tax regulations which disadvan- as the above quotation makes clear, Canada’s taged US magazines). The rich and the pow- signature on international treaties, and the rat- erful have an interest in ensuring that the ification of those treaties by Parliament, are provisions of trade treaties are actually imple- seen by the international community as mented, and international trade retaliation is a implying more than an empty, rhetorical ges- convincing mechanism for punishing those ture. Specifically, the human rights enumer- states which commit infractions. ated in the international human rights By contrast, human rights violations are documents to which Canada is signatory are typically experienced by people without wealth international legal obligations.11 Furthermore, and power. Although there is an important a system (the office of the UNHCHR) exists sense in which the possibility of being deprived to weigh the validity of individual assertions of human rights such as free speech or shelter of violation of human rights and to interpret diminishes the freedom of everyone (even the any ambiguity in the wording of these docu- affluent conformist), it is only a marginalized ments, or their relevance to a particular real- minority of the population who directly expe- world context. In human rights, as with rience human rights violations on a day-to-day commercial obligations incurred under the basis. Hence, if a government chooses to ignore Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 29

Needs and Wants: What Is Social Progress and How Should It Be Measured?

its human rights obligations, people with eco- of economic, cultural and social rights is nomic or political power are usually not imme- impossible.” In emphasizing that “all human diately affected, and governments typically face rights and fundamental freedoms are indi- little short-run sanction other than the possi- visible and inter-dependent,” the Resolution bility of bad press. of 1977 drew on the conception of effective However, human rights are central to citizenship in a democratic polity, and the national identity, social cohesion and demo- rights which that requires. In voting for that cratic political discourse in a way that trading resolution, and others, Canada agreed that protocols can never be. Citizenship rights human rights are essentially interdependent define important aspects of identity and in their application. mutual obligation in a pluralist society. Those The interdependence of rights arises in ideas of what is “the right thing to do” are also part from the fact that specific rights repre- crucial to voluntary compliance with the law, sent dimensions of a more basic underlying 29 so a common understanding of human rights conception. For example, underlying the can be seen as essential to the rule of law. enumeration in the Universal Declaration of A particularly important aspect of the Human Rights (1948) of such rights as free- idea that we live in a liberal society is the dom of opinion and expression (Article 19), presumption that basic human rights are assembly and association (Article 20), and unconditional and inalienable. The right to participation in government and elections free speech is not, for example, a reward for (Article 21) is the conception that all indi- “good behaviour.” Free speech is not a privi- viduals have the right to participate freely lege available only if individuals say the and responsibly in the political and social “right thing” or if they are morally praise- life of democratic communities. Arguably, worthy on some other dimensions — and Article 26 (which establishes the right to this concept of unconditionality is equally education) is also a prerequisite of the right valid for the economic and social rights of citizens to participate in an informed man- which Canada has repeatedly ratified in inter- ner in a democratic polity. Each one of the national covenants.12 But there is no system enumerated rights is valuable in itself, but of international sanctions to ensure that a each is also part of a larger conception. As nation actually lives up to its human rights well, interdependence of rights stems part- treaty obligations. As a consequence, ly from the practical realities of life. A right although the short-run penalty for human to privacy (Article 12) is in practice empty rights violations for a particular government without a right to housing (Article 25). may be small, the long-run cost to society of Privacy requires control over a definable undermining the bases of political legitima- personal space, which, in a market economy, cy may be very much greater. generally requires the ownership of property or the income with which to rent prop- The Interdependence of Rights erty. As the US courts have noted, “One of UN General Assembly Resolution the main rights attaching to property is the 32/130 states: “The full realization of civil right to exclude others,”13 and the homeless and political rights without the enjoyment have no such property rights. A legal “right Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 30

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CHART 1 right to adequate housing joined the body of Recent Trends in Homelessness in Toronto international, universally applicable and Annual Hostel and Shelter Admissions universally accepted human rights law. Since Total Individuals, 1988-1998 that time this right has been reaffirmed in 30000 a wide range of additional human rights

28000 instruments, each of which is relevant to distinct groups within society. No less than 12 26000 different texts adopted and proclaimed by the United Nations explicitly recognize the right Persons 24000 to adequate housing.... The indivisibility

