I WENDY THORP I Consultant Archaeologist 78 Australia St, I Camperdown 2050 Ph (02) 5163381

I THE PENRITH HERITAGE STUDY I THE HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY COMPONENT I I I I I I

I AUGUST 1986 I I I I I I I 11.-- ---' I I INDEX 1.0 Preface to the Report 1 I 1.1 Parameters of study Area 1 1.2 Initiative for study 1 1.3 Objectives 1 I 1.4 Methodology 2 1.5 Abbreviations Used in the Text 3 I 2.0 Synopsis 4 3.0 The Definition and Objectives of Historical Archaeology 6 I 3.1 What is Historical Archaeology? 6 3.2 What Can Historical Archaeology Tell Us? 7 3.3 How Can This Information Be Used? 8 I 3.4 Constraints Imposed By the Nature of the Data In Conflict With the Objectives of the Regional study 9

I 4.0 Historical Context 11 4.1 Phase I: 1789-1840 Discovery, Exploration"and Early Settlement 12 I 4.2 Phase II: 1840-1863 Collapse and Seeds of Change 15 4.3 Phase Ill: 1863-1914 Expansion, Subdivision and Consolidation 17 4.4 Phase IV: 1914-1939 Hiatus 20 I 4.5 Phase V: 1939-1986 New Growth 22 4.6 Conclusions 24

I 5.0 The Development of the Built Environment 26 5.1 Phase I 27 5.2 Phase II 34 I 5.3 Phase III 37 5.4 Phase IV 42 5.5 Phase V 44 I 5.6 Conclusions 46 6.0 The Current State of Archaeological Research and Identified Sites 52 I 6.1 Area Surveys 52 6.2 . Professional and Student Research 52 6.3 Local Historical Research 53 I 6.4 Registers 53 6.5 Compilation of Known Sites By Area 54 6.5.1 Castlereagh 54 6.5.2 Emu Plains 58 I 6.5.3 Jamison Town 59 6.5.4 MUlgoa 60 6.5.5 Regentville 64 I 6.5.6 st Marys 66 6.5.7 Wal1acia 67 I 6.6 Conclusions 68 I I ==== "1 I I 7.0 The Geographic Pattern 70 7.1 Phase I 70 I 7.2 Phase II 72 7.3 Phase III 73 7.4 Phase IV 74 7.5 Phase V 75 I 7.6 Summary 76

8.0 Site Types 78 I 8.1 Domestic Sites 79 8.2 Industrial Sites 83 8.3 Community Sites 87 8.4 Sites Associated With Communication 90 I 8.5 Service Sites ·93 8.6 Recreation Sites 94 8.7 Defence Sites 95 I 8.8· Landscape Modifications 96 8.9 Convict Sites 97 I 8.10 Summary 98 9.0 Factors Influencing Survival 99 9.1 Poor Construction 99 9.2 Floods 100 I 9.3 Urbanisation 101

10.0 The Development and Predictive Model 103 I 10.1 The Development Model: A Predictive Tool 104 10.1.1 Late Eighteenth to Middle Nineteenth Century 104 10.1.2 Middle Nineteenth to Twentieth Century 108 I 10.1.3 Twentieth Century 111 10.2 Testing the Model 113 10.2.1 Late Eighteenth to Middle Nineteenth I Century 113 10.2.2 Middle Nineteenth to Twentieth Century 115 10.2.3 Twentieth Century 117 I 10.3 Conclusions and Priorities 118 10.3.1 Conclusions 118 10.3.2 Priorities 121

I 11.0 Subsidiary Documentation 122 11.1 Footnotes to the Text 122 I 11.2 Bibliography 123 I I I , I ~I I 1

I 1.0 PREFACE TO THE REPORT

I 1.1 PARAMETERS OF STUDY AREA The study area is concerned with the greater City of I Penrith which involves a number of suburbs including: Londonderry, Castlereagh, Berkshire Park, Llandilo, Cranebrook, Mt Pleasant, Dunheved, Emu Plains, Penrith, Cambridge Park, st Marys, I Werrington, Oxley Park, Colyton, Kingswood, Jamiston, Leonay, Regentville, Orchard Hills, st I Clair, Erskine Park, Wallacia and Mulgoa. The area also contains a small portion of the Blue Mountains National Park as well as major transport systems including Londonderry Road, Castleareagh I Road, The Northern Road, The Great Western Highway &nd Freeway, Luddenham, Mamre and MUlgoa Roads. The Nepean River is the major natural communication I system throughout the area.

I 1.2 INITIATIVE FOR STUDY This study has been undertaken at the request of Fox and Associates as one component of a Heritage study I carried out on behalf of the Penrith City Council.

I 1.3 OBJECTIVES Eight major objectives have been determined for this I work, their limitations defined by the constraints of budget, time and the availabe data base. These are as follows: I 1.3.1 To review and determine the historical context of the study area in terms of documented, historical phases of development, rather than themes, as an aid I to determining the development of an archaeological record. 1.3.2 To determine the development of the built I environment in response to these trends. 1.3.3 To consider the geographic pattern of settlement I over the full timespan of occupation by white settlers. I 1.3.4 To define distinctive site types which have emerged as characteristic of the development of the study I , area. I I I 2 I 1.3.5 To consider factors which have influenced the I survival of sites. 1.3.6 To review the current state of research and knowledge with regard to the archaeological resource I i.e. establish a data base. 1.3.7 To analyse the combined data of known sites and historic patterns of development in order to create I a predictive" model of settlement which may be tested against the data base. I 1.3.8 To provide recommendations, on the basis of this predictive assessment, for future archaeological I work and management planning purposes. 1.4 METHODOLOGY I The allowances of time and budget inhibited any new or original field or archival work being carried out for the purposes of this programme. The only data I available for analysis," therefore, was contained within existing studies or histories. To this end, in addition to the historical work I prepared for the current Heritage study, a number of works were located which consider aspects of the study area, for example, the Penrith Lakes Scheme I Regional Environmental Study (D.E.P. 1984), the MUlgoa Valley Regional Environmental Study (Kinhill Stearns 1983) and various local histories such as Stickley,C. The Old Charm of Penrith (1979). A I number of student works were located in universities and incidental articles in libraries. I The end result of this body of data is to provide a patchy coverage of the study area, with some large ommissions, in varying detail and degrees of I ,accuracy. The type of information contained within these sources varies as well, depending on the intent of the work, from anecdotal to scientific. I For the purposes of the archaeological analysis it is not as consistent and reliable as would be desirable, however, it does provide a reasonably I homogenous view of the study area development over time and this Qan be used as a basis, with some degree of accuracy, for the predictive model. It I does not, however, provide many new sites. This aspect is within the realm of detailed site survey , and this tool is now acknowledged to be well beyond I the scope and means of the Heritage Study scheme. I I I 3 I This work is viewed as being part of the management and planning strategy which arises out of the I completed study. I 1.5 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE TEXT D.E.P Department of Environment and Planning E.P. Steege,J. Emu Plains M.V. MUlgoa Valley Regional Environmental study I O.C.P. Stickley,C. The Old Charm of Penrith. P.L.S. Penrith Lakes Regional Environmental study R.D.V. Long,M. Reminiscences of a District I Veteran. I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 4

I 2.0 SYNOPSIS The archaeological component of a heritage study is I undertaken to determine what is often a "hidden" resource; material remains of past settlement which may be buried, partially standing or concealed I within a building. It is concerned with finding sites and/or areas that are significant in explaining the development of a particular area or a particular facet of that development, for example, I the industrial development. The sites which are located during this analysis may I become important sites . for investigation, for display, for community involvement; the processes of investigation may become as much a part of the display and involvement as the finished product be I that a site, museum display or book. To ensure that elements of this essentially fragile and very finite resource are not lost or detroyed through ignorance I this survey attempts to define areas of high, medium and low priority for archaeological investigation I and/or involvement. To achieve this a new method has been employed, that of· the predictive model. In past studies the emphasis has been on the recognition and recording I of known or potential sites; in the case of archaeological material, where so much that has happened in the past has been forgotten and lies I buried, the approach is, at best, like "finding a needle in a haystack". I To achieve a more useful planning tool the predictive model of settlement for Penrith has been created and tested and sets of priorities, based on the results of this work, etablished to be used to I guide future development. To arrive at a predictive model various analyses of I the study area have been undertaken each designed to establish certain patterns and responses. The different studies have been: To define the development of the study area I from historically recorded trends. To define the development of the built environment in response to these trends. I To define the geographic spread of settlement over time. To determine specific, characteristic site I types of the development. To consider factors which have influenced the I survival of sites. I I

------I 5

I At the conclusion of these studies it has been possible to decribe the significant patterns of settlement, what has characterized them and what is I likely to be left intact. Major areas of archaeological potential have been highlighted which deserve the greatest care, caution, planning and I investigation;, areas of considerable archaeological potential which should be studied to achieve "zones" of archaeological involvement; areas of minimal I archaeological interest. Penrith has had five major, historic periods of settlement and change beginning in the late I eighteenth century up to the present time. Settlement began along the river and creek banks, spread into the south-west and to a lesser degree in the south-east, moved and consolidated into the I centre and finally into the north. Settlement types have gone through small farms, I large estates, hamlets, towns and large cities with increased communication and industrialisation -I becoming prominant and catalytic elements. Floods and expanding urbanisation have played major roles in destroying and damaging the records of past settlement but far more has appeared to survive than I is implied to have done so by the documentation. Major areas of archaeological sites and/or potential I sites are to be found in the south-west of the study area, along the river and Castlereagh Road and in some urban areas. The urban areas require more research, particularly in defining zones of I archaeological importance, but it could be predicted that a greater resource exists within them than is now known; the northern and central southern sectors I of the study area are of minimal archaeological interest. I I I I I , I I I 6 I 3.0 THE DEFINITION AND OBJECTIVES OF HISTORICAL I ARCHAEOLOGY 3.1 WHAT IS HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY? I Historical archaeology is one branch of the wider disciplines of archaeology and anthropology and shares many similar aims and methods with them. As I the name implies, historical archaeology is concerned with documented periods of history as opposed to pre-history or non-documented times. In I terms of Australian development it is interested in the European or other ethnic settlement of the I country from 1788 until to the present time. In broad terms archaeology seeks to look at past human behaviour and culture in its many aspects by using physical remains such as buildings, small I artefacts or changes in the natural landscape. In the case of historical archaeology the physical record of past settlement and culture can and often I is complemented by documentary and oral resources. However, the reliance on the physical evidence ensures that an accurate picture of what occurred in the past is uncovered rather than an account of what I occurred, the latter being subject to bias either I conscious or unconscious. I I I I I I I , I I I 7

I 3.2 WHAT CAN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY TELL US ?

I Physical evidence reflects the diverse needs, desires and whims of a society and an increasingly sophisticated response to those stimuli through I time. The discipline of historical archaeology, by utilising that resource, can be useful and informative on several levels. I It can be used to uncover evidence which gives physical form to documented or "paper-bound" historical information or provide new information I available through no other means. For example during building restoration programmes archaeological methods can be used to recover details long since I lost or uncover extensions never known to exist using the evidence to reconstruct a three dimensional picture. This results in the most I accurate restoration possible. It can be used to validate, query or expand the documentary and/or oral record. For example analysis I of artefacts found and recorded in context can provide intimate insights and physical demonstrations of the daily life of the people who lived or worked in a building or on a site. This I provides tangible and familiar links between past and present communities which may otherwise only be I known through myth and folklore. It can be used to study aspects of human history not normally studied through other historical means, to I look at the conscious or unconscious processes of human behaviour such as settlement, social stratification, resource utilisation, production of I goods, social change. For example comparison between the development of similar sites in a region can reveal much about the I past inhabitants' growing awareness of their home; perhaps an ethnic settlement's acceptance of a new climate and conditions resulting in changed ways of living or growing knowledge of local conditions, I such as climate, soils or flooding patterns, resulting in better property mangement. Some of this type of information is still valuable and applicable I in contemporary conditions. I I , I I I 8

I 3.3 HOW CAN THIS INFOMATION BE USED?

I The information provided on these several levels can be directly used by site managers and/or interpreters, for example, to plan in advance for 1 site or area development in a way that preserves or records historical archaeological material important to the regional development; to uncover or validate evidence useful to specific site projects; to 1 interpret local history in a direct and meaningful way for both local and tourist consumption and to actively encourage participation in local heritage I matters by providing a visually interesting and physical demonstration of a community's past. The latter is by no means an esoteric preoccupation; 1 heritage matters, displays and projects are now important political and economic considerations.· The I· quality of the project both in technical undertaking and imaginative presentation determines the return on the investment. I Historical archaeology plays an important role by providing an accurate new or expanded data base and establishing the project and its significance within an historical context. The implementation of the I discipline itself, both during and after site works, is now becoming a valued part of the interpretation programme along the very successful lines taken I overseas. It is a means by which a member of the public can I see immediately their own history uncovered or discovered and then how that raw data is used and studied to become "consumer" history. It often I provides an opportunity fQr community involvement. 1 I I I I I I I 9 I 3.4 CONSTRAINTS IMPOSED BY THE NATURE OF THE DATA IN I CONFLICT WITH THE OBJECTIVES OF THE REGIONAL STUDY In udertaking the historical archaeological component of a regional heritage study an immediate I conflict of objectives becomes apparent. The primary objective of the study is to identify and assess the environmental heritage within that area as a means and aid for future planning and management I strategies and, decisions. If not economically and chronologically viable it I is, at least, theoretically possible to achieve this objective for architectural and landscape items such as gardens. The complete body of data is still I standing and still visible; the question of relative significance, local, regional or state, which should de"termine the listing, is at this time not I considered. However, in the case of historical archaeological material the process is, in the strictest terms, I impractical. Historical archaeology, as defined previously, is concerned with past settlement, culture and behaviour; it does not recognize, in the first instance ranking or importance or significance I because each site can add to the complex picture of .settlement development. It is only at the conclusion of the study, when the entire data base has been I recognized, that this stratification can occur. In the strictest terms, therefore, an archaeological ·1 study is concerned with the evidence from every European and/or ethnic change or addition to the landscape over time to the date of the study. This reSUlts in a complex, massive and largely invisible I resource. In the case of Penrith where approximately twenty I suburbs, part of a national park and large areas of now open space, settled for over 180 years, are concerned the magnitude of the problem becomes I apparent. Disregarding the problems of time and financial constraints it is highly unlikely that an exhaustive I site survey would define the entire archaeological resource because, by reason of its nature, archaeological material is often sub-surface and not I always visible even from aerial photography. , Compounding this problem is the nature of thematic I histories which accompany heritage studies; this I I I 10

I form of study explains major trends and developments, it does not identify specific sites which is the foundation of all archaeological I research. Without site specific historical data there is no focus for ground surveys; the "needle in a haystack" metaphor is never more applicable than I in this case. Therefore, a limited surface survey within the region seems, at best, futile. For these reasons, I therefore, the method of attempting to establish a predictive model, based on extant data, is described I within this study. It should be noted at the outset that this methodological approach is very new within the realm of historical archaeology and . is somewhat hampered I by the deficiency of comparative models, however, accepting its limitations it appears to be. ~h8 best and most useful approach for future planning I purposes. The intent of the method is to describe patterns of I successive settlement within the region and their effect, in physical terms, on the landscape. Each successive pattern must be compared to those which went before to determine how it will effect the I sites deposited by those previous settlements. The end result of this analysis should provide local site types, geographic distributions and probability I factors for survival. These are tested against the known data. I In terms of planning this should suggest areas of archaeological sensitivity which can be taken into account for future developments, scarce .or rare site types which should be investigated more fUlly or I preserved or conserved and potential "safe areas" found to contain a minimal archaeological potential. The major constraint to this approach is the quality I and quantity of extant data over which the practitioner has no control. I I I I I I I 11 I 4.0 HISTORICAL CONTEXT

I This section is concerned with analysing major, archiva11y documented trends of historical I development within the study area. Within this section the historical development of the study area is assessed in terms of discrete I phases. These phases are, for the purposes of the archaeological assessment, of greater value than the thematic analysis because they allow distinct i patterns and types of settlement to be recognized. Each of these patterns and types may then be analysed in terms of the physical development of the I man-made landscape and the types of sites associated with these changes.

The detail contained within this section is not I intended to be an exhaustive historical account of the development of the Penrith area; its purpose is to define major trends which have influenced the I development of the built environment. The historical detail in this section is adapted from Proudfoot's I thematic history except where otherwise noted. Five phases of development have been defined for the study area. These are:

I Phase I 1789 -1840 Discovery, Exploration and the Early I Settlement Phase 11 1840 - 1863 Collapse and Seeds of Change

I Phase III 1863 - 1914 Expansion, Subdivision and Consolidation I Phase IV 1914 - 1939 Hiatus I Phase V 1939 - 1986 New Growth I I I , I I I 12 I 4.1 PHASE I: 1789 - 1840 I DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION AND EARLY SETTLEMENT Spurred on by a desperate need to discover agriculturally viable land to ease the chronic food I shortages of the early colony the Nepean River was discovered by Phi11ip and his men in June 1789 and the Penrith Ford was crossed later in the same year. By the following year the course of the river had I been defined between the ford and the junction of the Grose River. ~n 1791 the question of the identity of the Nepean and Hawkesbury as one river I was settled, however, the two names were retained the one changing to the other where the Grose River I enters from the west. From 1803 subdivision surveys were made along the eastern side of the river, the grants varying 'in size from 40 to 200 acres with a few of 1000 acres I or more. These grants were made to free settlers, members of the military and some officials. Private settlement on the western side of the river, I however, was restricted until the 1820s. Grants were first made in the Mulgoa Valley in 1810 with further grants made in 1811-1813 and 1815 and I 1816. By then most of the land had been alienated in the Valley. In contrast to the earlier grants farther north these were large holdings given to men I of financial substance or official prominence. The area around st Marys was divided also into large I grants during the time of Bligh and King and large estates were subsequently established such as Mamre, Dunheved and Shane Park. .

I Castlereagh, the earliest of the town sites, a Macquarie Town, and the earliest settled during the later 1790s and early l800s, was designated such in I 1810 but was not surveyed until the l820s. The relative slowness of settlement may have been a I function of the inaccessibility of the area. There appears to have been no established route to the area until about 1815 when construction work began on the western road, coinciding with I Macquarie's tour of inspection of that year. By 1817 the Great Western Road had become a well travelled line of communication and travel to the Nepean more I commonplace.