22000 and interdependence of all human rights find clear expression through the right to housing. 30 20000 As recognized by several human rights bod- 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 ies of the United Nations, the full enjoyment Source: City of Toronto, Community and Neighbourhood Services, Shelter, Housing and Support Division. of such rights as the right to human dignity, http://www.city.toronto.on.ca/homelessness/index.htm the principle of non-discrimination, the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to privacy,” or a constitutional right to pro- to freedom to choose one’s residence, the right tection against unreasonable search and to freedom of association and expression (such seizure, is therefore meaningless unless an as for tenants and other community-based individual also has rights to a definable per- groups), the right to security of person (in the sonal space. If there is an enforceable “right case of forced or arbitrary evictions or other to shelter,”14 individuals may get such a forms of harassment) and the right not to be space from the State, but in its absence they subjected to arbitrary interference with one’s need to purchase ownership or leasehold privacy, family, home or correspondence is rights to a personal space. The homeless do indispensable for the right to adequate hous- not have such a space. ing to be realized, possessed and maintained Homelessness in Canada has been by all groups in society. increasing in recent years (see Chart 1), At the same time, having access to ade- and it is an issue with manifold implica- quate, safe and secure housing substantially tions for human rights. If a person does strengthens the likelihood of people being able not have a home, where do they “live”? to enjoy certain additional rights. Housing Where do they exercise their right to is a foundation from which other legal enti- vote? Article 6 of Canada’s Constitution tlements can be achieved. For example: the Act of 1982 may, for example, say that all adequacy of one’s housing and living condi- Canadians have “the right to move to and tions is closely linked to the degree to which take up residence in any province” — but the right to environmental hygiene and the that right is hollow for the homeless. As right to the highest attainable level of men- the UNHCHR notes: tal and physical health can be enjoyed. The With the adoption of the Universal World Health Organization has asserted Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, the that housing is the single most important Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 31

Needs and Wants: What Is Social Progress and How Should It Be Measured?

environmental factor associated with disease Both constitutions and the internation- conditions and higher mortality and moral treaties which define human rights and bidity rates. commercial obligations are always phrased in This relationship or “permeability” between fairly general terms. Their application depends certain human rights and the right to ade- on the availability and interpretation of more quate housing show clearly how central are detailed specifications. Although there is a the notions of indivisibility and interdepend- process (through the UNHCHR) for the more ence to the full enjoyment of all rights.15 precise definition of basic human rights, and As an empirical matter, homelessness that process has produced some fairly detailed is the extreme end of a continuum. As specifications, there is always some level of Rossi (1991, p. 9) puts it, “literal home- judgement necessary in applying those crite- lessness is a condition of extreme depriva- ria to a concrete situation. tion; but it is only a step away from being To take the example of housing, the 31 precariously housed — having a tenuous UNHCHR has specified that the right to hold on housing of the lowest quality. Like housing entails: “1. Legal security of tenure the literally homeless, those with precari- 2. Availability of services, materials and infra- ous homes are extremely poor. ...extreme structure 3. Affordable housing 4. Habitable poverty is at the root of both literal home- housing 5. Accessible housing 6. Location 7. lessness and being precariously housed. Culturally adequate housing.” Each aspect has Although there is clearly a line between been specified further — for example, afford- those with homes and the literally home- ability has been defined as implying that “per- less, that line is easily crossed. A life of sonal or household costs associated with extreme poverty is one of extreme vulnera- housing should be at such a level that the bility.” That vulnerability is addressed in attainment and satisfaction of other basic Article 11 of the International Covenant on needs are not threatened or compromised. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: “The Housing subsidies should be available for States Parties to the present Covenant rec- those unable to obtain affordable housing, and ognize the right of everyone to an adequate tenants should be protected from unreasonable standard of living for himself and his fam- rent levels or rent increases.” ily, including adequate food, clothing and Although human rights covenants offer, housing, and to the continuous improve- in principle, a guide for the construction of ment of living conditions.”16 indices of social progress, there are important empirical problems in measuring the extent Measurement Difficulties of their implementation. The interdependence If social progress consists, first of all, in and multidimensionality of basic human an increase in the number of citizens who rights make it difficult to argue for a simple actually enjoy all their basic human rights, “box score” of the number of rights actually how can one tell objectively when social enjoyed by a specific person. Although on any progress occurs? How can one tell if a basic given issue there is a court-like process in human right is not fully available to the cit- Geneva which can attempt to ascertain izens of a country? whether the specific situation of a particular Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 32