... In 1814, however, a stockyard had been established I at Emu Plains, on the western bank of the river, to I I

------I 13 I house and pasture the government herds of cattle. This eventually became the nucles of an agricultural station which included an extensive complex of I bUildi~gs, services and cultivated areas. In 1817, when the route west was then firmly I established, Penrith was founded although, until and during the 1830s, it remained a small road side town. I In 1819 a second government agricultural station and prison farm was established at Emu Plains and this also produced an extensive complex of buildings and I cultivated areas. This complex survived into the later 1820s although its use as a farm gradually decreased after the departure of Macquarie. It I served as a stockade for road gangs by the end of that decade and continued to be less used throughout the intervening years until the mid 1830s when it I was finally closed. From the 1820s the large estates of the Nepean began to be established with Fairlight beginning in c. I 1821, Regentville in 1823, Winbourne in 1824 and Glenmore in 1825 followed by others such as Edinglassie in later years of this phase. In this I same period safe and reliable transportation across the river became available by means of ferry and punt. I The l820s also marked a change in farming patterns from wheat growing to grazing, a trend which had been developing from 1814. Grain production, the I predominant industry of the early years, declined from 1815 as production became more widespread and' Government incentives favoured beef production. By the 1820s cattle graizing was the predominant land I use. By 1828 the Penrith and Castlereagh districts held I approximately 8% of the total population o£ the settled districts of the colony; the Nepean and Windsor districts represented the best prospects for I successful agriculture at the time and were of vital importance to the sustenance and prosperity of the colony. I In 1832 the town of Emu was surveyed as a government town and announcements made with regard to the sale of allotments but this did not eventuate; Emu I continued to develop as a road side town like Penrith. I The 1830s, however, were the golden years of the I I I 14 I MUlgoa Valley with the fashionable estates established there reflections of the prosperity of I their owners. By the end of this phase of approximately forty years duration, therefore, the area had developed I after a relatively slow start quite rapidly. Within this time span the district had progressed from newly discovered and explored territory to a prosperous and well settled rural community I characterized by small hamlets and large estates. Certain primary themes emerge from this analysis of I the historical period. These are: The importance of the Nepean River and its alluvial I soil deposits for the formation, structure and development of the early settlement. The social and economic standing of the various land I owners reflected in the size, type and complexity of the farms, grants and estates and the role that I certain properties played in defining urban growth. The role of government owned properties in I inhibiting settlement. The important agricultural role played by the area in supplying the colony's needs, particularly for grain, in the early settlement period and the I changing basis of this agrarian economy as the colony's requirements changed. I The important role of the area as a "transit station" for expansion further west and the effect of this factor on the development of the area, I particularly urban settlement. I I I I I • i I I I 15

I 4.2 PHASE 11: 1840 - 1863 COLLAPSE AND SEEDS OF CHANGE I At the beginning of this phase the basic settlement pattern of the study area was established; some I small farms, predominantly large rural estates and some small roadside hamlets. The second phase of development was to accelerate some of these developments and remove others; the single most I significant catalyst being the economic crisis of the 1840s. I By 1848 Penrith was still only a relatively small hamlet and st Marys only just emerging as a village but by this time Regentville had begun to collapse because of the economic crisis of the period. The I collapse, particularly of this estate in 1847, made way for the expansion of Penrith and other small towns as the attractive opportunities offered by the I property were no longer available. Subdivision at st Marys, during the 1840s, also aided this process. I However, it was still a fact that, for quite a considerable period longer, Penrith and st Marys were prevented from significant physical expansion because of the presence of surrounding large estates I and old grants. It was not until much later, through the catalyst of the railway and subdivision, that I the towns could find the impetus for growth. From the 1850s onwards the development of a better communication system became a predominant theme within the area. Railways were begun in the early I 1850s and in 1855 and 1860 attempts were made to bridge the Nepean but both bridges were swept away by floodwaters soon after their construction. The I latter undertaking was successfuly completed in the following period. I The development of these better and expanded lines of communication dramatically changed the established farming and grazing pattern of the area. Apart from changing the face of the landscape I itself, for example by the massive timber clearance programmes, new opportunities became available for earning a livelihood, for example in the railway I construction and provision of supplies required for the work. This inevitably began to break down old I social patterns and orders. The primary importance of this small period of time , appears to be that the economic crisis of the 1840s I removed many of the barriers that had previously I I I 16 I inhibited growth inhe area making way for the developments of the succeeding phase. I A number of themes are also noticeable in this phase being: I The economic slump of the 1840s depressing or removing the large estates at the same time as inhibiting urban and rural growth although providing I the means in which later expansion could occur. The beginnings of subdivision which entrenched the changes made to the economic basis during the I earlier phase. The first moves towards improved communication I systems from Sydney to the Penrith area and from Penrith to the west. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 17 I 4.3 PHASE Ill: 1863 - 1914 I EXPANSION, SUBDIVISION AND CONSOLIDATION After the collapse of the economy during the l840s the single most important catalyst in the I development of the study area was the drive towards better and greater communication systems, begun during the previous phase and CUlminating during this phase. Penrith and the surrounding area on the I Nepean was already established as a major transit stop on the way west by the completion of Cox's mountain road but the developments of this third I phase saw the culmination of this trend. In 1863 the railway line was extended from Blacktown I to Penrith and this initiated the development of a considerable timber getting industry for railway and domestic purposes. Most of the railway stops and sidings between st Marys and Penrith began as stops I for sawmills, for example, Kingswood and Werrington. Industrial development in other areas as well became I a key feature of this period as alternative means of livelihood were sought and expansion and demands increased. Tanning and wagon building, particularly, were dominant industries of st Marys, tanning I surviving until the 1920s and the wagon and wheelwright business until the 1950s. Gravel quarrying began at Emu Plains during the l880s, I brickworks at Penrith during the same years and an ice works later in the phase. I Bridge building, begun in the later years of the previous phase, was successfully completed in 1867 when the Victoria Bridge was constructed, designed to carry both road and rail traffic. It survived in I this double purpose until" 1907 when a new bridge replaced its rail function although it continued to I carry road traffic. The push westward, represented by men and materials, now centred at Penrith providing a further impetus I for growth. It changed from an agricultural centre to a railway town with railway yards the biggest outside the metropolitan area. The population of the area, encouraged by these developments, more than I tripled between 1861 and 1881. Once the rail was extended over the mountains and I wheatlands became established on the western slopes the rural industries within the study area changed from wool, wheat and beef production to those with I more emphasis on vegetable and fruit growing and I I I 18 I dairying. Vineyards and orchards were also established as city markets became available through I the rail link. By the end of the century, however, the serious agricultural preoccupation of the area wavered under I the onslaught of the increased competition and industrial changes. However, late in the century irrigation experiments were carried out in the MUlgoa Valley to revive agricultural practices and I take advantage of the city markets. During the later 1880s and early 1890s irrigation I was established on one property and plans were made to establish estates supported by irrigation. The depression of the 1890s effectively ended the I experiment. The construction of the railway as well as the formation of the main roads into public roads also I meant that the area became readily accessible to "city people" and the area became a popular excursion destination. The great houses became less I the centre of viable commercial enterprises but country estates of leisure, personal interests and hobbies. I In some cases, though, properties were converted to guest houses to cater for the increasing numbers of tourists from the city coming to enjoy the I recreational and picturesque qualities of the area. Subdivision took a toll on others. I The earliest subdivision in the study area occurred at st Marys and Colyton during the 1840s, however, it became a predominant pattern during the later decades of the ninteenth century with divisions I being made, for example, at Regentville, the Hornseywood Estate, Jamison Town and the Luddenham I Estate. The new small holdings were used for fruit growing, market gardening and, after the introduction of I refridgeration in the 1880s, dairying. All relied on the increasing demands of the Sydney market which had expanded in the boom of the 1880s. This mixed agararian economy continued until the 1950s although I its economic success is questionable because of the small size of the holdings. Crop diseases and the depression years of the 1890s badly effected the I area. The latter depression was effectively the end of the prosperity of the earlier decades and the I herald of the decline of the next phase. I I I 19 I During this same period the formation or declaration of municipalities became a recurrant theme, for example Castlereagh proclaimed such in 1895, I Penrith in 1871, st Marys in 1890 and a municipality proclaimed at Mulgoa during 1893 and 1913. I The events of this phase were, arguably, the most important for the development of the area since first settlement. The impact of the new developments fundamentally changed the direction of development I and laid the foundations for the modern industrial and urban expansion. The physical, economic and social links between the major metropolis of Sydney I and Penrith became predominant during this phase. The themes which are most relevant to this phase of I development are: The establishment of improved, reliable and speedy cornmunication links between Sydney and Penrith, I Penrith and the west and within the Penrith area, establishing the Penrith area, again, as a "transit I station" to the west or to the east. The impact of the railroad expansion in terms of urban development and character and population I growth. Fundamental changes in the agrarian based economy of the area to speciality crops to avoid competition I with the western suppliers and the availability of the Sydney markets for fresh produce via the rail I link. ' Intensive subdivision changing past settlement patterns and influencing contemporary economic and I social patterns. The beginnings of widespread, large and diverse I industrialisation. The introduction of a "tourist industry" and the changes made to accomodate and capitalise on this I development as an alternative livelihood. The political and urban awareness of the area I expressed in the formation of new municipalities. I I , I I ------~ -~.------1 20

I 4.4 PHASE IV: 1914 - 1939 I HIATUS By the end of the preceeding phase the enormous impetus for growth and expansion provided by the I construction of the rail and the developments associated with it had come to an end. In Proudfoot's words,

I "The activity of the railway building and extension was over, the bridge was built, and the travellers' pause at 1 the Nepean River was no longer necessary. Farming, too, was changing, from staple crops and livestock, which 1 were produced on a much grander scale west of the mountains, to orcharding, some vine-growing, and dairying. A symptom of the hiatus was the promotion I of the district as a holiday resort, with homes being converted to guest houses and advertising accomodation for 1 city holiday makers." The whole of this phase is characterized by this "slowness" as if the area was drawing breath after 1 such massive activity in the previous years.

Guest houses continued to be a popular form of money I' earning concern although the number of these buisnessess began to decrease during the later years of the phase. By the beginning of the next phase, I when new currents of change were at work in the area, they had all but vanished.

Old industries as well persisted for a portion of I this phase but gradually were phased out as new centres came into being, for example, the tanning industry at st Marys reached a peak in WWI during I this phase but by the 1920s, as the Botany tanning industry grew, it moved from st Marys. Industrial development and progress elsewhere at this time only brought an economic slump and unemployment' to this 1 area. The wheelwright industry continued into the next phase but also ended at that time. I Soldier settlements are perhaps the most characteristic development of the phase generally in areas that were previously found to be economically 1 and agriculturally unviable. By 1943 Maze's work shows that the land in the area was divided between dairying, mixed farming, poultry raising, orcharding 1 and grazing. :, I \. I 21 I

The effect of this phase was to exhaust the I developments brought about by the introduction of improved comunications in the last phase. The period is characterized by a gradual decline in each of the major areas of previous expansion. The major themes I asociated with this time span are: The decline of traditional industry and economic I depression.

The decline of tourist trade and associated I industries such as guest houses. The continuation of small agrarian based holdings of I little economic success. I I I I I I I I I I I , \1 ~ \ I 22 I 4.5 PHASE V: 1939 - 1986 I NEW GROWTH After the long period of hiatus WWII provided the new spark to set the area in motion again. This new I impetus for growth was heralded by the construction of the Munitions Filling factory at st Marys with a large area of land around it set aside for I industrial purposes.

A large amount of housing was built as well to meet I the new demands, both from the industrial presence and military personnel; population growth in this phase has been likened to that experienced during the mid-nineteenth century gold rushes. This is I entirely due to the catalyst of industrial development. I The military presence win the area has also contributed to its development during this phase by the establishment of bases, air strips, I accomodation, service facilities and dumps. After the war a new Munitions Factory was established and from 1946 the many Commonwealth I owned factory buildings were leased out, attracting a diversity of industries. By 1950 there were 94 separate firms in business at st Marys alone. I Extractive industries have become dominant within the area during this phase and are of such magnitude that they are changing vast areas of the landscape.

I In this same post-war period much of the less productive land was taken over for metropolitan uses which included housing and institutional purposes I while the productive flood prone lands were utilised for turf farming, vegetable growing, some vineyards and specialty crops relacing the traditional farming I practices. This process is certainly tied to the amalgamation of many former separate municipalities during this I period and has been possible through the consolidation of smaller holdings. I The period from the 1960s onwards has seen the consolidation of this process, the rapid and widespread expansion of urban housing and new and improved links along the traditional passages of I communication such as the construction of the Ggreat , Western Highway. I Without the impetus provided by the war economy and I I I 23 I the industrialisation it is difficult to perceive how the study area would have developed from the preceeding phase. Those two catalysts provided the I demands and the resources to push the area, which appears to have been quietly stagnating, into a new I and vigorous growth pattern. The dominant themes of this phase are: I Massive, rapid and widespread industrialisation replacing traditional practices and encroaching into old settlement patterns.

I Increased population creating demands for more housing, services and facilities. I High profile military presence within the study area with associated unique developments such as air strips and bases. I Recgnition of a sense of "community" by the amalgamation of many, formerly separate, municipalities and the construction of many I metropolitan facitilites and projects by these new groups. I Residual pockets of agrarian holdings but generally of speciality crops replacing traditional yields. Greater communication links with the metropolitan I and western districts. I I I I I I I I I I 24 I 4.6 CONCLUSIONS

I Two themes become dominant when the major historical phases of the area are analysed as previously; the physical location of the Penrith area as the most I westerly expansion point of the metropolitan area before the mountains block further passage and as the "jump - off" point for expansion across the I mountains; secondly, its topographic, geological and agricultural aspects. Both these themes, the one as a transit station the other as a rural producer, dominate the entire history of the study area from I first settlement onwards.

Either one of these factors alone would have ensured I the settlement and development of the study area, however, without the interaction of the two over the nearly two hundred years of settlement it is possible to conceive that the Penrith area would I have grown along very different lines to those which it did. As the impact of one declined or was threatened the effect of the other brought new life I to provide the impetus for growth. These two entwined catalysts are at the very basis of the I settlement pattern of this area. All of the subsidiary themes defined in the previous sections are either corollaries or different aspects I of these two factors. The earliest settlement patterns reflect the most economic use of the lands' resources as well as the I standing of the individual owners; the collapse of these patterns through external influences such as the depressed economy laid the basis for the later subdivision, altered agrarian bases and economic I diversification.

The physical location of the study area ensured the I development of small "urban" pockets to satisfy the needs of road and, later, rail stops. The impact of the rail thrust urban development into the fore and I created new industrial opportunities as the agricultural sector was going through depression, competition (brought about by the improved communication with the west and the metropolitan I markets) and necessary change.

It can be seen that the periods of "slowness" or I hiatus are directly related to the lack of energy from one or the other. For example, the period between 1914 and 1945 saw the stabi1isation of the I agrarian sector and the end of the westward I I I 25 I expansion through this area; this time is only noteworthy for its slow but steady economic and industrial decline. It was not until the impact of I the massive industrialisation of the post - war period, largely established here because of its location from the metropolitan area, that the study I aea experienced a resurgence of life generating new municipal projects, increased population, housing I demands etc. The physical demonstration of these two themes and the numerous branches from them 'are examined in the succeeding section which discusses the development I of the built environment. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' I 26 I 5.0 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

I This section is concerned with analysing the development of the built environment in response to the historical trends defined in the preceeding I section. Within this section the themes defined in the I previous section are analysed in terms of the patterns and types of settlement asssociated with each phase and their impact on the developing I landscape. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ------~-- --

I 27 I 5.1 PHASE I: 1789 ~ 1840 I DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION AND EARLY SETTLEMENT The impetus for the discovery and exploration of the study area was the pressing demand during the early I years of the new settlement for agriculturally viable land to ease the demands for food supplies which were increasing far beyond the abilities of the weakening soils around Sydney and Parramatta to I meet; hunger and possible starvation were the keenest of all motivators for outward expansion. I The topography and geological formation of the area, therefore, are the keys to the settlement pattern during this phase. The essentials of this pattern I were that, close to the river, alluvial, fertile soils with some gravel deposits could be found; further away from the rive~ th8 soils were less fertile and sometimes acid based on Wianamatta shale I or, in some cases, sandstone; the vegetation ranged between scrubby ground cover, grass and good stands of trees; some of the area was found to be full of I boulders although it was relatively flat land with gently rolling hills. I The differences in the land's resources between the river and the "hinterland" influenced the development of two distinct types of settlement. I Inevitably the earliest settlement in the district occured on the Nepean and its alluvials on the grants of 40 to 200 acres. These were the most I fertile areas allowing even up to two crops a year to be harvested without the enrichment of manures. This was as well because the size of the holdings precluded the inclusion of livestock within their I boundaries nor could they, or the colony, afford to leave the ground fallow for any length of time. I The pattern of settlement produced a class of "yeoman peasantry", alike to a similar class in England, who were to be a principal concern of all I the early governors; on their success or failure, like their counterparts in England, the existence and development of the country depended; it is I perhaps ironic that many were ex-convicts. By 1804 the greater proportion of land in the favoured parts of the Cumberland Plain had been I occupied leaving, apart from the Cow Pastures, those less fertile areas which included MU1goa. This at , least had some drainage and small tracts of I a11uvia1s. By J810 pressure for land was intense I I I 28 I and, as the Blue Mountains were still a barrier, the relative advantages of MUlgoa caused it to be the I next area for settlement. This resulted in the next "wave I! of grants in the study area during 1810-13 and then 1815-16 (land further away from the a11uvials of MUlgoa Creek and the Nepean).This I pattern of clearance and settlement along the fertile alluvial soils before moving into the less fertile shale soils of the hills is characteristic I of the area. Settlement in the area created a new landscape; tree stands were cut down and clearings created in which I barley, oats, fruit trees, potatoes, peas, beans and principally wheat and maize were planted. The area was part of the principal food producing area in the I colony.

However, the source of this wealth, ~he alluvinl soils laid down by the flood of the Nepean were also I its greatest threat. The river was subject to devastating floods at any time and entire farms and crops were frequently wiped out causing great I hardship to the farmers in these districts. In addition, drought and caterpillar plagues also I wreaked havoc during the early years of settlement as well as a difficult and turbulent political climate; commercial and economic monopolies by the "Rum Corps" led to the financial ruin of many. I Tenant farmers and/or the consolidation of a number of small holdings into large properties often resulted which contributed to the changing social I pattern of the area. The first houses and outbuildings erected on these farms appear to have been, at best, basic. Further I along the river, on the Hawkesbury, they were described as follows; I "The walls are wattled and plastered with clay, the roof thatched, the floor frequently nothing more than I the bare ground. They (the houses) generally consist of two rooms. I! (1) However, by 1822 a typical holding in the area (at I MUlgoa) was described as, "Eleven Hundred and Twenty acres of I land....with a good substantial dwelling, stock yards, and close '\ fenced paddock; ...one hundred acres I of timber felled, thirty acres I I I 29 I cleared and in a high state of cultivation." (2) I The influence and effect of the Macquarie regime probably had no small part to play in the stabilisation evidenced by the change in these I descriptions; on the one hand a small holding of desperate necessity to the colonial existence struggling to survive against a multitude of I external and self-induced problems the other a valuable asset secure in economic and political stability. I Because of the less fertile nature of the lands away from the river, generally the quickly exhausted shale soils, small holdings situated here were often I quickly ruined or sold in despair. This resulted in either consolidated properties or larger than usual tracts of land being granted which were to be used I predominantly for grazing cattle or sheep. The size of the holdings determined the type of settler; obviously ex-convicts were socially I unaceptable and those of limited means financially handicapped to run these estates, therefore, they were made to people of some capital and social I standing who could create economically viable concerns which could use assigned convicts as a source of labour. This usually meant members of the clergy or judiciary, physicians or senior military I members. A landed gentry was created and it self-perpetuated; I for example, The (Cox) Cottage at MuIgoa was the focus of that family's holdings until the sons created new properties and mansions in other parts 'I of the area (Glenmore, Winbourne and Fernhill). The size and capital of these properties allowed diversification that was not available to the small I settler. The Regentville property is an excellent example of this development; light industrialisation in the form of mills and vineyards were established I in addition to the normal rural concerns. In addition experimentation to improve traditional crops and stocks could be carried out by these men, I for example, in improving the quality of wool clips. Very often the estates in the Penrith area were, later, only a part of much larger holdings which I extended into the interior of the state; the various , properties being used for complementary purposes. I The effect of the prosp8rity engendered by these I I I 30 I estates, in addition to the magnificent improvements usually made to the house and property effectively creating small and not so small villages, went I further than the ~erimeters of each property; "civic monuments" such as churches were built, roads created (at first privately owned) and a class I created of tenant farmers. In terms of the landscape the magnificent mansions I and the small holdings reminded many of England: "In the way of quiet home scenery this vale (Mulgoa) is certainly I superior to any I have seen in this country and reminded me I forcibly of parts of England." (3) One other factor, aside from these two dominant patterns, has to be accounted for in the development of the landscape during this early period. The I government concerns situated in this area, the stock farm of 1814 and the Government Farm of 1819, are noteworthy not so much for their development of the I landscape as their inhibition of development. Government farms, during the earliest years of the I colony, were established in a number of places for the sole reason of producing food to supplement the dwindling supplies of the colony, however, by the time of Macquarie the farms were only used to I provide labour for an 9ver-supply of convicts. The produce from these farms was, in fact, in direct competition with farmers such as those along the I Nepean and were, therefore, les~ than popular. Only one, at Grose Farm, appears to have been used as an experimental or model farm and Macquarie was I under some pressure to close them down, however, without them he felt too many convicts would be dangerously idle and so they were retained along the I lines of modern prison farms. Occasionally some experimental crops were produced such as tobacco, however, in general they were not intended to be I agriculturally useful and in many cases caused some serious economic problems.

The farms at Penrith were essentially for the I purposes of containing large numbers of convicts although, given their location, they could not but help be succesful farms. Some interesting, if I unsuccessful, social experiments were carried out here as well in the incarceration of both sexes in I the one place. I I I 31 I The complexes were large and contained many substantial and varied buildings which continued to stand, and in some cases were used, after the farms I had closed. However, the effect of the farms was to stop settlement on the western bank of the river I until the 1820s. Macquarie was unwilling to extend settlement beyond the mountains because of the considered danger of convicts escaping or, worse, rebelling against the I government and army. To some extent this was justified, however, this fear combined with the block posed by the farm at Penrith ensured that I settlement remained restricted to the Cumber1and Plain until the combined factors of Macquarie's, recall, the findings of the Bigge report, the I pressure applied by the land owners and, finally, tQe complete exhaustion of the soils in the plain inevitably pushed the settlement west. I The final factor of some importance to this period, although created by the demands or interests of the land owners, could be termed the beginnings of I industrialisation. From the earliest period of settlement timber­ getting, which was to burgeon during the later I decades of the nineteenth century, was found to be a viable economic concern. During the mid-1790s privates in the NSW Corps received grants of land as I groups in the Cast1ereagh area for the purposes of supplying timber for Sydney and overseas markets. By 1810 the cedar and rose mahogany had all been I cleared from the river banks allowing the way for farming to begin. The large estates were also responsible for a number I of semi-industrial developments: Regentville was famous for its vineyards and wines claiming 30-40,000 vines of more than 200 varieties as well I as a a tweed mill and John Blaxland's grant, near Blaxland's Crossing, supported a brewery and a flour I mill. Private enterprise as well had created a number of industries in the area, in particular, mills for example AlIen's Mill of 1834 and Kinghorne's mill of I 1826. By the end of the first phase, therefore, a very I distinctive settlement pattern had been established which persisted with some variations until the I , 1880s. Two distinct settlement types dominated. I I I 32 I First settlement consisting of small crop farms owned or tenanted by a class of yeoman farmer spread out along the alluvial soils of the Nepean and its I tributaries such as South and Mulgoa Creeks. The principal crops consisted of grains and vegetables. Floods often carried away crops and holdings and I other natural, social and economic problems created great hardships for the early settlers and contributed greatly to the changing social patterns in the areas. Farm buildings were at first quite I insubstantial and poor developing into solid dwelings and outbuildings as the situation I stabilised. Second settlement spread out to the poorer shale soil areas which necessitated larger holdings to be I economically viable. This created a landed gentry whose principal concern was sheep and beef production with some subsidiary diversification; I tenant farmers were incorporated in the structure. Impressive family mansions and landscaped grounds were created and became the centre of networks of I properties which spread throughout the state. Siblings of the families created similar rural estates in other parts of the study area. Churches, roads and other "public" bequests were the legacy of I these land owners. The large estates, in a sense, for many years I replaced the stimulus of urban development and certainly, in some cases, inhibited this growth. The development of urban centres during this phase is I linked with the expanding road system, villages growing up to meet the needs of travellers (with the exception of Castlereagh which was a planned I Macquarie town). However, during this phase centres such as Penrith never developed beyond villages servicing the road, I with facilities such as inns (the first in 1836 at Emu Plains) and the surrounding rural landscape. The development of major communication systems through I this area and for use within the area is an important development of the phase. Light industrialisation, although created by the I demands or interests of the settlers, was also a feature of this phase of settlement with milling a predominant concern of this grain growing area, I although other industries such as timber-getting, wine production, brewing and cloth making were all I , successfully carried out within the study area. I I I 33 I The development of the landscape during the phase, apart from the major extension from the river to the I hinterland, is characterised by a growing refinement from the natural "bush" landscape interspersed with farms and rough tracks and roads to one imitating I and adapting the English Romantic Landscape. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 34 I 5.2 PHASE 11: 1840 - 1863 I COLLAPSE AND THE SEEDS OF CHANGE

The 1830s had been boom years for the colony, I founded firmly on wool production, and this was reflected in the study area by the emergence, expansion and magnificence of the country estates which then dominated the landscape. However, the I seeds of collapse and ultimately change were sown during the later years of that decade. I In 1838 New South Wales suffered extreme drought but the effects of this were not felt until the economic boost brought about by developments in Port Phillip I and South Australia was spent by c.1840. Grain producing areas, such as the Penrith area, suffered first and much stock perished. I The effects of this natural disaster spiralled into economic crisis; imports rose, prices rose, wages rose, land speculation slumped and land prices I dropped, commodity values such as wool and stock dropped and this rebounded on the banks when loans and interest on loans could not be repaid, import markets slumped, credit and foreign investment dried I up and some banks including the Bank of Australia and the Sydney Banking Company failed (4). I Land owners came into difficulties, particularly in 1843, with mortgages increasing and values of properties and stocks decreasing, however, by 1844 I recovery had begun with the end of the drought and the resultant rise in wool prices; the depression of the 1840s was essentially a pastoral depression. I After this economic slump expansion resumed and economic success like that of the 1830s was again I realised within the area. The collapse of Regentville is the most obvious example of the economic distress caused by the 1840s depression. Jamison had been a major shareholder in I the Bank of Australia and its collapse hastened his own economic demise. When he died in 1844 he left very few assets for his family. However, the I collapse of the estate, which had been the focus of development in the Penrith area until that time, created the vacuum in which the small village of I Penrith could later expand. , "Regentville", however, was not the only property to run into difficulty during this time. "Glenmore" I necessarily had to be sold by the Cox family during I I I 35 I this period as did "Fleurs" the home of Richard Jones (also a prominent figure in the Bank of Australia). The crisis badly effected the Marsden I family and "Mamre" . was sold to the Rouses. In 1840 Mary Bligh and her husband Maurice O'Connell sold I their subdivided grants at st Marys. James Macarthy's prosperous farm at Castlereagh ran into economic problems during this period. Macarthy I only survived by becoming a partner in establishing a boiling-down works at Cranebrook which lasted until 1852. This was a ploy common to stock holders during the depression when tallow became worth more I than meat in monetary terms.

It should be noted that many large properties did I manage to survive the crisis by diversification or finance from areas unrelated to the pastoral slump and these, along with the properties in hew hands, formed the basis for the great estates of the I succeeding decades. Some landowners in the district even seem to have I weathered the difficult period very well; "Fernhill" was commenced in 1842 but the depression did prevent the addition of another storey in accord with the I original plans. After the depression finished and economic expansion resumed new estates were built in the area that I mirrored the preceeding examples with the exception that some of the wealth that built them and the men who owned them came from different social spheres: I Emu Hall built between 1851 and 1854 was the home of Toby Ryan who started his career as a butcher. The effect of the depression and subsequent growth I on the study area was not so much to change it and the established landscape as it was to open the way for new movements and developments by removing or I weakening old established barriers although, certainly, the dependence on grain growing which had been weakened during the preceeding phase was I removed during this period thereby establishing the predominance of mixed grazing. Many of the old estates survived although a number I passed into new hands which introduced new social factions into the district. The collapse of some properties created vacuums in which urban centres, I until then eclipsed by the opportunities of the great estates, could expand successfully. I In 1843 a district council was appointed for Penrith I I I 36 I and by 1848 the town had 291 inhabitants and 63 houses. By 1861 Penrith could claim 710 people and I 126 dwellings. Two churches had been built for the town by the end of this phase and Emu Plains gained a church and church school. I st Marys rose out of the subdivisions of the Bligh/O'Connell grants. In 1853 it was described as "a long straggling village, possessing a very pretty I little church, two very good inns.... many nice snug-looking cottages and some good gardens." In I 1861 it contained 444 people and 72 dwellings. Subdivision at Colyton by William Cox in 1842 also produced the beginnings of urbanisation in this section of the study area. Diversification of the I estate economies also introduced new industries into the some areas, such as the boiling down works at Cranebrook, although the effects of the depression I removed other significant contributors such as the vineyards at Regentville. The predominance of the cattle industry in the area, as well as the healthy stands of wattle trees, ensured that from the later I 1840s tanning became an important industry, particularly in st Marys. I By the end of the phase, therefore, the settled landscape was not dramatically different from that of the preceedng phase with a mix of large estates I and small farms, although the urban centres had been vitalised by the economic troubles of the 1840s and subdivision allowed the growth of new centres. I New forms of industrialisation had begun to occur as old industries died out or were overtaken and improvements in transport, foreshadowing the I tremendous events of the next phase, were heralded by the beginning of the Cobb and Co. coaches to the area in 1862 and Toby Ryan's efforts, during the I 1850s and 1860s, to successfully bridge the Nepean. The main· legacy of the second major phase of occupation, therefore, was to weaken the traditional I barriers, provide the areas for new growth, the impetus for new industry, and provide the springboard I for the great developments of the next phase. I I I I I 37 I 5.3 PHASE Ill: 1860 - 1914 I EXPANSION, SUBDIVISION AND CONSOLIDATION In 1863 the railway came to Penrith and this caused far reaching changes to occur in the social and I economic life of the area.

After the line reached Penrith it was extended to I the west and this involved crossing the Nepean, ascending the successive ridges of the Blue Mountains and creating bridges. Enormous quantities I of men and materials came to Penrith to achieve this engineering marvel and this influx rapidly changed the face of that town.

I The new railway yards were the biggest outside the metropolitan area; new cottages and villas were constructed to house the managers and workers; new I streets built; new municipal buildings and facilities constructed and the population steadily rose so that by 1881 Penrith could claim 2310 I residents and in the following ten years this rose to 3797. However, the rail also .. encouraged the· movement of some established settlers to the new I western lands. The effect of the railway construction was to turn Penrith from a small roadside hamlet servicing the I surrounding agricultural district into a major urban growth centre and railroad town. These were the boom years of the town's development and this factor, in conjunction with excessive land speculation and I subdivision (discussed below), created masssive, unplanned growth. In Proudfoot's words'

I " ... from a situation where very few town allotments had been available, with land tied up in large estates I surrounding the village, Penrith moved in the eighties to a position of dramatic oversupply of surveyed allotments, all unserviced. This I did not foster orderly development, nor did it allow a suitable allocation of open space in the I residential areas....It also provided a legacy of hundreds of subdivided town allotments and their I location was to provide the shape of Penrith's expansion in the 1970s." , The other small urban centres of the area also went I through a period of growth stimulated by the effects I I I 38 I of the rail construction at this time, however, these effects were not limited only to the towns; like a pebble dropped in water the consequences of I this act caused ripples throughout the entire area which fundamentally changed the established I patterns. The railroad effectively ended the mixed grazing domination of the local economy as the western I lands, far more suitable and viable for this activity, were brought within reach of the Sydney market.

I To combat this threat to the economy the staples of the district moved from beef and sheep production to vegetable and fruit growing and dairying; these I products relied on the Sydney markets and the rail to transport them there. This change in farming patterns was,in turn, accomplished by a change in I the established settlement patterns. The shift of some of the population to the west allowed the consolidation of some of the smaller I properties into reasonably sized holdings available to either newcomers or established families. In addition the high expectations, in terms of I population growth, caused by the railway construction had begun a pattern of subdivision of the larger estates beginning in 1863 with the I Hornseywood Estate. This factor of land speculation reached a peak during the 1880s when former estates such as I Regentville and old land grants were subdivided and new "model towns" created such as Jamison Town and housing estates, such as the Luddenham estate, I comprising usually 50 acre farm blocks, put up for sale. The size of these blocks, however, often resulted in uneconomic properties and the great I numbers involved far outweighed the demand. The developments of this period left an indelible I print on the built environment; "This was the period of the balloon­ frame weatherboard house with colonial verandah, the shingle (and I later galvanised) iron hip or gabled roof and careful plantings of formal palms and pepper trees. Such cottages I with their associated outhouses often still of slab and weatherboard or bush , beam construction, their overgrown I gardens and palm trees, and fencing of I I I 39 I hardwood posts drilled.....for the new three or four strand barbed wire, are I now among the most distinctive features of the..... landscape. Other cottages were of brick, in an attractive two­ tone Gothic style, with the newer I Federation style becoming popular following the turn of the century." (5) I The altered economic base and the subdivisions of the l880s inevitably changed the lifestyle associated with the grand mansions and properties. The economic basis of the estates, beef and sheep I production, had been swept away and this necessarily led to a change in function and economic viability. I For a time these properties enjoyed, as Proudfoot calls it, an "Indian summer" with owners indulging in peripheral interests such as racehorse breeding I and wine growing rather than serious economic uses. The estates functioned as country houses or even weekenders and impressive extensions and additions were made to many at the time; some new homes were I built during this phase for that specific purpose such as "Glenleigh". I It is perhaps ironic that the railway, the very means by which the demise of the estates as viable economic properties came about, should provide the means by which they could continue to function, I albeit in a changed capacity. The easy access provided by rail made city folk I aware of the scenic attractions and "healthy country lifestyle" offerred by the area and it was perhaps inevitable that the boarding house trade was most I often resorted to as a means of maintaining the country mansions.

This was a critical factor during the l890s when I severe depression hit the Australian economy. The causes of the depression were related to excessive speculation (evidenced within the study area) I especially in land and transport systems, a drop in export prices for primary products and slumps in I overseas investment. This was a far more severe depression than that of the l840s, effecting more than the pastoral sector alone; for a decade great hardship was suffered by I many. It helps to explain the gradual decline in , development impetus towards the end of this phase in the Penrith area and the failure of such projects as I the irrigation schemes in the MUlgoa Valley. I I I 40 I The final "ripple" caused by the railway was the market provided for industrialisation. The I timber-getting industry has been previously mentioned and was the spur for the development of suburbs such as Werrington; gravel mining, tanning, I cattle sale yards and industries related to the servicing of the new growth areas came into being to meet new demands and as a means of providing new livelihoods as traditional practices were abandoned I or became uneconomic. Blacksmiths, bakers, butchers, breweries, cordial factories, iceworks, brickworks, a butter factory and a privately owned electricity I generating station were all opened during this phase. I By the end of this phase, therefore, a very new settlement pattern had emerged within the study area. The large estates had been reduced in size and esteem to country boarding houses and the land had I been given over to small farm blocks whose livelihood depended on market gardening and dairying, made possible now in the poorer soil areas I by the use of introduced fertilisers. The small farmhouse and outbuildings were the hall marks of the area. I Urbanisation and all that entailed in terms of housing, municipal developments and political activity had come to the fore, made possible by the I decline of the estates and the grants. New urban centres had come into being because of growing industrialisation and the demands of those I industries. Traditional economy was replaced by a mixture of agrarian and industrial. The tourist industry became a significant factor in local I economy. The effect on the landscape of this long period should also be considered; long years of grazing had I produced typical "cattle country" pastures, timber getting had removed most of the larg~ stands of trees, extractive industries had begun to. make their I mark on the landscape and the . subdivision into market gardens and orchards had introduced new trees and planting patterns as well as the exotics I associated with the houses. In terms of social change the Penrith and Nepean district, after a short period of being seen as the I resort spot and country retreat of the rich, emerged firmly as a working and middle class enclave. , ·1 At the centre of this development and the cause of I I

IL..- ~~_~~ --~--~- ~-----~------' I 41 I all the interrelated changes was the railroad which linked together Penrith, the west and the Sydney I metropolitan area physically, economically, politically and socially. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I '\ I I I 42 I 5.4 PHASE IV: 1914 - 1939 I HIATUS For a short time the war economy of World War I appears to have injected some life into the local I markets which seem to have lost most of their vitality during the depression years of the 1890s. However, in the few years following the end of the I war this economic boost was lost and the depression of the 1930s appears to have been the final straw for much of the area. A local history of st Marys I graphically sums up the situation: "From 1902, when Botany was declared a Noxious Industries centre, tanneries I began moving to that suburb. Thompson and BreIl both continued here till after World War I, but by then the I wattle trees were all gone and tanning operations and high freight costs made the industry uneconomical.

I As motor vehicles became available and widely used, the wheels and the waggons I were no longer required..... Open fires, fuel stoves and bakers' ovens were replaced by gas and electric appliances and the saw mills closed. I The great trees were gone leaving only scrub behind.