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individual represents an infringement of a spe- the capability of ‘taking part the life of the cific right, that process is far too expensive and community’ ” (p. 115). too difficult to replicate for general statistical To again use the example of the right to purposes. If time trends for the population as housing, although the UNHCHR specifies a whole are to be discerned, some statistical that this entails “sustainable access to clean rules of thumb must be agreed. drinking water, energy for cooking, heating To measure, for example, whether a and lighting, sanitation and washing facili- “right to housing” is in practice being hon- ties,” that definition is sufficiently broad to oured, statisticians need empirical criteria. encompass the reality of sub-Saharan Africa In almost all instances, one can think of the and Canada. In the context of Tanzania or fulfilment of a “right” as multidimension- Nigeria, “adequacy” does not generally require al. On some dimensions of adequacy one a source of heat and might well be considered 32 may observe discrete changes (e.g., the pres- satisfied with outdoor plumbing and commu- ence or absence of indoor plumbing or run- nal water taps. In all parts of Canada, people ning water), but on others (e.g., floor area without heat will freeze in winter and indoor per household member) continuous varia- plumbing and running water would be con- tion is possible. The Canada Mortgage and sidered minimal (indeed, in present-day Housing Corporation determines the per- Canada, houses without indoor plumbing or centage of Canadians in core housing need running water are legally substandard and can using the criteria of adequacy (no major be ordered demolished). repairs needed), suitability (enough bed- The argument over how best to define rooms for each person over age five) and basic social and economic rights has much affordability (costing less than 30 percent of in common with the debate over how best before-tax household income). In 1996 to measure poverty. In both cases, it is wide- approximately 18 percent of Canadians were ly granted that the dividing line between in core housing need according to one or “deprivation” and “non-deprivation” is more of these criteria.17 imprecise — but this does not imply that Since housing adequacy differs on a the distinction is meaningless. In both number of dimensions (such as space and state cases, it is widely recognized that standards of repair) and since minimum requirements may change over time, and will often differ differ among societies, the measurement of a across countries. right to housing has a cultural relativity prob- In the poverty debate, defenders of the lem similar to the measurement of poverty idea of an absolute poverty line argue that more generally. In the context of poverty, Sen poverty is not a purely relative phenomenon (1992) comments: “Relative deprivation in the and should be measured with reference to a space of incomes can yield absolute deprivation “budget standard” — a specific list of com- in the space of capabilities. In a country that is modities whose cost defines the poverty generally rich, more income may be needed line. In the measurement of economic to buy enough commodities to achieve the and social rights, defenders of a similar same social functioning, such as ‘appearing in “absolute” conception of rights would pre- public without shame.’ The same applies to sumably argue that similar methods should Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 33

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be used with respect to specific social and ployment rate remains a useful statistic as economic rights.18 long as the same concept of unemployment An alternative conception of basic is being compared, over time or across juris- human rights would see them as absolute in dictions, and as long as there is no persuasive the space of capabilities but relative in the reason to believe that measurement difficul- space of resources. In this view, the norms ties or the percentage of “voluntarily” unem- which define housing adequacy or suitabili- ployed have suddenly changed. Likewise, ty depend implicitly on what is the “normal” comparability is the important issue in meas- state of repair and amount of space available urement of trends in rights. to the population as a whole. “Housing need” This section has argued that interna- would therefore be defined with specific ref- tional human rights agreements have distinct erence to community housing standards. advantages over the reasoned introspection of As with many issues in economics, the economists and social philosophers as a guide 33 real objective in the measurement of social to the measurement of social progress (i.e., and economic rights is reliable comparisons formal approval by a democratic process, rel- over time, or across jurisdictions, rather atively clear specification and an institution- than absolute accuracy in estimating the al mechanism for interpretation in particular level at a particular place or time. To take contexts). The interdependence of human the example of homelessness and the right rights and the difficulties of measuring them to housing, careful observers will agree that do, however, create significant empirical it is difficult to make accurate statistical problems. To what extent can the human observations on a transient population and rights perspective be empirically embodied to distinguish between precarious housing in operational measures of social progress? and homelessness. As well, there are people who choose to sleep in a cardboard box in the middle of winter — although for the INDICES OF SOCIAL PROGRESS marginally mentally ill the concept of “choice” can be problematic. This essay has argued that Canada’s But there is nothing unusual about international legal obligations with respect these sorts of measurement difficulties. One to human rights should be used as a guide in can compare them to difficulties in the meas- identifying the “needs” of Canadians and urement of unemployment, in which there determining whether they have been met. It are important statistical ambiguities and a has also argued that social progress consists continuing controversy over the percentage of first meeting “needs” and then satisfying of “voluntarily” unemployed. Because of “wants.” To illustrate some of the divergences these measurement difficulties, the “headline of existing measures from this standard, this number” on the unemployment rate is actu- section examines a few of the available quan- ally only one of a range of calculable unem- titative indices of social progress, using the ployment rates, each corresponding to prism of human rights. No attempt is made particular technical measurement choices.19 to be comprehensive and cover all published However, despite these difficulties the unem- indices, since Hagerty et al. (2001) have Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 34

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already covered the field (using a different set logarithm of GDP per capita or average life of criteria). Rather, this section is intended expectancy are completely insensitive to the to be illustrative, and to indicate how a distribution of income and the distribution of human rights perspective might be used as a life expectancy, and therefore cannot reflect the criterion of social indicators. denial of basic rights to part of the population. Even if an increase in the average is attained Human Development Index (HDI) at the cost of greater and extreme deprivation The Foreword to the UNDP’s Human of some, the index will increase as long as the Development Report 2000 begins with this gains of the winners are sufficiently large to statement: “The goal is to achieve all human cover the losses of the disadvantaged. rights — civil, cultural, economic, political Hence the HDI is, despite its intro- and social — for all people. Access to basic ductory rhetoric, quite insensitive to denials 34 education, health care, shelter and employ- of human rights. Although the HDI does not ment is as critical to human freedom as polit- in fact reflect human rights issues, it is at ical and civil rights are” (United Nations least calculated in a straightforward and eas- Development Program 2000, p. iii). ily understood way. This ease of understand- However, basic human rights considerations ing undoubtedly aids its acceptance by the play little role in the actual calculation of the broader public. Human Development Index. The HDI is calculated as the average of three components: Weighted Index of Social (1) average life expectancy at birth; (2) the Progress (WISP) logarithm of adjusted per capita GDP (meas- Ease of understanding of the underly- ured in Purchasing Power Parity adjusted US ing calculations is not a characteristic of the dollars); and (3) a combination of the adult WISP. Hagerty et al. (2000, p. 47) summa- literacy rate (two thirds weight) and the com- rize the WISP as a measure of “adequacy of bined gross primary, secondary and tertiary social provision”: enrolment ratio (one third). “Adequacy of social provision” refers to the Since Article 26 of the UN Universal changing capacity of governments to provide Declaration of Human Rights recognizes the for the basic social, material, and other needs right to education, the last component of the of the people living within their borders (e.g., HDI might be seen as loosely linked. for food, clothing, shelter, and access to at However, the enrolment number used in cal- least basic health, education, and social serv- culating the HDI is an aggregate of overall ices, etc.) (Estes 1984). levels of education. Therefore it would be pos- The ISP consists of 46 social indicators sible for the index to increase if some people that have been subdivided into ten sub-index- were denied access to primary school — as es: Education, Health Status, Women Status, long as others attended school for a sufficient- Defense Effort, Economics, Demographic, ly increased length of time. In general, indices Geography, Political Participation, Cultural which are constructed from underlying popu- Diversity, and Welfare Effort. All 46 indi- lation averages will not necessarily reflect vio- cators “are known to be valid indicators of lations of human rights. Statistics such as the social development; indeed, the majority of the Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 35