I Industrial development and progress at this time brought only an economic slump I and unemployment to this area.... From then till World War 11 there was very little progress or prosperity in st Marys" I ( 6 ) • This was characteristic of the entire area. Established factories and businesses closed and I virtually no municipal developments were made at all (with the exception of war memorials). I A few soldier settlements appear to have been located in this area on land that was economically unviable and the depression years saw the growth of "shanty towns" such as at Oxley Park and I Londonderry; poor quality housing erected, usually on five acre blocks, to shelter those suffering through the economic crisis. Virtually no new I housing other than these was constructed during this I I I 43 I phase. Guesthouses, however, continued to survive I and, indeed, increased in numbers into the 1930s. The poulation also levelled off during this phase, after peaking in the l890s. The natural growth rate was not even achieved in many areas; for example, in I 1921 Penrith's population had dropped to 3600 from that of 1891 (3797) and st Marys had only marginally risen from 1828 to 1900. In 1933 Penrith's I population had only risen by 300 people although st Marys had grown (possibly a function of the shanty towns on its outskirts). I Therefore, the most noticeable effect of this phase appears to have been the development of certain parts of the study area previously thought to be I uneconomically viable for soldier and/or depression housing. Land around st Marys and in the northern part of the study -area appear to have been the I principal sites for these developments. However, apart from this movement this period of hiatus appears to have little real effect on the I developing landscape; there was no agricultural, technological or industrial spur to motivate such changes and the combined effects of the 1930s I depression, technological advances and developments outside the study area left it in a period of I "stagnation". I I I I I I I I I I 44 I 5.5 PHASE V: 1939 - 1986 I NEW GROWTH The war economy of World War 11 provided the motivation for the study area to start developing I again and distinctive types of settlement appeared directly related to military uses. The earliest of these, and probably the first great I motivator, was the annexation of land and construction of a Munitions Filling Factory at st Marys on what is now the Dunheved Industrial Estate. I Like'the introduction of the railway to Penrith the construction of the factory sent out ripples throughout the entire area causing many new I developments. Many new houses and cottages were built in st Marys to house the new workers and managers of the site; I the railway was extended to the town and new stations built to accomodate the passengers; municipal developments such as banks, shops, new I streets and services were created to facilitate the new population and old businesses, such as the sa1eyards, were relocated. The development of the I factory completely changed the character of the town from a quiet rural backwater to a thriving industrial centre. I st Marys, however, was not the only centre to benefit for the military presence; a World War 11 wireless station provided a spark of growth in I Londonderry; munitions areas were established in the Orchard Hills area; Penrith gained a Military Base for the Royal Army Engineers, several little airstrips and RAAF accomodation; Kingswood gained an I army base and a radio repair centre etc. The military presence has continued until this day. I The population of the district dramatically increased during these years; after World War 11 Penrith and the Nepean had gained approxiamte1y 1000 I more people each and, from the influence of the munitions factory, st Marys had nearly tripled its size. I The dramatic increase in people naturally created an enormouse demand for housing and from the 1940s onwards housing commission estates were created in I the surrounding districts to the growth centres for example at L1anddi10. The effect of this was to , remove evidence of many of the earlier farming I properties. A victim of the war years, however, was I I I 45 I the guesthouse trade as increased mobility, new interests and the changing scenery took people further away from the Penrith area for their I hOlidays and weekend excursions. The effect of the war was to establish the study I area as an expanding metropolitan area and this attracted more people and new industries such as sand quarrying in the Castlereagh district from the I 1950s, gravel extractive industries and quarrying (which have consolidated many of the smaller holdings for these purposes), crushing plants, engineering works and glass factories. After the war I the old munitions buildings at st Marys were leased and diverse new businesses came to the area; a new Munitions Filling Factory was established on land I just to the north of the former factory. With this firm foundations established, the boom years of the 1960s saw the further subdivision of I land around the growth centres with new estates being created at places such as Leonay and Mt Pleasant. The new residential areas have created new I municipal and service failities and this trend has continued until the present day. The completion of the Great Western Freeway in 1973 has firmly I established the links between the Sydney and Penrith metropolitan areas. The patterns of this final phase are similar to I those which are seen to have occurred during the third phase of settlement when the impetus provided by the railway line generated enormous growth in the I study area. However, the growth stimulated by the World War 11 economy and industrialisation has been I far wider than that which occurred earlier. New centres have been opened up and old areas redeveloped, the latter at the expense of the evidence of earlier years. A new wave of I industrialisation has occurred, some in established areas others in newly created precincts and the population has increased dramatically. The majority I of the study area is now an urban growth centre. I I I I I I 46 I 5.6 CONCLUSIONS I The initial settlement of the study area was motivated by the early colony's need to find agriculturally viable land which could be cultivated I to produce food for the settlement, at that time perilously close to starvation. The alluvial soils along the Nepean and its tributaries were found to I be ideal for this purpose and small farms of generally 40 to 200 acres were established here as early as the later l790s and continued to be created I until the early l800s. The farms were settled by a mix of ex-convicts, free settlers and army personnel and a class of yeoman I peasantry evolved, similar to a like class in England. They were. a constant concern of all governors; the~r success or failure and that of the I area was closely tied to the success or failure of the colony. Macquarie's tour of inspection of the area brought into being Castlereagh.

I The first crops consisted of staples such as potatoes, peas and beans and some fruit trees but wheat and maize were the principal crops. The I earliest industrial activity of the area was the timber-getting (rose mahogany and cedar) associated with the land clearance along the river side. This was sent to Sydney for local and overseas I consumption. It is not suprising, considering the high grain yield of the area, that mills were also established in the area from an early date, I generally along the river banks.

The earliest settlement in this Nepean district was I constantly threatened by natural disasters such as harsh storms, caterpillar plagues, drought and, in partiCUlar, floods as well as an uncertain political and economic climate. Floods especially contributed I to the loss of both lives and property.

The earliest farms were apparently poor, small and I fragile structures but by the l820s well established houses, outbuildings, yards and fences had been I constructed. A number of farms had been established during the early years of settlement in this "area on land away from the river. This area was characterized by poor, I quickly exhausted soils based on Wianammatta shales , and small holdings could not survive in this I environment; they were quickly ruined or sold. I I I 47 I This geological feature influenced a second, later dominant settlement pattern; consolidated small I holdings or large grants utilised for sheep and cattle grazing located away from the river alluvials.

I The size of the holdings precluded their ownership by ex-convicts (socially unacceptable) or men of limted means; they were usually given to prominent I civil or military men. A landed gentry had been created and it self-perpetuated as siblings of the original family moved out and created new estates I for themselves on similarly large tracts of land. In addition to grazing, however, the size and capital of the proper~1es allowed diversification I into areas such as brewing, winemaking, milling and cloth making as well as experimenta·tion to improve I traditional stocks and crops. The prosperity of these estates enabled large country mansions to be built and many improvements to be made to the original property often creating I small and not so small "villages" for the workmen, landscaped gardens and industrial and agricultural areas; a class of tenant farmer also came into I existence at this time. In addition to property improvements "civic monuments" such as churches were built and roads I laid out. By the l830s the landscape had been altered to the extent that 1~ reminded many of I England of the Romantic Landscape period. The settlement at the Nepean had been linked to the Sydney settlement in 1815 by the construction of one I stage of the Great western Road and this link, combined with the general push westward, ensured that the study area became established as a stopping point before the journey west. Roadside hamlets came I into being specifically to service travellers along this route; Penrith had its beginnings in this way. I It is perhaps not suprising, therefore, that towns which simply grew to service a particular need never reached maturity until the great estates, which in I all senses supplied the opportunities of an urban centre, had been removed from the competition. This push westward, however, was delayed until the I l820s because of a policy of Governor Macquarie to retain all settlement within the Cumberland Plain, a , decision made largely because of the fear of convict I unrest so far from the seat of government and I I I 48 I authority and the difficulty of controlling development at such distance. I Symbols of this barrier were the government farms at Emu Plains, one from 1814 and a second from 1819. Private settlement was not allowed on the western I bank of the river where these establishments lay until the 1820s. It is perhaps ironic that, having blocked progress for so long, in its later stages I the stockade at Emu was used to house the gangs of convicts who helped to build the road over the mountains. I By 1840, therefore, three distinct settlement characteristics can be seen: small agrarian riverside holdings, large "inland" estates and small I hamlets related to servicing travellers. The "natural" landscape had been subjugated by each of the developments through timber clearance, grazing, I cropping and landscaping until it mirrored a landscape similar to English scenes where similar social stratifications existed as well. I From the very earliest period the three were inextricably linked; the smaller holdings sometimes being consolidated for larger holdings, or becoming I tenanted to the big estates, the large estates "competing" with the hamlets in terms of urban development and the three all subjects to the effects that the successful push westward would I bring. The effects of this push, however, were stayed for I a short while because of the interruption caused by the 1840s depression. I Beginning in 1838 with a severe drought the effects of this natural disaster were not felt until the economy stabilised after the impetus provided by I interstate developments had declined by c.1840. The depression was essentially a pastoral crisis and so areas such as the Nepean, which were economically I entirely based on pastoralism and agrarian pursuits, suffered badly. The effects, however, in terms of changing the established settlement at that time were relatively minimal; some lost farms and I holdings, some industries died and at least one new enterprise, a boiling down works, came into being. I Probably the most important long-term effect of the crisis in terms of the landscape development was the final domination of mixed grazing over grain growing I and other agricultural pursuits as the principal I I -----~------~

I 49 I economic basis of the area. I The greatest changes, however, came about in terms of land ownership with some established families required to sell their properties to new buyers (the I latter including some members of the "nouveau riche" which created new patterns of social stratification), some having to subdivide their land I and a few losing their properties altogether. The most important effect of the period of settlement between 1840 and 1863, therefore, was not I the actual changes which occurred on the landscape, which were minimal, but the potential for change which was created by the economic problems of the I l840s. The collapse of great estates such as Regentville allowed urban expansion in hamlets such as Penrith I with a resultant rise in population and civic developments and subdivisions created areas for future urban and residential growth which had not I previously existed. The impact of the next phase of settlement was heralded by the coming of the Cobb and Co. coaches I to the area in 1862 and the two attempts to bridge' the Nepean during the later l850s/60s; the drive west had resumed and as the Penrith area lay at 'the I centre of the productive western lands and the Sydney metropolitan area it was inevitable that this drive should have far-reaching effects on the I development of the area. The railway line which reached Penrith in 1863 and then attempted to proceed west over the mountains I was the single most influential catalyst on the development of the landscape in the study area since I the period of first settlement. It was directly responsible for increased and expanding urbanisation of Penrith and new towns which sprang up by the railway sidings; for a I dramatically increased population; for the construction of housing and facilities to cater for the new population; for the land speculation which I took the form of subdivisions of the old estates; for the emergence and economic dominance of market gardening and dairying in place of mixed grazing I which was now dominated by the western markets; for the growing diverse industrialisation; for the burgeoning tourist industry. I By the end of this phase the landscape had been I I I 50 I completely altered as had the settlement patterns. The long years of grazing had produced typical "cattle country" vistas, timber getting had removed I large stands of trees, extractive industries had begun to make a mark on the landscape, the mansions were no longer surrounded by huge areas of land, the I small farm block dominated the landscape, market gardens and orchards introduced new trees and planting patterns as well as the exotics associated I with the houses. The Penrith and Nepean area, after a short time as being seen as the weekend or country resort of the rich, emerged very firmly as a middle I and working class centre. After the impact of the railway development had been exhausted and the economy had stabilised after the I depression of the 1890s there was little impetus for any development to continue within the study area. The area seems to have "stagnated" for the period I between 1914 and 1939 with only a short boost provided by the economy of World War I which appears to have staved off, for a short time, the inevitable I conclusion.

After the war old industries closed and very few new I ones opened, virtually no buildings for civic or residential pruposes were constructed and the population either levelled off or even, in some I cases, dropped. The only real change to the landscape during these years was the development of some soldier I settlements and depression housing in areas that'had previously been economically unviable in the I northern and central portions of the study area. World War 11 ironically provided life-blood for the new development of the Penrith area. Industrialisation associated with a war economy and I with new businesses opened in the rapidly expanding metropolitan area after the war stimulated enormous growth in the same manner that the coming of the I railway had nearly one hundred years before. The new industry and military presence created a demand for housing, municipal developments and I facilities which were catered for within existing centres and within new housing estates. This boom I continued through the 1960s and 1970s. In terms of the landscape vast new areas which were previously unsettled have been developed and I distinctive additions to the landscape have been I I I 51 I made such as army buildings. However, many of the old patterns of farms and orchards and grand I mansions and fragile evidence such as old tracks and roads and plantings have been lost in the massive I new wave of construction. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 52 I 6.0 THE CURRENT STATE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AND I IDENTIFIED SITES This section presents the data base which exists at the time of the study with respect to archaeological I sites. The information presented here is used to test the predictive model in Section 10.0. I 6.1 AREA SURVEYS Two regional environmental studies have been carried I out in areas of direct relevance to this programme viz: Penrith Lakes Scheme Regional Environmental Study (D.E.P. 1984), which looks at sites within the I Castlereagh area and the Mulgoa Valley Regional Environmental study (D.E.P. 1983). A third, Heritage Study of the· North-West Sector of Sydney (D.E.P. 1983) is mainly concerned with sites outside the I study area although a small section of the northern portion of this area is included within it; for the purposes of this archaeological analysis it is of I little relevance. The Mulgoa and Penrith Lakes studies have both I chosen, for the archaeological component, to carry out field surveys which have identified a number of sites although, for the reasons defined in Section 3.4 of this study, it cannot be presumed that these I lists identify the total archaeological resource of the study areas involved in the surveys. However, the sites described in these works may be used to I assist in the formation of the predictive model. A compilation of all sites located during this I literature survey may be found in Section 6.5. 6.2 PROFESSIONAL AND STUDENT RESEARCH I With the exception of the surveys carried out for the preceeding works virtually no professional archaeological research or site surveys have been I carried out within the study area; a small portion of the later Munitions Filling Factory has been investigated by this consultant during the course of a watching brief. This is a situation of some I considerable surprise considering the historic nature of the are~. I There has, however, been a considerable body of student work compiled over time on various portions , of the study area. The detail and degree of accuracy I varies from Masters Theses to First Year student I I I 53 I projects, however, the combined resource considerably adds to the general picture of the spread and variety of the archaeological resource. A I list of these sites and works is included in Section 6.5 I 6.3 LOCAL HISTORICAL RESEARCH

Not suprisingly local historical research is mainly I concerned with anecdotal material and/or historical detail relevant to standing structures, however, this may be useful in, for example, identifying 'potential sites around major homes which have since i disappeared such as outbuildings or clusters of sites types such as mills or bridges which may since have disappeared leaving remnant archaeological I traces behind. In a few instances sites such as the Emu Plains stockade are discussed-in some detail. I A list of this material is supplied in Section 6.5. 6.4 REGISTERS

I A number of registers exist which identify places considered to be of heritage significance such as the Heritage Commission Register of the National I Estate and the National Trust Register and Register of Industrial Sites. These are also largely concerned with standing structures with no reference to potential or known archaeological sites except in I very few instances. The information from this resource is compiled in Section 6.5. I I I I I I I , I I I 54 I 6.5 COMPILATION OF KNOWN SITES BY AREA The sites listed here are all areas of proposed I sub-surface remains or features rather than standing I structures which will be discussed subsequently. 6.5.1 CASTLEREAGH I Longs Lane Crossing over Nepean (P.L.S. E.r.S.,85; Colless,S. Birds Eye Corner-A Study of Land Settlement on the Nepean River NSW 1789-1809 [Syd. Uni. MA Thesis]) I "Early bricks" on bank and line of former track; much flood activity. I Sheens Lane Ford (P.L.S. E.r.S.,76) Several fords known from different periods; this gave access to Emu Plains. I Jacksons Ford (P.L.S. E.r.S.,76) Cuttings through high bank and scatters of I "early" artefacts. Single's Ford (P.L.S. E.r.S.,77) Evidence of track behind Hadley Farm; used I for taking cattle to higher west bank. Howell's Ford (P.L.S. E.r.S.. ,77) End of Smith Street where Howell's Mill I stood; still survives.

Site of AlIen's Mill, 1834 (P.L.S. E.r.S.,78; I R. D. 1., 34) Water-driven mill and mill house on bank. Partly demolished 1872. Visible foundations I in 1912. Site of Kinghorne's Mill, pre 1826 (P.L.S. E.1.S.,78) I On bend of river south of Birds Eye Corner; later known as Jacksons Mill. Ceased I operating in 1860s. Site of Jacksons Mill originally Colless' mill, N.D. (P.L.S. E.r.S.,78) Reknowned for giant watermill; situated due I west of Castlereagh Council Chambers. Still operating in 1879. No visible foundations but possible if "river bed disturbed or I levels fall."

Castlereagh Road (P.L.S. E.r.S.,87) I Established pre 1803; one of oldest roads in I I I 55 I colony. Some regrading and widening. Cranebrook Road (P.L.S. E.r.S.,88) I Established 1830s as part of development of Cranebrook Village.

I McCarthys Lane (Jackson Lane) (P.L.S. E.r.S.,89) Dates end C18, now partially closed. I Farrells' Lane (P.L.S. E.r.S.,90) Follows limitations of earliest land grants and "must be contemporary with their I origins." Church Lane (P.L.S. E.r.S.,91) Amalgamation of several streets from I original town plan of Old Castlereagh. Western end developed later C19. Other rnland Lanes: Wrights Lane and Carters Lane I (P.L.S. E.r.S.,92) "Attractive lanes with a high degree of survival of significant archaeological I features." Wrights Lane has post and rail fencing. I Longs Lane (P.L.S. E.r.S.,93) Probably on the line of the earliest access to the Nepean. "Old-style" post and wire fencing and "older-style" edgings and I vegetation.

River Access Lanes: Sheens, Purcells and Jacksons I Lanes (P.L.S. E.r.S.,94) All are an integral part of 1795 settlement I pattern. Rev. Henry Fulton's Parsonage Site (P.L.S. E.r.S.,28,81; R.D.V.,26) Ruins of a slab cottage with part of frame I still standing. On part of glebe land which contained the parsonage and outbuildings (just north of the slab cottage) of c.1814. I This ruin appears to be on site of parsonage vegetable garden. Unclear if this is associated with the parsonage or later. No visible remains of parsonage of 1820s but I site apparently undisturbed. McCarthys Farm Site. (P.L.S. E.r.S.,79; O.C.P.,l) I Site of house and outbuildings from early 1800s. Partially excavated with foundations I revealed. I I I 56 I Michael Long Cottage Site; part of Mouquet Farm complex. (P.L.S. E.r.S.,33) Originally a miller's house in existence by I the 1850s later occupied by Long. Numerous sandstock bricks on site etc possibly from I this house. Purcell Cottage Ruin (P.L.S. E.r.S.,37) RUined cottage with sheds, silage pits and I well. Penrith Quarry Complex c.1930s (P.L.S. E.r.S.,41) Disused crushing plant and company offices. I Oldest extant evidence of gravel quarrying.