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ISP’s indicators are employed regularly by son for Canada’s fall from first (HDI) to 31st other scholars of socioeconomic development” (WISP) in international ranking is the (Estes 1997, p. 3) ...Estes has subjected them greater breadth of coverage of the WISP — to a two-stage varimax factor analysis in but the complexity of the WISP calculation which each indicator and sub-index was prevents a clear comparison. analyzed for its relative contribution toward explaining the variance associated with Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI) changes in social progress over time. Exactly However, although the WISP is very how this “changes in social progress over time” complicated in its methodology, simple addi- criterion for the factor analysis is defined is tion is not a good solution if one adds up not specified in Estes’s articles. To determine things unrelated to human rights. As Sharpe this...Estes (1988) must be consulted. (1999) argues: “The GPI can be broadly split Standardized scores of the component indica- into two blocks: a measure of current eco- 35 tors then were multiplied by the factor load- nomic welfare and a measure of sustainable ings to create weighted sub-index scores which economic development. Elements of current then were summed to obtain the “Weighted economic welfare consist of consumer spend- Index of Social Progress.” ing, government spending, nonmarket pro- The WISP can therefore be seen as a duction and leisure, and external factors. measure that begins with a conception of Sustainable economic development includes social progress which is quite close to the depletion of natural resources [non-renewable human rights agenda but whose link to energy and farmland]; net investment in pro- human rights — in speaking to an academ- duced business fixed assets; net foreign lend- ic audience among whom technical sophis- ing and borrowing; long-term environmental tication in statistical methodology is damage [greenhouse effect and ozone deple- highly valued — loses clarity of linkage to tion]; and long-term ecological damage human rights. In a sense, the WISP is resulting from loss of wetlands and harvest- adding up many of the “right things” but ing of old-growth forests.” in a way that is so unclear that one is Viewed through the prism of basic unsure as to the answer. human rights, since the measures of current Why does the WISP rank Canada so economic welfare included in the GPI consist low, when the HDI ranks it so high? Since of economy-wide aggregates (such as total con- the HDI puts heavy weight on average life sumer spending or total change in leisure expectancy and overall educational delivery, time), the GPI is insensitive to any event which Canada does well, and the logarithmic trans- causes deprivation of individual human rights formation of GDP per capita tends to scale as long as the gains of the winners are larger down the US advantage on that dimension. than the losses of the losers. In particular, as the The WISP, however, also considers such history of the US income distribution from issues as the relative position of women and 1980 to 1995 illustrates, average consumer the extent of welfare state policy effort, on spending and extreme deprivation can easily which Canada does much more poorly in rise at the same time if the gains of the very comparative terms. Hence, the probable rea- affluent are larger than the losses of the poor. Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 36

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Those parts of the GPI which refer to later in this volume. As the name indicates, environmental issues are potentially relevant the index is intended as a measure of eco- for a measure of environmental progress. The nomic well-being only, and does not pretend international environmental commitments to indicate overall social progress, which is a which Canada has made to other nations and broader concept. Since the index is calculated the global community (e.g., in Kyoto) are in as a simple weighted average of four compo- principle relevant to defining environmental nents, the authors stress that observers who progress, in the way that the human rights differ in their values can choose the relative commitments of Canada are relevant to social emphasis they wish to place on (for example) progress. In practice, however, the environ- income distribution, compared to trends in mental component of the GPI is heavily average consumption. Most of the work weighted to such issues as the cutting of old- involved in construction of the index arises 36 growth forests and the preservation of wet- in attempting to get a better measure of lands. Although some environmental issues trends in aggregate accumulation or average (such as depletion of the ozone layer and the consumption than is available for the System rising risk of skin cancer) concern the health of National Accounts. GDP statistics do not and well-being of humans, others are of a include consideration of many issues (like quite different dimensionality. Protection of trends in leisure time, life expectancy or old-growth forests may be of symbolic, eco- economies of scale in household consump- logical or cultural value, but it does not pro- tion) which affect the utility individuals tect human well-being or human rights in derive from consumption and ignore the the sense of human rights protocols. Most of accumulation or dissipation of real wealth in the environmental component in the GPI is the form of human capital, the environment thus not relevant for a human rights-based or research and development — but the approach to social progress.20 IEWB does include these items. In short, the GPI is not linked in any The components of the IEWB that discernible way to social progress, as inter- are based on societal aggregates (i.e., aver- preted from a human rights perspective. age consumption or total wealth accumulation) are insensitive to human rights issues Index of Economic Well-Being in the same way that the GPI and the HDI (IEWB) are. However, the IEWB is clearly related In a series of papers, Osberg (1985) and to the human rights agenda in its insecuri- Osberg and Sharpe (1999, 2000) outline a ty component, which is explicitly based on methodology for calculating an index of eco- the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, nomic well-being (IEWB), which is a Article 25 of which states: “1. Everyone has weighted average of measures of per capita the right to a standard of living adequate consumption, aggregate accumulation, for the health and well-being of himself income distribution and insecurity. Trends in and of his family, including food, cloth- the index for Canada in the 1990s and their ing, housing and medical care and neces- relationship to economic performance are dis- sary social services, and the right to cussed in the paper by Osberg and Sharpe security in the event of unemployment, Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 37