Federation Cottage and rnn Site (P.L.S. E.r.S.,42) I Cottage on site of inn of unspecified date. No site evidence recorded. I Lees' House Site c.1870 (P.L.S. E.r.S.,48) Vacant block with uneven grassy mounds of rubble with visible remains of garden I terracing and brick structures. Site of Kerry Lodge c.1850 (P.L.S. E.r.S.,49) Family home of Dame Mary Gilmore. Said to be I in "ruins". Parkers Slaughter Yard (P.L.S. E.r.S.,52; Syd. Uni. Hist. Arch. Work Recording Site.) I Ruins of cottages, outbuildings and slaughtering works with some elements from I 1860s. Barn, dairy and house ruins (P.L.S. E.r.S.,56) I Possibly c.1880s or later. Early slab cottage site,N.D. (P.L.S. E.r.S.,57) No recorded visible evidence. I Minnaville site c.1810/11-1822 (P.L.S. E.r.S.,80) A ~ouse site possibly with portions 48 and I 39., no visible evidence. Alexander Fraser's House site pre 1869 (P.L.S. E.r.S.,80) On portion 284; no visible evidence but I apparently undisturbed.

Pise House Ruins early 1900s (P.L.S. E.r.S.,49) I Partially intact.

Church and School House Sites (P.L.S. E.r.S.,82) I rn Church Street,Castlereagh from 1820s to I I I 57 I 1870s; no visible evidence recorded. Mr J. Fu1tons House Site (P.L.S. E.r.S.,83) I Corner of Fulton and Tempest Streets; house and outbuildings pre 1869. No visible I evidence recorded. Site of Mt Pleasant homestead c.1820s (O.C.P.,4) Demolished mid 1950s. No evidence mentioned I except tree plantings. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 58 I 6.5.2 EMU PLAINS I stockade site 1819 (O.C.P.,44; Penrith Thematic History; R.D.V.,25; E.P.,3-14) Originally a very large establishment of cottages, facilities and cultivated areas. I Dismantled by 1830s. No visible ruins. Dungarth, part of stockade (O.C.P.,44) I Originally the Superintendant's residence with outhouses and cultivated areas. Stood in Stockade Street; now demolished. No I reported sites except remnant planting. Site of Edinglassie 1820s (O.C.P.,53; E.P.,15-l6) Near Lapstone Place at end of River Road. I The country retreat for Chief Justice Sir Robert Forbes. Demolished in 1920s. I Foundations still visible later 1970s. I I I I I I I I I I I I I 59 I 6.5.3 JAMISON TOWN I Thomas Jamison's Cottage Site c.1805.(M.V. E.r.S.) Corner Jamison Road and Nepean Avenue in I paddock, raised ground with strewn bricks. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 60 I 6.5.4 MULGOA

I Ruin of kitchen courtyard? Glenmore c.1825 (M.V.) Substantial remnants of garden walls with I gateway; evidence of lean-to shed etc. "House belonging to Gill" on Glenmore pre 1863 (M.V.) I Building rubble and old planting. Site of two houses of "Hoe" pre 1863 on Glenmore (M.V.) I Exotic plantings, no visible evidence.

Site of early buildings The Cottage c.1810 (M.V.) I Large area of ridge to south of cottage with signs of former buildings from farm and I possibly race horse stud. Site of clay pits c.1810 The Cottage (M.V.) Distinct impression in ground in gUlly to west of cottage; source of bricks for I house. Site of the Vineyard c. 1810 (M.V.) I Distinct impression of many terraces over wide area on slope. Site of dam/weir The Cottage c.C19 (M.V.) I Possibly marked by vertical timber piling. Site of former house c.1792 The Cottage (M.V.) I Marked by surviving fruit trees. Possible site of former horse graves c.1880s The I Cottage (M. V. ) No visible remains of graves of Yattendon and Grand Flaneur. I st Thomas's Road MUlgoa c.1830s. (M.V.) An original country road with branches leading to many properties and buildings I from earliest times. Site of Colonial Parsonage and drive c.1838. (M.V.) Earth ledge and old bricks, remnant garden I planting located immediately behind back fence of new rectory of st Thomas's Church. Distinct impression of road with remains of I gate posts and side fences and possibly , picket gate. I Ruin of winery c.1840s Fernhill (M.V.) I I I 61 I Ruins of walls and machinery; sunken floors. Miscellaneous drains and walls c.1840s Fernhill I (M.V. ) Generally stone; some only recently I revealed. Underground tank c.1821 Fairlight (M.V.) Rendered sandstone possibly cellar of I original house. Remains of bath house later C.19 Fairlight (M.V.) Remnants of brick baths and water works on I foundations.

Remains of stone building C.19 Fairlight (M.V.) I Floor slabs of small dairy and sump and impressions of yards? in grounds. stone flagging.

I Miscellaneous wells early-late C.19 Fairlight. (M.V. ) I At least four. Site of shed c.1878 Fairlight (M.V.) I One surviving wall. Remains of stone building pre 1850 Fairlight (M.V.) Remnants of walls of stone cellar. I Site of former wine cellar and wooden store pre 1876 Fairlight (M.V.) Substantial masonry buildings only recently I demolished; some footings still evident. Site of colonial road formerly Fairlight (M.V.) I Part of road leading from Norton's Basin to Fairlight Homestead. Partially destroyed by recent bUlldozing. I Landing platform, cottage and "Donahoe's Cave" Fairlight c.1820s (M.V.) Stone landing platform and remnants of small I cottage. Cave supposedly used by bushranger. Site of William Cox's Cottage and Barn c.1816 (M.V.) Near intersection of MUlgoa and fairlight I Roads. Foundations still evident at beginning of century. I Site of MU1goa General Store c.1855 (M.V.) On western side of MUlgoa Road to south of Fairlight Road intersection. Location not I determined. I I I 62 I Site of MUlgoa Town Hall 1891. (M.V.) Built as result of Irrigation Scheme. I Demolished c.1975; identified by plantings. Fire station on site. I Site of Irrigation Hotel c.1892 (M.V.) MU1goa Road between Settlers Restaurant and Water Pipeline. Burnt 1920. Site not I determined. Remains of canal and reservoir 1891-1898 (M.V.) Earth and concrete channel grassed but still I evident.

Site of Winbourne House c.1824 (M.V.) I Some disturbance by construction of new buildings but largely intact. Miscellaneous ruined structures such as walls, gates I and well Winbourne (M.V.)

Site of Courtyard Fountain or Well c.1840s Winbourne I (M.V.) Sunken green shape in lawn. I Site of lodge c.1840s Winbourne (M.V.) Loose stone and bricks and corner of stone footing.

I Site of lotus lily pond and jetty C.19 Winbourne (M.V.) Dam intact, remains of timber jetty I or bridge. Possible first house site c.1824 Winbourne (M.V.) I Not located. Possible distillery site Winbourne (M.V.) I At dam site, not inspected. Possible barn site Winbourne (M.V.) I Not inspected. Possible site of Burchers House Winbourne (M.V.) Not inspected.

I Possible site .of outhouse Winbourne (M.V.) Not inspected.

I Ruins of former vinters cottage pre 1850 Winbourne. (M.V.) I Remains of stone cottage. I I ------~ '-,-- ~----

I 63 I Site of former vineyard cottage Winbourne (M.V.) Distinct impression from vineyard to vinters I cottage. Brick lined pit pre 1850s Winbourne (M.V.) I Possibly charcoal burning pit. Ruins of irrigation reservoir 1889 Winbourne (M.V.) I Rubble stone and render and much piping. Remains of road and culvert Winbourne. (M.V.) Possibly associated with irrigation system.

I Pumping platform site 1889 Winbourne (M.V.) Coursed stone platform. I Site of well pre 1850 Winbourne (M.V.) Brick lined well filled in. I Site of vineyard Winbourne (m.V.) Miscellaneous roads and rubble stone terraces.

I Sf quarry Winbourne (M.V.) Clear signs of stone quarry. I Remians of weir, pre 1850 Winbourne (M.V.) Remnants of old sandstone weir upstream from I present Wallacia weir. I I I I I I I I I I 64 I 6.5.5 REGENTVILLE

Site of School House pre 1868 possibly 1839 (M.V. I E.I.S. ) Off Factory Road, no visible evidence in I paddock. Site of Regentville Windmill pre 1832 possibly 1816 (M.V. E.I.S.) I Lot 3 Martin Street; sandstone knoll. No visible surface foundations.

Site of Regentville woollen mill factory site 1839 I (M.V. E.I.S.) 1 Bundarra Road and Factory Road; I impressions of walls seen in grass. Sites of Regentville houses and cottages from 1839 (M.V. E.I.S.) I No. 1,3,4,5,6 Bellvue Street; no visible evid~nce.

Site of Regentville House 1823 (M.V. E.I.S.; Penrith I Thematic History; Kirkpatrick, J. Blaxlands Crossing and Regentville [Syd.Uni. Hist. Arch. I MS; Wilson,A. Regentville:An I Historical Archaeological Study [Syd. Uni. MS]). Structural remains include cellars and distinct and undisturbed footings of I remainder of house. Partially excavated revealing foundations, drains etc. I Miscellaneous stone elements about the site. Evidence of Regentville garden Walls and Outhouses 1823 (M.V. E.I.S.) I Clear outlines of walls, some exposed and very undisturbed.

Site of Regentville House Road c.1820s (M.V. E.I.S.) I Distinct ground impression of road· from MUlgoa Road to site.

I Site of Regentville Vineyard Terracing c.1831 (M.V. E.r.S. ) Undisturbed site of possibly earliest I vineyard in Australia; terraces in round river stones as well as stock piles. Site of negentville winery buildings c. 1830s (M.V. I E.I.S. ) Sandstone footings and cellar walls built in I gUlly bank over darn wall. I I I 65 I Site of Regentville Dam c.1830s (M.V. E.I.S.) Earth dam with indistinct evidence of I spillway on northern side of wall. Sites of Dairy Farm Yards and Sheds etc c.C19 (M.V. E.I.S.) I Partially intact sheds, cottages, wells, sheep dip close to Regentvi1le House Site. I Site of Hope House Convalescent Home on Glenleigh? (M.V.) Domed rendered brick well still visible, possibly associated with the House. Late I C.19, demolished 1920. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ------~------

I 66 I 6.5.6 ST MARYS

Site of Pages Tannery pre 1857-1918. (Penrith I Thematic History;Dalkin,M. Pages Tannery st Mary {Syd. Uni. MS Hist. Arch. 11 1975]) Substantial remains of important local I tannery including and old barn which was used as a boot factory. I Mamre sites of outbuildings (Unpublished report on excavations at Mamre Syd. Uni. Hist Arch.) Excavations revealed extensive evidence of I outbuildings and features around house. Site of Thompsons Tannery 1884-1918 In Saddington Street; nor reported remains. I demolished 1943. Site of Webbs Tannery later C.19 Southern end of Carinya Avenue; no reported I remains. Included a brickworks.. Site of Desboroughs Tannery I In Desborough Road; no reported remains. Site of Brells Tannery I Opposite Tennant Road; tanning pits said to be visible.

Site of Bennetts Waggon Works I Western side of Queen Street, between King and Crana Streets. No reported remains. I Site of Balgay Jam Factory Roper Road, Co1yton. End C.19 land developed for producing fruit for canning; cans at first brought from P1umpton cannery but I factory later extended and produced its own. Produced canned fruits for the forces during both wars. Jam making added and the factory I became the Balgay Cannery. Recently demolished. I Site of Dunheved Homestead Established on land granted to Anna King in 1806; a farm established by 1810. House demolished in 1946 as part of development of I area as new munitions depot. Site marked by \. tree plantings. 'I '\ I ,I I 67 I 6.5.7 WALLACIA Site of Blaxland's Mill House etc pre 1860 (M.V.; I O'Sullivan,C. "John Blaxland's Luddenham Estate including the MUlgoa Industrial Estate [MS 1977]) I On the very border of the study area and outside boundary as well;close to Wallacia Weir on the river and extending to Silverdale Road. Large archaeological site I of houses, cottages, brewery, water powered I mill with many visible remains. I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I ~~~-~~~~~----~------~~-----~-~~------

I 68 I 6.6 CONCLUSIONS

Only two areas have been studied in any detail, I Mulgoa and Castlereagh and, given the limitations of both studies which have concentrated solely on visible remains, both have identified a complex, I widespread and greatly varied archaeological resource. I The distribution of known sites, therefore, is strongly biased towards these areas simply because of the incidence of survey and cannot be taken as representative of the actual distribution of the I potential archaeological resource.

Of greater relevance to the construction of a I predictive model is the incidence of type and chronological distribution.

The entire body of known sites may be divided into a I number of "theme" categories or type sites. These are:

I 6.6.1 Lines of communication or access Sites such as roads, lanes or river fords. I 6.6.2 Landscape modifications Sites such as dams, reservoirs and canals. 6.6.3 Industrial sites I Sites such as mills, quarries, slaughter-yards, vineyards, mills, tanneries, factories with usually I a range an ancilliary sites associated with each. 6.6.4 Domestic sites Range from small cottages and farms to complex I estates usually all with associated sites. 6.6.5 Institutional sites Sites such as the stockade (and associated sites), I church halls, schools, town halls, hotels and convalescent homes. I The state of preservation in the cases known to date ranges from virtually nothing known to exist to complex structural and sub surface remains visible I to the eye or known of through investigation. The range in chronological terms is also biased because of the cluster of sites associated with I large estates but in general terms the known resource may be seen to date from the end of the '\ ~ighteenth century up to and including the mid I twentieth century. A very large number of sites are I I I 69 I included within the period 1790s-1830s with a good I sample from most decades thereafter. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 70 I 7.0 THE GEOGRAPHIC PATTERN There are a number of distinct types of occupation I which have existed within the study area since first settlement. These have been defined in some detail in Sections 4.0 and 5.0. They are restated here as a I function of the geographic development; it will be seen that the study area has had a very distinctive I geographic spread of settlement. 7.1 PHASE I: 1789 - 1840 I The earliest phase of private settlement was all located on the eastern side of the river along the Nepean and its tributary alluvials to take advantage I of the rich soils for the purpose of badly needed agricultural development. The second phase of early settlement, beginning some I ten or twenty years after the first, consisted of large holdings on agriculturally poor land which was, however, capable of supporting grazing stock. I These properties were also on the eastern bank of the river and primarily were located in the southern portion of the study area to take advantage of the I better drainage qualities of the MUlgoa Valley, a factor which allowed diversification into such areas as winemaking.

I Government settlement, in the form of a prison farm, was a "transient" element in the settlement of the area. It was located on the western side of the I river, taking advantage of the rich alluvial soils. Private settlement did not occur on this side of the river until the 1820s.

I Subsidiary developments to these major patterns were closely linked in geographic terms for example mills, built to process the abundance of local I grain, were located along the river banks to take advantage of a power and transport source; roads were formed to lead to or through grants, to areas I of local importance such as river fords or mills and to or through large estates.

Urbanisation, although minimal at this time, was I linked to the expansion west and was located adjacent to the major road system the one exception being Castlereagh which was a "Macquarie town" and, I therefore, an historically "random" factor. By 1840, therefore, settlement of the study area in , geographic distribution was primarliy along the I river and tributary banks with a large pocket in the I I I 71 I south-west and to a much lesser extent in the south-east with little or nothing linking the settlements and properties along the Nepean to those I on South, Kemps and Bound Creeks. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I ------~------~------

I 72 I 7.2 PHASE 11: 1840 -1863 I In geographic terms the events of the second phase of settlement had little effect on the spread of settlement beyond the river and creeks and the I south-western pocket. Subdivision at Colyton and some industrialisation at Cranebrook helped to consolidate the central I northern edge of settlement and establish a firmer eastern perimeter. However, the major change to be observed during this phase was the consolidation of urban settlement at places such as Penrith, st Marys I and Emu Plains. I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 73 I 7.3 PHASE II1: 1863 - 1914 This was the most significant phase in terms of the I geographical spread of settlement since the first phase. It is characterized by large scale urbanisation of old areas, consolidation of others I and the development and opening up of new settlement areas. I The introduction of the railway to the study area created rapidly expanding urban centres at st Marys and Penrith, new urban centres were established at places such as Werrington and Kingswood, old estates I were subdivided such as Regentville and Hornseywood and model towns created such as Luddenham. I The effect of this massive development in terms of geographic distribution was to create a solid band of settlement across th8 centre of the study area from st Marys to Emu Plains, intensified settlement I to the south-west and consolidated settlement in the south-east.

I The northern and central-southern sectors still remained quite sparse and this must be a direct result of the quality of land available; both were I too far from urban centres to be considered for ."satellite" development and both were too poor to be I economically viable as agrarian centres. I I I I I I I '\ I I I 74 I 7.4 PHASE IV: 1914 '- 1939 The effect of Phase IV was to essentially "join-up" I and consolidate the south-eastern settlement with the st Marys centre and to begin the process of I developing the northern portion of the study area. This was essentially due to the construction of "soldier settlements" after World War I and Depression housing during the 1930s in areas which I had been thought to be, in the preceeding years, economically unviable. These settlements were established in areas such as Oxley Park, Berkshire I Park and Londonderry.

Notorious for the lack of thought which went into I establishing the soldier settlements, it was perhaps thought that they were by then close enough to urban centres to. provide work for the inhabitants; alternatively perhaps the land was simply spare. The I Depression housing appears to have established itself in the same "spare areas" where the soldier I settlements had created a precedent. Expanding urbanisation is not a feature of this I phase. I I I I I I I I " I I I 75 1 7.5 PHASE V: 1939 - 1986 The dramatically increased civil and military I population brought into the area through the effects of the war economy and the new installations created a massive demand for housing and facilities and this 1 sparked new urban expansion particularly around st Marys and the creation of new "infill" suburbs such as Llandillo. I This new "energy" carried on into the 1950s and 1960s aided by the expanding needs and demands of Sydney as the metropolitan population outstripped I the available resources. New housing and civic developments clustered around the already extant major urban centres and many new suburbs were 1 created during this period for example Mt Pleasant, Leonay and St Clair. Older suburbs such as Oxley I- Park and Dunheved were expanded at the same time. As Penrith has become established as an urban centre rivalling Sydney, this process of suburbanisation has continued and is continuing, following a I nineteenth century trend, by moving into the less centrally located areas such as Londonderry, Erskine Park, Berkshire Park and Orchard Hills.

1 The expansion of the area has attracted and continues to attract commercial and industrial enterprises. These have redeveloped and spread 1 beyond old industrial centres such as that at the Dunheved Industrial Estate and established new centres often by exploiting natural resources which I have lain idle during the .nineteenth century such as gravel extraction and sand mining in-the Castlereagh district.