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sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or broader.21 In examining what a human rights other lack of livelihood in circumstances agenda might bring to the assessment of beyond his control.” social progress, the essay has also examined a The insecurity component of the index number of existing indices of social progress is explicitly based on the risks of unemploy- through the prism of a human rights per- ment, sickness, “widowhood” and old age. spective. The general moral is threefold: (1) The income distribution component (which data based on population means or totals can- is a weighted average of aggregate inequality not reveal the denial of rights to a minority; and poverty measures) allows for some vari- (2) social progress is about human outcomes, ation in the relative emphasis on inequality and is thus distinct from many environmen- among “middle class” persons or poverty tal issues; and (3) excess complexity in data- (which is a summative index of the named processing can obscure the meaning of any items of food, clothing and housing identi- underlying link to human rights. 37 fied in Article 25). Since the IEWB, by con- However, existing indices are necessar- struction, lets observers select the weights ily based on whatever statistics happen, now, they personally consider appropriate, it is to be gathered by statistical agencies. In prin- open to a human rights emphasis in a way ciple, statistical agencies could collect new that many other indices are not. types of data, and obtaining reliable statis- Furthermore, in providing a fuller tics on homelessness is an example of the measure of economic well-being, the IEWB type of data-gathering initiative that a offers a way of measuring progress in the sat- human rights perspective on social progress isfaction of “wants,” should Canadian socie- would suggest. However, new data are not ty get to the point where “needs” are always necessary. In some instances, one may satisfied. Although it may not be for a while, have good grounds for believing that proxy one can at least hope that Canada will be in measures are available now and are a reliable the position, at some point in the future, guide to rights attainment. For example, the where all the fundamental social and eco- right to “adequate food, clothing and hous- nomic human rights are actually the lived ing” is highly likely to be satisfied for the experience of all Canadians. At that point, non-poor — so existing statistical sources on improvements in average consumption and poverty trends may well suffice. In other accumulation will become relevant for a instances, closer attention to existing data measure of social progress. may be all that is required — for example, the issue of whether the “right to vote” is actually delivered can be checked by using CONCLUSION census records to examine the percentage of Canadians who are not on the voters list. This essay has used the basic human In constructing summary statistics (as right to housing as an example of Canada’s in an index of social progress) one needs to be international commitment to a set of criteria clear about: (1) the population whose out- that define minimal citizenship rights — but comes are relevant; (2) the outcomes, and the human rights agenda is clearly much their measures, that are being considered; Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 38

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and (3) the aggregation function that sums the United States and Australia. See United across outcomes and individuals. This essay Nations Development Program (2000, p. 178). has started from the point of view that the 2 The WISP ranking scored Canada at 77.8, Hong relevant population is all the residents of a Kong at 77.7 and the United States at 79.9. By country. It has proposed that “needs” be contrast, the top five countries were Denmark given priority over “wants” and that the list (98.4), Norway (95.6), Austria (93.2), Sweden of outcomes that are considered “needs” be (93.1) and France (91.9). See http://caster. drawn from the international covenants on ssw.upenn.edu/~restes/praxis/tab_3.htm basic human rights that a country has dem- 3 The ICESCR was ratified by Canada on 19 May ocratically agreed to. Adding up the lack of 1976. A complete listing of human rights proto- a particular basic human right involves a fair- cols can be obtained at http://www.unhchr.ch/ ly straightforward calculation of the rate of html/menu2/issecon.htm 38 non-satisfaction. A much more difficult issue 4 In the Canada of 1901, social norms included is whether and how to aggregate across dif- widespread racism, sexism and homophobia — ferent outcomes. For the moment, however, women did not yet have the vote, some legis- it would represent significant progress in lation (e.g., on immigration) was quite explic- understanding if statistical agencies were to itly racist and homosexual relations were publish data on the percentage of the illegal. The majority of Canadians in 2001 Canadian population who now enjoy each of would count the degree of demise of such the fundamental human rights which Canada norms as part of the social progress of the past has promised to deliver. century — and a human rights perspective would concur. 5 Hayek (1944/1972) remains a classic state- NOTES ment of the individualist position. It argues (pp. 64-65) that no “common ethical code” This is a revised version of a paper presented at the exists that could define the “social goal” of Authors’ Workshop on Economic Performance and economic activity. Social Progress in Canada in the 1990s, Lord Elgin 6 For economists, Rawls is probably most familiar Hotel, Ottawa, Ontario, 8-9 December 2000, and for his maxi-min criterion of distributive social at the Quality Evaluation Center, City University justice — that social progress should be judged of Hong Kong, 4 January 2001. I would like to by the increase in well-being of the least advan- thank Lynn Lethbridge for her outstanding work, taged. It is worth stressing that Rawls himself the Social Sciences and Humanities Research put this as a secondary priority. He saw a just Council of Canada for its support under Grant society as incorporating two principles — the #410-97-0802, and Keith Banting, Peter Burton, equal right of all citizens to basic liberties (pri- Mel Cross, Jeff Dayton-Johnson, Philip Girard, mary goods) and a maxi-min criterion of distrib- John Hoddinott, Molly Hurd, Shelley Phipps, utive justice with respect to income. As he put Andrew Sharpe and Kuan Xu for their comments. it: “The first principle has priority over the sec- All errors are my responsibility alone. ond, so that all citizens are assured the equal basic 1 The UNDP Human Development Index was liberties; similarly part (b) of the second princi- .935 in Canada, .934 in Norway and .929 in both ple (i.e. fair equality of opportunity) has priority Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 39

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over part (a) (i.e. the maxi-min principle)” (Rawls of Connecticut vs. Mooney, on the appeal of a mur- 1982, p. 162). der conviction which turned on evidence seized 7 Historically, some societies have emphasized col- from the belongings of a homeless person, with- lective goals — for example, public discourse in out benefit of search warrant. the United States in the 1800s often referred to 14 Despite Canada’s signature on numerous human a national “Manifest Destiny” and in China today rights documents, there is no such enforceable right reunification is seen as an issue that is unaffected to housing in Canada, in contravention of the fact by the wishes of the individuals actually living that international law obliges states to act to give in Hong Kong or Taiwan. This essay does not effect to their treaty commitments. The UN does follow that tradition. note that: “Three phrases are particularly important 8 As an example, just to make the point, it could for understanding the obligations of Governments be argued that humans need a little beauty in to realize fully the rights recognized in the Covenant, their lives, at least as much as they need religion. including the right to adequate housing: (a) ‘under- 39 (After all, the aesthetic impulse in humanity has takes to take steps . . . by all appropriate means’; (b) been evident since the earliest days, often close- ‘to the maximum of its available resources’; and (c) ly associated with religion.) If an argument for a ‘to achieve progressively’.” None seem able to excuse “right to beauty” were to be made (and, one must Canada’s inaction (indeed backsliding, in the fund- hasten to add, it has not been made by any of the ing of low-income housing). social philosophers cited in this article) it might 15 Fact Sheet #21, The Human Right to Adequate or might not be persuasive to other philosophers. Housing. Available: www.unhchr.ch/html/menu However, the process of philosophical discourse 6/2/fs21.htm. For links to websites on home- offers no clear way of resolving arguments with lessness see www.canadiansocialresearch.net finality, in a specific context. /homeless.htm 9 See, for example, the use of “etc.” in Sen (1999). 16 Hayek (1944/1972, p. 133) distinguished between 10 Fact Sheet #21, The Human Right to Adequate security in the sense of “certainty of a given mini- Housing. Available: www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/ mum of sustenance for all” and “security of a given 2/fs21.htm standard of life.” Writing in 1944, when per capi- 11 A listing of Canada’s international human rights ta real GDP in Canada was 32.5 percent of its level obligations, and the date of ratification, can be in 2000, he stated: “There is no reason why in a obtained at www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf. society which has reached the general level of 12 While it was in force, the Canada Assistance Plan wealth which ours has attained the first kind of reflected this unconditionality of human rights security should not be guaranteed to all without in making need the sole criterion for assistance. endangering general freedom.” However, the introduction of the CHST in 1996 17 See “Research Highlights” Issue 55-1. Available allowed provinces to make social assistance pay- at: www.cmhc-schl.gc.ca/Research Brandolini ments conditional, implying that the “undeserv- and D’Alessio (2000) use Italian data to illustrate ing” (however defined by the local legislature) how measurement of deprivation depends, to some have no right to assistance when in need, or as extent, on the relative weight of attributes in con- defined under the UN Universal Declaration of struction of a measure of housing deprivation. Human Rights, Article 25. 18 In Australia the “budget standard” method of 13 The Connecticut Supreme Court, in the matter measuring poverty has dominated public debate, Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 40