I The effect of this massive development of Phase V in geographic terms has been to widen the urban band through the centre of the study area and consolidate 1 the south-western, south-eastern, north-eastern and northern developments. Industrial purposes are mainly found in the north-western sector although 1 the river banks are still utilised. The central-southern sector is still the most under 1 utilised space of the study area. 1 1 I I I 76 I 7.6 SUMMARY First settlement in the study area occurred along I the fertile river flats of the Nepean and its tributaries. In the following years a new wave of settlement developed mainly in the south-west and to I a lesser extent in the south-east in the MUlgoa Valley area. Small hamlets existed along the western road at st Marys and Penrith, Emu Plains had begun as a prison settlement and Castlereagh as a I Macquarie town. There was little if anything that connected the separate settlements. I The economic crisis of the l840s did little to effect the geographic distribution of settlement; some subdivision at Colyton and industrialisation at I Cranebrook helped to consolidate the central-northern perimeter of settlement and establish a firmer south-eastern perimeter but the major change to be observed during this phase was I the consolidation of urbanisation at places such as Penrith. I The introduction of the railway created massive urban development in already extant areas and established new settlements. In terms of geographic distribution settlement now extended in a solid I horizontal band across the centre of the study area and- subdivision and development intensified settlement in the south-west and consolidated it in I the south-east. The northern and central-southern sectors continued to be untouched. I This situation changed after World War I when soldier settlements and Depression housing were established in the northern sector of the study area and around existing urban centres. Expanding I urbanisation did not resume until after World War 11. I The demands created by the war economy of World War 11 as well as the increase in war-time facilities in the study area created an enormous need for new I housing and civic facilities. This was created around both extant urban centres and newly developed suburbs. The trend towards speculative and development housing has continued until the present I day. Suburbanisation is the characteristic of the last phase of development of the study area. I Commercial and industrial development has been attracted to the area as it has grown to be a major , metropolitan centre and this has developed within I existing industrial areas or in sites, particularly I I I 77 I in the northern sector, which have not been utilised I in the past for either industry or housing. The effect of this massive development has been to widen the urban band through the central sector of the study area, consolidate the south-western and I north-eastern sectors, develop the south-eastern area and utilise much of the north-western area for industry. The central-southern sector of the study I area is still the most under utilised sector of the study area. I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 78 I 8.0 SITE TYPES There are a relatively small number of site types I which can be determined as characteristic of the development of the study area although within each type there are in a number of variations. The major I types, their distribution and varieties are discussed in the following sections. I The discussion is not intended as a definitive analysis, which is beyond the scope o~ this work, but as a contextual framework in which to consider the extant and potentially extant evidence. It can I be expanded to take new site types, if they were discovered, or form a context for new varieties I within each group. I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 79 I 8.1 DOMESTIC SITES I Domestic sites are the most characteristic sites of the study area and are, chronologically, the earliest and longest surviving of the types. Some of the varieties are closely established with the I rural development of the area and others are only associated with the urbanisation of the Penrith I district. Three distinct varieties can be recognized for this area and may be loosely termed "farms", "mansions" I or "estates" and "urban housing". "Farms" are taken to mean relatively small properties which contain a house or some form of I residence and have land set aside for primary or agricultural production of some kind for example wheat, fruit, vegetables or turf. It is presupposed I that those who live within support themselves mainly from the sale of produce from their properties. They are essentially a middle-class, socio-economic I development. Farms were the first form of settlement within the study area situated along the river and creek banks. I At first the holdings had poorly constructed, fragile buildings and outbuildings but by the 1820s these had largely given way to well-built substantial dwellings and outbuildings with yards I and fences.

With the spread of settlement during the mid-later I part of the nineteenth century farms changed to the production of fruit and vegetables and the character I of the building changed as well. "This was the period of the balloon­ framed weatherboard house with colonial verandah, the shingle (and I later galvanised) iron hip or gabled roof and careful plantings of formal palms and pepper trees. Such cottages I with their associated outhouses often still of slab and weatherboard or bush beam construction, their overgrown I gardens and palm trees, and fencing of hardwood posts drilled.....for the new three or four strand barbed wire (were) .....amongst the most distinctive I features of the landscape. Other cottages were of brick, in an attractive two- " tone Gothic style, with the newer I Federation style becoming popular I I I 80 I following the turn of the century." These modest houses and properties would have been I characteristic of the spread of settlement through the central, south-western and to some extent south-eastern portion of the study area for much of I the later ninteenth century and early twentieth century. I Farms are now predominantly situated along the river flats and have often changed their function, for example to turf production. Few new farms appear to have been built; older dwellings appear to have been I converted for new uses. A lot of this earlier rural housing was lost through 'I the massive post war development in older established areas leaving pockets or isolated cases I in' the middle of suburban surroundings. "Mansions" or "estates" refer to the often complex properties owned and developed by the wealthier class of landowners in the district. They presuppose I that the owners are either independently wealthy and/or accrue wealth from the diverse products of their properties of which they are the managers I rather than the workers. These were the second major form of domestic site to be introduced into the area and are characteristic I of the period from the earlier nineteenth century c.1820 through to the later nineteenth century although the definition could perhaps be stretched I to include the luxury homes now beginning to be developed in the south-eastern sector of the study I area. The majority of the nineteenth century mansions or estates were located in the south-western corner of the study area in the MUlgoa Valley for example I Fernhill, Glenleigh and Glenmore although a few were developed in the south-east such as Mamre and Leeholme and the central section of the area such as I Dunheved and Mt Pleasant. They are characterized by a central residence often of grand proportions and contents surrounded by I outbuildings and features relevant to the various occupations carried on at the estate. These occupations could and did encompass, particularly on I the earlier nineteenth century estates, a wide variety of industries and businesses such as mills, vineyards, horse studs etc. as well as the housing I required for the estate workers. Later nineteenth I I

"----~-~-~------' I 81 I century'estates were often smaller and with hobby interests rather than serious economic ventures. I A number of the estate houses and outbuildings have been demolished, others have changed function (some more than once) and nearly all have had their I original land holdings considerably reduced in size. "Urban" or "Suburban" housing covers a diversity of I social and economic rankings from the lower, and quite poor through to the upper and relatively wealthy homeowner. An urban or suburban house is taken to mean a dwelling surrounded by a minimal I amount of land sufficient for garden purposes only. It presupposes that the primary occupations of those living within it will be located in the urban I context for example in shops, factories, industries etc. Urban housing was at first only associated with I those small hamlets such as st Marys and Penrith and Castlereagh which serviced the needs of travellers I and/or the surrounding rural district. The differences in housing from the hamlet to the farm, with the exception of the quantity of land I surrounding them, appear to be minimal during the early stages. In 1839 Penrith was said to be "a long village, containing a few pretty, and many new, raw looking houses." In 1853 st Marys was still "a long I straggling villlage, possessing.....many nice snug-looking cottages and some good gardens". I The railway development essentially marked the development of what would now be recognized as urban dwellings. Housing developments were created for the I railway workers around the centre of work, primarily Penrith. The emergence of satellite developments from the rail works encouraged some minor urban developments at the new sidings and the I industrialisation of st Marys provided the intiative for more urban housing. I For example at Penrith small house blocks were at first surveyed in seven blocks near the highway and larger allotments between Lethbridge and Jamison Roads, Woodriffe and Doonmore streets. Further I subdivisions were taken up and built on in the following years on the other side of the line. As settlement spread east and west during this phase I (Section 7.1.3) more urban housing was created to , meet the demands of the increasing population. I The houses of the urban workers were never I I I 82 I pretentious, characterized by simple cottages with little architectural ornament or style. The majority I of nineteenth century and early twentieth century urban housing is likely to be located around Penrith and st Marys and to a lesser extent Emu Plains and the immediate satellite suburbs of the greater urban I complexes such as Werrington and Kingswood. Soldier settlement and depression housing is I essentially a manifestation of poor and lower middle class groups. It is usually located on the fringes of urban settlement in this case this would be in the northern sector around Londonderry and Berkshire I Park and, further south at Oxley Park. Very plain and poor fibro or sometimes weatherboard shacks are I representative of the style. Post war urban development is characterized by housing estates, housing commission homes and I development and speculative building house types of the 1950s-1970s. These are to be found all across the central band of urban settlement in the study area and throught the new five acre subdivisions of I the 1980s both north and south. I I I I I I I I I , I I I 83 I 8.2 INDUSTRIAL SITES I The industrialisation of the study area either through private enterprise as exemplified on the estate development or commercial development has left a number of very distictive site types. I Industrial sites are associated with both the rural aspects of the area and its increasing and completed I urbanisation. Without further research it is impossible to define the full extent and variety of these but the I following discussion does define some key areas for consideration. The discussion by Proudfoot should also be read in this context; a detailed analysis of this aspect would be a valuable contribution to I understanding the development of the study area. Timber-getting is perhaps the earliest documented I industrial process in the study area beginning with the river flat clearance of timber for pro£it by a group of army men who sent the logs to Sydney for I both local and overseas consumption. Timber-getting was a marked feature of the railway expansion when the cleared stands were used for I building, for railway sleepers and firewood for local and Sydney consumption. A number of major timber mills were established in the area, for I example at Werrington and st Marys. In the case of the latter there were several saw mills on the northern embankment of the railway and the wood was sent down by chutes from the mills to the railway I trucks, waiting below. The effect of this activity was a considerable I modification of the natural landscape (cf Section 8.8). It seems probable, although further archival research, would be required to confirm this, that the I major timber getting areas were along the river flats and through the central and southern wooded areas. I Mills and milling were a dominant feature of the early landscape and continued to exist to at least the later nineteenth century, for example, there I were three mills alone on the small stretch between the weir to Birds Eye Corner at Castlereagh. Mills were begun by both estate owners such as I Jamison and Blaxland and smaller landowners. It seems likely that most of these were water-powered mills (although Jamison's was wind-powered), I therefore, it is probable that they were located I I I 84 I along the river and tributary banks. The later history of the industry from the very late I nineteenth century until the twentieth century is unknown although Jack's comments with respect to the industry as a whole are probably true for this area: I "The railway expansion of the 1870s significantly affected siting and marketing but in the late I Victorian period and the twentieth century the overwhelming trend with milling...has been towards fewer and I larger mills characteristically sited in the major cities." (7) In addition to grain mills there were at least two I other mills established in the study area during the later ninteenth century viz. an experimental woollen mill was established in an old Regentville mill by I the Raynor brothers who also established a woollen mill in the old Police Barracks building at Emu Plains. This later mill was, at the time, the most extensive power loom and woolen and tweed I manufactory in the colony. It was demolished between 1900 and 1920.

I Tanning, along with other meat trades, was an industry of enormous importance to st Marys brought about by the fortunate conjunction of large stands I of wattle trees to rpovide tannin and the permanent water supply of South Creek.

Many tan pits were built in this vicinity over the I years and several very large tanneries were constructed, the two largest being those of Andrew Thompson and Martin Brell. Other tanners, some of I whom were bootmakers as well, included Page, Desborough, Herford, Anschau, Paskin, Saddington, I Webb, Alcock, Farrell, Jones and Millen. By 1914 there were seven tanneries operating in the area and employing over 400 men, however, with the establishment of the tanning industry at Botany by I 1910 and the declaration of that area as suitable for noxious trades as well as the high freight costs and declining local resources the industry at st I Marys began to decline and die. The most likely area to locate these sites will be in the st Marys area and perhaps further east and west within the former I wattle areas and close to water sources. In addition to tanning it would be probable to find '\ asociated industries within the meat trade, for I example sa1eyards (of which there were a number of I I I 85 I large sites in st Marys and the surrounding district now mostly sold and subdivided), slaughteryards (of I which there is at least one known of), bootmaking (which has been mentioned above), perhaps tallow and boiling down works although the evidence for the former ,if they existed, has not yet been documented I and only one case of the latter is known to have operated in the study area. I The large stands of timber in this area were also taken advantage of by other industries for example, and in particular, coach and waggon building. This industry essentially began in 1858 as a wheelwright I business at st Marys by James Bennett. Bennett's wagons and drays became famous throughout Australia and were used in both rural and urban contexts. This I industry continued in st Marys into the twentieth century when it was finally closed in 1954. It is unknown if other similar businesses were conducted I in the study area. Brickrnaking was an industry which also utilised natural resources to great effect and it appears to I have had an early beginning in the study area. At st Marys I " ....the clay soil of the area (was used) to make sandstock bricks, which were used in many of the local I buildings. The clay of 'Dunheved' was used to make the bricks for st Mary Magdalen Church between 1837 and 1840. Andrew Thompson's land provided the I clay for bricks to build his numerous cottages.....and his own'two-storey I home 'Mimosa' " (8) Brickworks were also established at Penrith in the 1880s and Proudfoot suggests that there may have I been a number of other local establishments. Brick making establishments would be found within reach of the clay sources and necessarily required I timber supplies which suggests that the major area of distribution for commercial enterprises would be within the central settled band of the study area. I It is possible that brick making sites, such as clamps, would be found on some of the older estates. Extractive industries such as gravel and sand have I also exploited the natural resources of the area for a considerable length of time and have left an indelible impact on the landscape particularly in I the north-western sector of the study area. I I I 86 I Gravel mining appears to have been first begun by I the Emu Gravel Company during the 1880s and this continued into the twentieth century. Sand mining is a current industry particularly in Castlereagh. Proudfoot notes that, in 1978, of twenty-five I quarries known to exist in the study area eleven were operational and fourteen abandoned. The quarries were and had been for sand, clay, clay I shale, gravel, sandstone, alluvium and aggregate. Urban development precipitates the need for a number of specialised industries and Proudfoot has noted I that blacksmiths, bakers, butchers, breweries, cordial factories and iceworks were all established in the urban centres. It is also known that a milk I co-op and butter factory and jam and canning factorY operated within the study area during the later I nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A number of the estates developed industries, the mills of Jamison and Blaxland have been mentioned above, and in particular wine-making appears to have I been a particularly popular and in some cases successful venture. I Vineyards and buildings for the wine-making process were established at Regentville, Fernhill, Winbourne, Glenmore and Fairlight. Brewing was also carried out in the study area the earliest perhaps I being on Blaxland's property. Proudfoot mentions that breweries were also established later in the urban areas and Long mentioned a brewery, I Armstrong's, near Kingswood station (9). In terms of location it may be generalised that most I industrial processes would be located within the main settlement sphere with the exception of those relevant to the estates and those which require. special conditions or exploit a particular resource I in one area, the latter more likely to be in the north of the study area rather than the south. I Detailed studies would certainly reveal more industries within the urban context and possibly on the estates. Perhaps the best idea of the range of I industrial enterprises located within the urban part of the study area, and which could repay further study and investigation, is provided by the reminiscences of a local who remembered the district I during the middle and later nineteenth century. He recalled, along the road from Kingswood, a brewery, four butchers shops, three smithys, a tinker and a I cooper (10). I I I 87 1 8.3 COMMUNITY SITES This group of sites is taken to mean places which 1 provide a civic function such as schools, churches and town halls and/or provide a community function such as shops, inns, hotels. They are usually a I product of developing urbanisation. Community buildings such as these often denote a 1 sense of urban community and town halls are often the most important symbol of this; it is interesting to note that when irrigation experiments were attempted in the southern section of the study area I community buildings, including an Irrigation Office, Catholic Church, a Post Office, a hotel, public hall and Town hall, were all built before the area was I· let for settlement as an attempt to encourage this community mindedness and provide a focus for settlement.

1 The inns and hotels were probably amongst the earliest of these site types to be established, located along the main thoroughfares to service 1 travellers, therefore, they could be expected to be located mainly at Penrith and Emu Plains (as the stop-off points before travelling over the 1 mountains) and perhaps to a lesser extent at st Marys.

The documentation certainly seems to confirm this; 1 the earliest inn at Emu Plains began in 1827 and the earliest public house licenced in 1836 and 1 "With the completion of Mitchell's Pass Road, and an assured patronage from the regular Cobb and Co. run 1 after 1862, a number of inns flourished on the Plains. Before the construction of Victoria Bridge they often provided a long resting for I travellers blocked by floods on the Nepean return journeys also I brought the gold escort." (11) In 1866 there were seven inns on the Great Western Highway.

I Penrith already had a public house in 1832 and Long gives a graphic idea of the number of such hostelries during the middle and later nineteenth I century. He was able to recall, along the road from Kingswood, the White Horse Hotel, the Commercial " Hotel, the Rose Inn and Peacock's Hotel (12). He 1 also mentions the New Inn, the Kentish Arms, The I I I 88 I Governor Bourke and the Depot Inn and another two without names. His same reminiscences also reveal I the extent of commercial premises or shops; in the same trip he referred to nine different shops, only one specified as a wine and spirit store. I rhe introduction of rail eventually brought about the end of the inns and Stickley claims that only one, the Arms of Australia, is in a condition near I to its original. The guesthouse trade of the later nineteenth and early twentieth century is a form of revival of this I service and although a number of the old estates were converted to this function some new purpose built buildings were created, the most outstanding I perhaps the Wallacia Hotel. , Physical symbols of the law also made an early I appearance in the study area beginning with the court house and lock-up in Penrith in 1817. The first courthouse was burnt down in 1834 and replaced by a second which in turn was replaced by a third, a I Barnett designed building, which was demolished in 1978. By 1832 a police office had been established to serve the district. An hospital also was located I close to the first court house. A bank and post office had been built by the middle of the century; st Marys, though, officially had the I first post office in the district but did not gain a bank branch until 1879 and a purpose built building until 1937. Outlying areas gained their faciltiies I later for example MUlgoa didnot gain a post office until 1863. . I Churches have played an important role in the development of the study area, for example the siting of st Stephens at Penrith seemed to endow that hamlet with the status of a village,. and I Proudfoot has discussed these in some detail suffice to say here that they, and their cemeteries, are important social and architectural documents of the I local history and development as are war memorials. Schools generally come late to developing areas; st I Marys gained one in 1878 and another in 1880, Regentville one in 1868 and MUlgoa in 1872 but the clergy often performed this function, before it was formalised, in places such as Fultons Church School I in Castlereagh. Local Halls and specific function buildings such as I Health Care Rooms, Libraries, Community Arts I I I 89 I Buildings and Civic Centres also belong in this category. I It is obvious that the greatest chronological range and diversity of types will be associated with the larger urban centres, however, it would be unusual I if at least one or more of the types, particularly churches, were not found spread throughout the I entire study area. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ------~--"-.-,-.-,-.- ...-.-.-.-'

I 90 I 8.4 SITES ASSOCIATED WITH COMMUNICATION I These sites cover a range of options such as travel in its various forms or means of long distance communication such as the telephone or telegraph. Inns could also be included within this group, I however, these have been discussed in the preceeding section. Chronologically, this site type covers the I full range of settlement. The Nepean itself is and was a primary means of transportation and it should be expected that wharves or jetties existed at various points along I the river although no documentation for these structures in this area has been located at this time although the wharves at nearby Richmond and I Windsor were famous. River fords or crossings would also have been an I important feature for local communication; a number of these are known at Castlereagh and Proudfoot states that there were five or six fords along the river between the Western Road and the junction of I the Grose with the Nepean. Roads and their construction have played a vital I role in the development of the area and particularly in its urbanisation beginning with Cox's road of 1815. This Great Western Road became a major artery I of the colony and "It became the life-line along which the early towns and villages were I begun and sustained. It provided the essential link between the city and I its hinterland." (Proudfoot) Local roads were established from an early date to provide access within the settlement and to sites of local importance such as mills or river crossings I and as such are important symbols of the development of the area and often valuable indicators of past activity and settlement patterns. For example I Castlereagh Road was established by 1803 and marked the extent of a number of land grants which were themselves separated by lanes ,and tracks such as I McCarthys Lane. Roads often have associated features such as milestones and fences. A number of the early roads have disappeared; Longs I reminiscences provide a graphic example of this: , "One of the most notable changes he I (Long) has noted is the passing I I

-----_ ...... _-_...1. ~ ... I 91 I away of the old river road to Castlereagh. This old Government I Road came off the Bathurst Road as at present.•..where it turned due west until it reached the river bank, which it skirted until it passed I Allens Mill....Today (1912) we find no trace of the old rover road and it seems difficult to believe it existed, I did not Mr Long remember it.... "(13) The western Freeway, the newest road to the area, I echoes the line of the old Great Western Highway. Crossing the river was always a concern of some importance and, apart from fords, other means were I sought for the deeper sections. A ferry was used a~early as 1815 and a punt operated on the river near Penri:th on a regular basis from 1823. This punt I continued to operate at least up until the first bridge building effort and probably for some time later. I Bridges were the next and most obvious step in a safe and permanent river crossing and in the crossing of the massive gullies Bridge building I began in 1833 with the Lennox built Lapstone Bridge at Emu Plains. I In 1854 a bridge was constructed across the Nepean by a local company floated by a farmer and an entrepreneur; the bridge was washed away by flood in 1855. A second bridge, constructed by the same I company, was also washed away by floods in 1860. The present Victoria Bridge was commenced in 1862 and I was completed in 1867. After the Victoria Bridge was completed a long zig-zag was constructed to ascend the ridge west of I the river and in 1867 a second bridge was built, the Knapsack Viaduct, to carry the railway across Knapsack Gully. I In 1907 the present railway bridge was opened. The Western freeway crosses at the Regentville Bridge. I Proudfoot notes anumber of road bridges in the area. The Railway with its associated stations, sidings, signals, yards and service facilities came to the area in the 1860s with later spurs and associated I developments coming later. This form of increased , communication created the greatest social and economic changes in the district since first I settlement. The line to Penrith was electrified in I I I 92 I 1955. Long distance means of coommunication such as the I telephone and telegraph came to the area during the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries for example a telephone exchange was opened at st Marys I in 1910. Roads are perhaps the only sub-group of this I category that will or could be found across the entire study area the others are quite site specificfor example evidence of wharves or jetties I to be found along the river etc. I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 93 I 8.5 SERVICE SITES I These are sites which are associated with the provision of particular services such as gas, electricity, water, sewerage etc to the community. I They are generally a product of urbanisation. One of the earliest and most interesting of these sites are the irrigation areas created in the I south-west of the study area during the 1890s; some of the canal lines may still be seen on the ground (these may also be viewed as .a landscape I modification) . Electricity came to Penrith as early as 1890 by means of a privately owned Electricity Generating I Station; the municipality was not linked to the Sydney supply until 1931. d not gain electricity to the town until the same time as well' I as water but it was some time later until sewerage was provided and kerb and guttering added to the roads (or the roads sealed). Penrith gained a piped I water supply in 1892. Further research is required to determine the extent I and history of other sites of this nature. I I I I I I I I , I I I 94 I 8.6 RECREATION SITES

Recreation sites include such features as parks, I gardens, cinemas and sports facilties.

Horse racing has been a favourite preoccupation of I the area for many years; many of the estates contained fine stud and racing stables such as Fernhill and Mamre. There may have been two race I tracks in the area, one at Penrith (mentioned by Long and Proudfoot) and the other at st Marys (mentioned by Proudfoot) though, in the case of the latter it is unclear whether the area was designated for this I use or actually used for racing.

Further research is required to define the full I extent of this site type. I I I I I I I I I I I I I ..... -,:"

I 95 1 8.7 DEFENCE SITES 1 The military presence in the area has played an enormous role in its development, particularly at st Marys and certain sites may be associated with this 1 occupation. The most significant of these in terms of local development was the Munitions Filling Factory at st 1 Marys. During the years 1941-2 the Government acquired the land for the purposes of building the establishment. Approximately 3500 people ·were I employed in the factory. After the war the site was leased to various businesses and a new factory built on adjacent land. the site is now an industrial I· park. In addition to the factory a number of other sites were purpose built for the various services I including a Military Base for the Royal Army Engineers near the Penrith Railway Station (still extant with additions); several airstrips near Penrith; accomodation for men of the RAAF Glenbrook 1 Communications Base; an army base at Kingswood; ammunition depots at st Marys and Penrith. 1 other sites may still be located by survey. 1 I I I I I I I I I I 96 I 8.8 LANDSCAPE MODIFICATIONS I In a very broad sense the entire landscape in the study area has been massively modified through cUltivation, introduced planting and cultivation. This type, however, is concerned with major I additions or alterations to natural features such as dams" weirs, canals etc. I The most significant sites in this type are the dams across the Nepean beginning in the 1870s and following decades with a series on the Upper Nepean and its tributaries. In the 1950s the Warragamba Dam I was built across the Warragamba River, a major tributary of the Nepean. The effect of the dams was to tame the river, creating some control over the I disastrous floodhat could occur at any time. Dams and reservoirs were also a feature on a number I of the estates for example Cox constructed a 757,000 litre capacity reservoir above the Nepean capable of irrigating approxiamte1y 400 hectares.-

I The irrigation scheme in the south-western sector of the study area has been mentioned in previous sections; canals were dug and the initiators of the I scheme empowered to build dams, weirs and floodgates on the Nepean. A weir exists on the Nepean as well near Birds Eye Corner. Weirs were also created on I the estates. I I I I I I I I I I 97

I 8.9 CONVICT SITES The major site for this type is the stockyard, I stockade and prison farm site at Emu Plains actually composed of a number of different groups of sites. I The first buildings were grouped around Government Stockyards erected c.1814-15. Eventually quite a complex of buildings, including barracks, barns, stables, a mill and stores, developed surrounded by I cultivated lands. In 1819 a Prison Farm was established close to the I stockyard site. It consisted of virtually a village of convicts with accomodation for the overseer. Further buildings for such services as stores, barracks etc were also built. A number of crops were I cultivated including tobacco, wheat and maize. The farm was enlarged during the administration of I Governor Brisbane and women convicts were also housed here for a time. I The establishment was reduced in 1830 and closed in 1831; the buildings were later used to house the gangs of men building the road over the mountains. I By 1847 little remained of the site. I I I I I I I I , I I I 98 I 8.10 SUMMARY I There are nine major site types which have been identified during this programme; the list may be expanded with further research and survey, certainly more research is required to define the sub-groups I more accurately. The nine major types are: Domestic Sites I Industrial Sites· Community Sites Communication Sites Service Sites I Recreation Sites Defence Sites Landscape Modifications I Convict Sites - Very few of these extend across the full I chronological range of settlement with the exception of domec sites, industrial sites' and communication sites. Few also extend across the full I geographic distribution of settlement. Certain types of sites are associated with certain phases of the area's development for example I industrial sites and the process of industrialisation are largely associated with the urbanisation of the study area and are mostly located adjacent to the major urban centres such as I st Marys.

others such as inns are predominantly a function of I the tourist and travellers who passed through ahd rested here on the way west or east and so are found I mainly along the major thoroughfares. It can be seen, however, that the types of sites which occur within each area are a reflection of the phases of occupation relevant to each and are I related to the chronological/geographic distribution I of settlement. I I I , I I I 99 I 9.0 FACTORS INFLUENCING SURVIVAL

I There appear to be three major factors which have influenced the survival of sites both standing and archaeological. These are floods, construction I methods and urbanisation, the first two being closely linked. I 9.1 POOR CONSTRUCTION In previous sections the poor construction" of the I earliest houses and buildings along the river has been described; wattle and daub and shingles. Although houses came to be replaced by stronger and I more durable structures (though these too could be flood effected in some cases) outbuildings often remained in flimsy timber construction and were I liable to severe damage and loss during floods and it seems to have been the floods which have caused the greatest damage to the area and its built I environment since first settlement. Descriptions of the effect of floods of both timber and masonry buildings are contained in the next I section. I I ~I ~ I 100

I 9.2 FLOODS Between 1799 and 1965 there were forty-one major I floods from the Hawkesbury-Nepean system. Within recent months of this study another serious flood I has occurred within the study area. During the early years of settlement major floods occurred in 1799, 1800, 1806, 1809, 1811 and 1817 destroying large quantities of the crops , I livestock, buildings and causing loss of life. An account of one victim gives some idea of 10$s to the individia1; in the 1806 flood one settler lost 150 I bushells of wheat, 100 of barley, 2 horses, about 70 pigs, two houses and a barn (14). Floods again occurred in 1830, 1842, 1855, 1857, I 1860, 1864, 1867 and 1870. Those of 1857, 1864 and 1867 were perhaps the worst of all. During the 1864 floods a number of brick buildings suffered; the I saturated lime mortar collapsed bringing with it the building; the shingle rooves on other timber buildings collapsed inwards. The 1870s floods also I did great damage to the river itself; major landslips and silting occurred. Some farms lost large tracts of their land. I Between 1889 and 1904 there were six major floods, particularly that of 1900 during which much fencing was lost. The 1916 and 1925 floods were marked by I serious landslips. Floods ocuured during the 1950s and 1960s, I particularly in 1961 and 1964 which again occasioned much loss of property and homes. Floods have also occurred during the 1970s. I From this brief survey it is obvious that a large proportion of early evidence of settlement along the Nepean has been lost due to flood and this will be I most severe in places closest to the river and low lying areas. Later nineteenth century and twentieth century evidence has also suffered through this manner. Sites closest to the river which may have I survived may be effected by alluvial deposition. I I I I I I 101 I 9.3 URBANISATION I The increasing urbanisation of the area has played a "complementary" role to flooding in removing or altering large areas of former settlement, predominantly in the central settled band of the I study area. Relatively little of the rural housing remains except in isolated instances and pockets; many of the old industries have been superceded and I the sites redeveloped, extant buildings have been "restored" or "modernised" and in some cases major sites have been demolished and the sites left to I decay. A number of examples may serve to demonstrate this process. Stapleton describes the demise of the I cattle saleyards at st Marys which were located close to the railway: I "By this time (post WWII) the Saleyards at the Station had become a source of congestion and noise and they were closed. The industry was I transferred to the yards in Lonsdale Street, off Mamre Road south of the Highway, and it was quite a common I site to see the cattle being driven from the Railway to Lonsdale Street ready for the day of sale. At times I Glossop Street was a milling mass of bellowing bullocks.

Later still the saleyards were closed I and the land was subdivided. A new street in the subdivision was named Inglis Avenue, after William Inglis I and Sons, who had been the regular auctioneers." (15).

Steege recalls the fate of the old Emu Plains I Barracks which was later renovated into the Raynor Brothers woollen mill;

I "The factory was demolished between 1900 and 1920 when the land was acquired by Mr Walker, who stored I the bricks and sold much of the stone as building material. The original boiler tank was removed in about 1925 to a tannery in Kingswood. Mr I Milton Walker...• found many interesting old relics, including holey dollars and old coins which he I gave to the workmen." (16) I I I 102 I

Stickley records many examples of sites of both I local, state and in some cases national significance lost through neglect then demolition for example Mt Pleasant homestead, Dungarth of which "the tree lined drive and carriage loop were once survivors of I the government house. Now even the old Bunya Pines have disappeared under the bulldozer" (17) and Edinglassie. Dunheved was demolished to make way for I construction at the Munitions site; the site has not been disturbed or developed since. I In particular Old Penrith Court House serves as a vivid example:

"One hundred years after James Barnet I drew his simple balanced lines for the country Court House, demolishers were moving in with the sledge hammer to I dispense with the quiet charm of the old in order to build a modern Regional Police Headquarters. The old building made history again when the I Premier made an unprecedented move to halt the demolition work to reconsider the situation and resultant public I outcry. Unfortunately the battle was lost; and Penrith lost yet another of her valuable old buildings, the I only James Barnet design in the western area of Sydney." (18) This is not symptomatic only of Penrith, it is I sYmptomatic of all urban growth centres but it does highlight the importance of those sites which have I survived both floods and progress. It is unrealistic to expect that all "old" buildings, archaeological sites and industries I could or even should be saved, however, each case deserves careful study and consideration and an assessment made of its significance before the remaining fragile historic resource is completely I lost and those tangible reminders of the community's past are no longer available for study, I investigation and display. The patterns of floods and urban development suggest that the most productive areas for extant evidence will be in the north-east (although this is an area I apparently not settled until the beginning of the , twentieth century), the south-east, south and south I west. I I I 103 I 10.0 THE DEVELOPMENT AND PREDICTIVE MODEL

I The previous analysis has considered the historic development of the study area from a number of viewpoints; archiva11y documented trends of I development (Section 4.0), the development of the built environment in response to these trends (Section 5.0), the geographic distribution of settlement over time (Section 7.0) and the group of I site types which are characteristic of this development (Section 8.0). I In addition it has considered the factors which have influenced the survival of sites (Section 9.0) and has drawn together the data base which exists at I this time relevant to known archaeological sites (Section 6.0). Within this section all this data is presented in I terms of a model of development i.e. a descriptive statement defining the spread of settlement over time, the development of the built environment in I response to this taking into account the factors which have influenced the survival of archaeological evidence. It is a definition of the current resource I within the study area, both standing and sub-surface, providing the context of its development and, therefore, its significance. I In a sense it is a summary of the preceeding analysis with the exception that a known data base is used to test the accuracy of the model. On the I basis of this tested model of geographic, social, economic and built development certain predicitions may be made with regard to the extent, integrity and value of extant archaeological material and I reccomendations may be made for future management I and planning purposes. I I I I I I I 104 I 10.1 THE DEVELOPMENT MODEL: A PREDICTIVE TOOL I The development model of the study area within the Penrith Municipality is as follows:

I 10.1.1 Late Eighteenth to Middle Nineteenth Century Earliest settlement, beginning in the 1790s, of I small, agrarian based farms was initially located along the fertile river alluvial flats and, somewhat later, on the fertile flats of the creeks and tributaries. This was entirely along the eastern I side of the river; private settlement on the western side was restricted until the later 1820s. I These farms were occupied by a class of "yeoman peasantry", poor to lower middle class socio­ economic groups. Natural disasters and economic I problems resulted in a number of the smaller holdings being sold and consolidated into larger, wealthier middle class properties. Larger, well built homes and outbuildings were constructed during I the period of political and economic stabiltity. The landscape was gradually modified by the removal I of timber stands along the river, the introduction of cultivated and exotic plants, roads, tracks and I fences. The major crop was grain, wheat or maize. In response to the major economic basis of the area mills were constructed along the river to process I the grain. A stockyard which gradually developed into a prison farm was sited on the western side of the river and I was the symbol of the furthermost expansion of the area until the later 1820s. . I The landscape around the Prison Farm was also extensively modified by a complex building development and cultivated fields.

I The effects of flood were particularly severe and much evidence from this period, probably all from I the pre-1800 phase, has been lost. In a second wave of major settlement large tracts of land were granted to wealthier upper middle class people of standing and capital within the community. I These tracts were in areas that were unsuitable to grain production but favoured grazing. I These areas were predominantly in the south-west, I I I 105 I and to a lesser degree in the south-east, north-east and north-west of the study area. Land further north I was too poor even for grazing purposes. The combined effects of available capital, social standing allowing the use of convicts as free labour I to develop the properties, an economic basis which took advantage of the "boom" sheep and cattle markets of the time, the ability to diversify and an I economy which was not so profoundly effected by flood as the river-side farmers ensured the prosperity and development of the properties. Many independent farmers became tenant farmers to the I landowners. A landed gentry was created which self perpetuated I creating more and similar properties in the same area. In response to their wealth the properties and homes I were expanded and aggrandized; diversification allowed the capitalisation of local resources in the pursuit of, for example, brewing, wine-making and I textile production which further increased the prosperity of the properties. I The landscape was further modified by the introduction of landscaped gardens, exotic trees more fences and roads, further timber clearance and "industrial" areas such as breweries, vineyards and I the associated buildings. Darns and reservoirs were created to cope with droughts and irrigation. I The introduction of the Great western Road through the area in 1815 began the process of urbanisation with small hamlets developing at the major stopping I points such as Penrith and Emu Plains. Castlereagh began as a personal directive of the Governor (Macquarie), however, because it lacked a focus for development, such as servicing road travellers, it I never developed as a fUlly urban centre. By the later 1820s-30s, when expansion and I settlement beyond the mountains was allowed, inns and hotels were built, some official buildings and churches (the latter occasionally a Il gift" from a I wealthy landowner). However, urbanisation could not develop to any degree until the influence of the great estates was I diminished and the land tied up in grants released. The estates during this period took the place of urban centres (witness the "gifts" of churches, I usually a product of civic development). I I I 106 I By the 1830s the dependence of the area for grain I production had ceased and diversification of the lower middle class properties followed or some owners went further west to the new grain lands. I The economic crisis of the 1840s provided the catalyst for change; some major properties collapsed into financial ruin, others were sold bringing new I economic groups into the area, others ceased developing for the time. Land grants were sold and in some cases subdivided.