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partly because it was, historically, closely linked that affects the personal health of humans can to their “wages awards” system of industrial rela- therefore be seen as a human rights issue — but tions. As a consequence, it is probably the world’s not issues that affect “the environment” in some most highly developed. Focus-group, polling and more general sense. expenditure data are used to gauge explicitly 21 For example, by signing the International social norms. The “low cost standard” aims at Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural allowing “social and economic participation con- Rights (Article 7), Canada also committed to sistent with community standards” — which is ensuring: “(a) Remuneration which provides all arguably the norm implicit in UN human rights workers, as a minimum, with: (i) Fair wages and covenants. The resulting estimates are in practice equal remuneration for work of equal value with- approximately 70 to 75 percent of the median out distinction of any kind, in particular women living standard; see Saunders (1998, pp. 14-16 ). being guaranteed conditions of work not inferi- 40 Andrew Sharpe has suggested that if the incomes or to those enjoyed by men, with equal pay for of the poorest remain unchanged while rising equal work; (ii) A decent living for themselves incomes among the affluent produce a greater and their families in accordance with the provi- demand for housing, rising rents may imply that sions of the present Covenant.” homelessness increases as housing becomes unaf- fordable. In this case, the cost of purchasing a constant amount of shelter depends on the trend REFERENCES in average incomes. 19 For example, the Canadian Labour Force Survey Brandolini, A., and G. D’Alessio. 2000. “Measuring counts as unemployed those jobless people who Well-Being in the Functioning Space.” Paper pre- looked for work in the last month. If job search pared for the 26th General Conference of the in the last two weeks were the criterion, fewer International Association for Research in Income people would qualify as unemployed and the and Wealth, Cracow, Poland, 27 August-21 measured unemployment rate would be lower. September. Alternatively, a longer reference period would The Canadian Oxford Dictionary. 1998. Ed. Katherine increase the measured unemployment rate. Barber. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Choosing a reference period of two, four or six Elster, J., and J.E. Roemer. 1991. Interpersonal weeks is essentially arbitrary, and measurement Comparisons of Well-Being. Cambridge: Cambridge choices do not affect the actual reality of labour University Press. markets — but since what we really want to do England, P. 1993. “The Separative Self: Androcentric is make unemployment comparisons, the crucial Bias in Neoclassical Assumptions,” in Beyond issue is standardization of measurement. Economic Man: Feminist Theory and Economics, ed. 20 Article 12 of the International Covenant on M.A. Ferber and J.A. Nelson. Chicago: University Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recognizes of Chicago Press, pp. 37-53. “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the Hagerty, M.R., R. Cummins, A.L. Ferriss, K. Land, highest attainable standard of physical and men- A.C. Michalos, M. Peterson, A. Sharpe, J. Sirgy tal health” and specifically mentions “The and J. Vogel. 2001. “Quality of Life Indexes for improvement of all aspects of environmental and National Policy: Review and Agenda for industrial hygiene.” Environmental degradation Research.” Social Indicators Research, forthcoming. Osberg.qxd 22/05/01 4:22 PM Page 41

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