I By the middle of the nineteenth century, therefore, the following observations can be made: I Social stratification was reasonably well defined between the poor or lower middle class (such as tenant farmers on the estates), the middle and I upper middle class (owners of prosperous, often river-side farms), the wealthy landed gentry (owners of great estates). The 1840s economic crisis had allowed some of the "nouvea riche" to become I established through the economic collapse of some properties. I Settlement was confined to the river and tributary flats, the south-west and to a lesser extent the south-east and central north. The western bank was developed when the prohibition on expansion 'and I settlement in this direction was lifted during the l820s; it is not suprising, therefore, that the prison settlement on this side of the river began to I decline at the same time. Urbanisation had begun through the introduction of I the road west to the area but had been stifled through the influence of the estates and the land tied up in grants. The collapse of estates and sale of land allowed a climate in which urban development I could proceed if the right conditions and requirements came about. Castlereagh was the one ll exception to this because its II random beginning had I no focus or reason for further development. The economy had begun as agrarian based but had I developed through the influence of the estates into predominantly a sheep and cattle based industry. Crop growing, however, still continued along the river flats although diversification can be seen to I be developing in this area. Industrialisation began with timber clearance and I especially milling; these were essentially river I I I 107 I based activities taking advantage of both a source of power and transport. Industrial diversification began under the influence of the estates whose I wealth allowed the financial risks involved; wine-making, brewing and textile production were I dominant. The landscape had been extensively modified by the middle of the century; silting and landslip had I changed the river, extensive timber clearance and the introduction of gardens and exotic plantings, changed and removed much of the pre-settlement landscape, dams and reservoirs built and roads, I tracks and fences had made a major impact on the settled areas. I Evidence from this phase, particularly of the pre-1800 period, is likely to have been severely effected by flood along the rivers and creeks and later urbanisation on the sites of former town I nucleii, the prison farm, poorer housing, mills on the river banks and the activities located on the farther reaches of the estates which may have been I effected by subdivision. However, sites closely associated in geographic terms around the middle to upper middle class houses and the great homes may I survive largely intact; these spaces are usually left relatively undisturbed during later I developments. I I I I I I I '\ I I I 108 I 10.1.2 Middle Nineteenth to Twentieth Century I By the middle of the nineteenth century the study area was ripe for change requiring only a catalyst to provoke it; this came in the form of increased and better communications, primarily the rail, which I entirely shifted the economic status of the study area. I The introduction of the rail provided the impetus for urbanisation, particulalry in Penrith and Emu Plains although satellite developments began around I rail sidings and the increased industrialisation encouraged the growth of places such as st Marys.

The effect of urbanisation was to develop a I fragmentary strip of settlement across the centre of

I Greater and diverse industrialisation was a particular feature of the introduction of rail; specialised urban industries were created to meet I the demands of the new population and the quick and reliable communication of rail, which brought the Sydney markets within reach, led to the growth of industries which exploited local resources such as I tanning and timber-getting the latter also a valuable asset for the railway building programme I further west. Rural production and the agrarian economy was completely altered by the introduction of rail; the I grain lands to the west took the market for this commodity from the Nepean farmers who responded by diversifying into vegetable and fruit production.

I The wealthy landowners, perceiving the potential land base to the west, shifted their primary cattle and sheep production to western properties and used I the Nepean properties only for complementary purposes and/or for diverse "hobby" interests such as racehorse breeding. The properties were country retreats rather than serious economic concerns. New I mansions were built in the area by men who had no attachment to the land, emphasising this view of the I '\ area. I I ~. - ~ ---.----.~.~..- -~

I 109 I Estates which had suffered financial losses during the earlier economic crisis and, therefore, could no I longer maintain great land holdings, or those which no longer required them because their economic basis was further west sold former estate lands for subdivision and this increased the population, I created new suburbs and entrenched the primary settlement pattern across the centre of the study I area. The effect of the rail, subdivision, increased population and economic changes greatly added to the modification of the landscape. Urban centres I "swallowed" former rural areas and created new housing types and specific urban site types; industry made a great impression of the landscape I through timber clearance and, for example, the excavation of brick pits; many new farms were created, new crops and exotic plantings introduced; I specific sites associated with increased communication had been developed such as roads and bridges and the rail yielded many of its own; massive darns and weirs and canals had been I constructed by the turn of the century. The introduction of the rail to the area and across I the mountains, as well as the creation of bridges and more roads created an area of easy access for the city and the study area became a popular recreational area. This was fortunate for many of I the large houses during the later years of the century when the economic crisis of the 1890s necessitated economic diversification to maintain I the properties; the guesthouse trade developed. By the end of the nineteenth century, therefore, the I following observations could be made: Social stratification had altered by the shifts in economic bases and by the introduction of a new I group; the urban worker. Settlement patterns had changed with urbanisation I becoming dominant and the major area of settlement forming across the centre of the study area. Subdivision of large tracts of former estate lands I enhanced this dominant pattern. The north, central-southern and south-east continued to be sparsely settled, the south-west still largely the I reserve of the estates. The economic basis of the area had changed to mixed '\ farming in the rural areas and industrialisation and I commercial enterprsies in the urban areas. The I I I 110 I estates had shifted their economic basis west and had become essentail1y, country retreats. I Industrialisation and diversification was a primary feature of the period. I The landscape was extensively modified through industry, new settlement patterns, new farming practices and measures such as damming the river. The study area was "marketed" as a desirable holiday I destination and specific industries were developed to cater for this, in particular the old homes I turned into guesthouses. The economic crisis of the 1890s marked the end of the boom period of the later nineteenth century and I began a period of economic and social stagnation. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I III I 10.1.3 The Twentieth Century I The first half of the twentieth century is marked by gradual economic decline; old industries moved away, collapsed or became redundant, the tourist trade moved further on, population levels flattened out or I in some cases declined. The only development and addition to the population I and built environment durng this period was the soldier settlements and depression housing o~ the north-east and on the fringes of urban development. This was the first real exploitation of the land to I the north since first settlement. No new economic initiatives were introduced to the I area until during and after WWII. The influence of the construction of millLary I facilities within the area, particularly the Munitions Filling Factory, provided a new catalyst for change which' made st Marys the centre of the new I development. The military facilities brought an increased population with new demands for housing and civic I facilities. Development of the existing urban areas and the subdivision of old areas for new housing followed. The central band of settlement consolidated and expanded. Subdivions were created I in the north and south in previously unexploited areas and in old developed rural locations.

I The growth rate of the area attracted new industries and new population as the resources in Sydney could not cope with the post war boom. The Penrith area I became and continues as a metropolitan growth centre.

The effect of rapid and widespread urbanisation has I been to destroy or seriously damage many sites and areas of important historical value. I By the end of this phase, therefore, the following observations can be made: I Social stratification has largely "evened out"; the study area is a predominantly middle class socio-economic area.

I Settlement patterns have consolidated and expanded; , the central settled section is very dense and takes in many former rural areas, the northern and I southern areas have begun to be settled, the I I I 112 I south-western section still remains largely the reserve of the mansions. I Urbanisation and industrialisation are the predominant economic bases for the study area; rural activities are limited and tend towards I specialisation. Many former historic sites and areas have been flood I affected and/or reduced through urbanisation. I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I I I 113 I 10.2 TESTING THE MODEL

I 10.2.1 Late Eighteenth to Middle Nineteenth Century I There are no known sites which pre-date 1800. There are no known sites from this period which extend beyond the range of proposed settlement i.e. I to the inner north and central-south. There are no known remains of the prison farm.

I There are a number of roads and river fords which can be dated, or have a high probability for dating, I to the early years of this phase. There are no known mill sites with visible foundations along the river, with the exception of I Jamison's Mill (on high ground) although there may be extensive foundations of Blaxlands Mill and Brewery which may be just within the study area I (survey required to determine exact extent). There are no known jetty or wharf sites from this I phase. There are a number of middle and upper middle class domestic sites, both sub-surface and still standing which date to the early and later years of this I phase for example the MacCarthy farm site at Castlereagh, the excavated remains of outbuildings I at Mamre and Nepean Park. There are a substantial number of potential domestic sites for- the same period for example the Michael I Long Cottage Site, the Minnaville House site and the Thomas Jamison Cottage site. There are an extremely large number of sites which I relate to the estate occupation and which cover a great complexity of activities including actual house sites such as Regentville and Winbourne; sites I of outbuildings for example at Glenmore; industrial processes such as brick making at The Cottage and wine-making and textile production at Regentville and miscellaneous tanks, drains, wells and dams for I example at Fairlight. There are a number of community sites which date to I this period for example the Colonial Parsonage site at Mulgoa, the Regentville schoolhouse site and the I inns along the Great Western Highway. I I --- -.'.

I 114 I Exotic plantings have been identified which indicate sites of former ocupation from this phase for I example . at Mt Pleasant, possibly Dungarth, around former outbuildings at Glenmore and the original Cottage site.

I There are few, if any, sites of this period within the major urban centres and sattelite suburbs, the I inns along the Highway being the major exceptions. It may be concluded that:

No evidence of pre-1800 sites has been located and I that the potential for such is minimal.

A very high incidence of standing and sub-surface I sites of archaeological interest which include examples from most of the site types are known from the period 1800-1850 and the potential exists for I more sites of the same period to be located. A high incidence of features such as roads, fords and plantings have survived and indicate areas of I past activity.

The sites of estates are rich sources for I archaeological material covering a wide range of activities and concerns and that the incidence of I survival is very great. Developed urban centres have few sites or buildings which relate to this phase, although detailed survey I may define more examples. The effects of floods have removed a percentage of archaeological material, partiCUlarly along the I river banks and of the pre-1800 phase, however, a higher incidence of survival has occurred than would have been predicted from the documentary evidence. I The major distribution of the sites of this period are within the south-west (heavily biased by the number of sites associated with the estates); to a I lesser extent in the south-east; within Castlereagh and along Castlereagh Road and the inner banks of I the river in this area. I I '\ I I I 115 I 10.2.2 Middle Nineteenth to Twentieth Century There are a number of roads, tracks and fences which I can be dated, or have a high probability for dating, to this period, for example, Longs Lane in I Castlereagh. There are a large number of domestic sites, both standing and sub-surface, of the middle to upper I middle class which date to this phase for example Lee's House site in Castlereagh, the site of Kerry Lodge in Castlereagh, Alexander Fraser's house site in Castlereagh, a barn, dairy and house ruins of the I l880s also in Castlereagh, Emu Hall and Huntington Hall. I There are a large number of sites contained within the estates or lands formerly associated with the estates which relate to the development of the I properties during this phase for example dams and horse graves at The Cottage; remains of a bath house, miscellaneous stone buildings and wells at I Fairlight; dams, ponds and a jetty at Winbourne. There are a number of rural buildings and residences from this period in the north-east (along I Castlereagh Road), in the south-west and few, if any within the sphere of urban development and to the central and north-eastern sector. I There are a number of urban residences of this period within the major towns. I There are a number of community buildings of this phase within the towns, for example the first police building at Emu Plains and a few potential sites I within the south-west including the Hope House Convalescent Home site at Glenleigh. There are a number of industrial sites of this I period including Parkers Slaughter Yard in Castlereagh, Pages Tannery at st Marys, Brells Tannery also at st Marys and the Balgay Jam Factory I at st Marys. There are a number of significant landscape I modifications still visible including dams, reservoirs and canals particularly in the south-west. I It may be concluded that: , A high incidence of features such as roads, fencing I and landscape modifications have survived which I I I 116 I indicate past areas of activity some of considerable significance to the development of the study area, I for example, the canals in the south-west which are evidence of the former irrigation schemes.

There is a high incidence of sites relevant to I middle and upper middle class occupation, standing and sub-surface, in both the rural and urban I context. There are a large number of sites on the estates or land formerly associated with estates which relate I to this period. There are a number of community buildings within an urban context of this period and to a much lesser I degree beyond the urban sphere.

There are a number of significant industrial sites I from this period mainly located within the urban sphere,particularly at st Marys.

The major distribution of sites of this phase is I similar to that of the preceeding phase viz. in the south-west, to a much lesser degree in the south-east, in Castlereagh, along Castlereagh Road I and the inner river banks of this area. The new factors from this period are the greater incidence of intact urban housing and community sites and the distribution of these over a much wider area within I the central settled band of settlement and, secondly, the introduction of industrial archaeological sites mainly associated with the I urban context. I I I I I I I I I 117 I 10.2.3 Twentieth Century

There is at least one significant industrial site of I this period, the Penrith Quarry Complex as well as a number of active and disused quarry sites.

I There are a number of undated domestic sites which are probably to be dated to this period, including I one of pise construction in Castlereagh. There are some turn of the century and early twentieth century houses predominantly in the south-east, south-west, and along Castlereagh Road I area and some examples in the urban context.

There is a predominance of 1920s-1940s housing in I the northern sector of the study area, northern st Marys and areas such as L1andilo. I There is a large portion of Housing Commission style housing in st Marys, Oxley Park.

The predominance of 1960s+ housing is found in the I new estates such as st Clair, Werrington County, Leonay, Kingswood Park etc. I Recent subdivisions occur in the south-east, south-west and north-east. I It may be concluded that: That the majority of the development experienced during this phase has remained intact with only a I few exceptions such as turn of the centruy and early twentieth century domestic sites. I That the majority of industrial development is still intact although a few significant sites from earlier I in the century are still intact. I I I I , I I I 118

I 10.3 CONCLUSIONS AND PRIORITIES

I 10.3.1 Conclusions

The process of testing the model has shown that, in I geographical distribution, incidence of site type and chronological distribution, it is largely correct. In brief: that the greatest incidence of early-mid nineteenth century sites are found along I the river and in the south-west with only a few pockets in the south-east and central settled area; that the majority of mid-nineteenth to twentieth I century sites are associated with these same areas but also include a high incidence of survival within the urban spheres, particularly industrial sites; I that the majority of twentieth century development is still intact and relates to the central settled zone, the north and, to a lesser extent, the south.

I The factor which has been revealed which is contrary to the expectations of the model and the archival documentation is the incidence of survival of I historically early sites in flood prone areas. Far more sites from the early and mid nineteenth century have been found to be intact than would have I been predicted; the possible exception to this is along the river bank itself where little if any trace of early occupation has been located. It I should be noted, however, that the Blaxland Mill and Brewery site may be an important exception and may also prove that survival can occur in certain I conditions; the site should be investigated to determine the extent of survival and what conditions existed to protect it from damage and loss.

I The model may also be biased in the twentieth century period; far more archaeological sites of this period may exist than those which have been I recorded. The surveys which have been undertaken to date appear to have had a heavy emphasis on locating sites of early nineteenth century occupation; it is I possible and, indeed, probable that this has been to the detriment of a reliable sample of twentieth century sites.

I Certain areas appear to be characterized by certain periods and types of sites, largely a function of the model of settlement, for example, the highest I incidence of early nineteenth century domestic sites are found in the south-west of the study area, the north east (close to the river), and to' a lesser I degree, the south-east and isolated pockets of the I I I 119 I northern extent of the central settled area; the highest incidence of industrial sites (apart from those associated with the estates) are found in the I central settled area of the study area. Certain areas of great significance and of a very I high known and potential archaeological resource have come to light. These are; the south-western area of the study area (mainly the estates and land I formerly associated with the estates), and the northern strip along the river up to and including Castlereagh Road. The sites wi~hin these areas cover nearly the full range of site types over a very long i chronological period. Sites included here are of more that local significance; Regentville and all its associated outbuildings and features, McCarthys I Farm, the Blaxland Mill site and a number of others contain information which is valuable both in a 'I state context and possibly of national significance, However, in terms of local development many more sites are of great significance; not because of their early date or age (a number are not that I early) but because of their physical demonstration of processes or events which have' shaped the I development of the area. For example the Pages Tannery site is of very great significance for st Marys; sites of homes such as Edinglassie, Mt Pleasant and Dunheved which have all I played a major role in the development of the area, even giving the names to the modern suburbs; many of the old roads and fords which explain how the early I settlement functioned; the canals in the south-west which show a particular phase of the development of MUlgoa are all vital links between the old and new I Penrith and may be used to explain the development of that area to its community. The high incidence of survival in certain areas of I sites, some of very great local, state and perhaps national significance, suggests that great caution must be taken if work was planned in any of these I areas. Furthermore, the incidence of survival in both urban and rural areas of some sites suggests that the potential for others exists; these could be I located if certain works were put into effect. If planning is committed to the protection, location and development of historic sites then those sites I of an archaeological potential and interest must also be planned for; very often the majority of the story of an area's past is still in the ground and I with careful planning work and often community I I I 120 I involvement these can be investigated and managed in a way as interesting and, in some cases, a more interesting manner than the standing buildings as I discussed in Section 3.0. On this basis and from the preceeding analysis and I predictive model certain priorities have been highlighted; these are outlined in the following I section. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 121 I 10.3.2 Priorities I High Priorities That no works should be carried out along the river and its inner banks without prior archaeological I research and investigation. That no works should be carried out in the south-western sector of the study area without prior I archaeological research and investigation.

That no works should be carried out on estates, I sites of former estates or lands formerly associated with estates without prior archaeological research I and investigation. Medium Priority

I That detailed historical research should be carried out in the form of· comparative and successive town plan development studies for Penrith, st ys, I Castlereagh and Emu Plains for the purposes of defining potential zones of archaeological significance for example of significant industrial sites or early domestic sites. This is to act as a I planning tool for future development purposes.

I Low Priority

Land in the central-north and north-east, central I south and south-east (excluding sites such as Mamre) have low archaeological priority. I I I I I I , I I I 122

I 11.0 SUBSIDIARY DOCUMENTATION

I 11.1 FOOTNOTES TO THE TEXT 1. Quoted in Bowd, D.G. Macquarie Country.,S I 2. D.E.P. MUlgoa Regional Environmental Study.,3l 3. Diary of William Riley quoted in Ibid.,33 4. Griffin, G. Essays in the Economic History of Australia.,S7 I 5. D.E.P. Penrith Lakes Scheme Regional Environmental studY.,ll-7,ll-S. 6. Stapleton, E. South Creek - st Marys From Village to I City.,12-l3. 7. Birmingham, Jeans and Jack., Industrial Archaeology in Archaeology: Rural Industry.,27-S S. Stap1eton,E. Op Cit.,9 I 9. Stevenson,C.R.(Ed). Reminiscences of a District Veteran.,17 10. Ibid.,17-1S I 11. Stickley.C. The Old Charm of Penrith.,4S. 12. Stevenson., Loc Cit. 13. Ibid.,9-l0 I 14. Bowd, D.G. Op Cit.,17 15. Stapleton, E. Op Cit.,14 16. Steege.J. Emu Plains.,22 17. Stickley,C. Op Cit.,44 I lS. Ibid.,15 I I I I I I I I I I I 123 I 11.2 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Birmingham,J. Jack,I. and Jeans,D. I Industrial Archaeology in Australia: Rural Industry I Heinnemann Press. 1983 Bowd, D.G. Macquarie Country: A History of the Hawkesbury. I Library of Australian History. 1982.

I Department of Environment and Planning NSW Penrith Lakes Scheme Regional Environmental Study I 1984. Department of Environment and Planning NSW MUlgoa Valley Regional Environmental I Study 1984. I Griffin, G. (Ed) Essays in the Economic History of Australia I Jacaranda Press. 1967 Proudfoot, H. Heritage Study of the City of Penrith: I Thematic Development History. 1986. I Stapleton, E. South Creek-St Marys From Village to City st Marys Historical Society. 1985 I Steege, J. Emu Plains I Nepean District Historical Society. 1984 Stevenson, C.R. (Ed) I Reminiscences of a District Veteran Mr Michael Long J.P. Penrith City Library Historical Series. I 1984. Stickley, C. The Old Charm of Penrith I Serif Printing. 1984. I , I I

~-----_...... :-..._---