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Neurolinguistic Aspects of Attrition Barbara Köpke

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Neurolinguistic Aspects of Attrition Barbara Köpke Neurolinguistic aspects of attrition Barbara Köpke To cite this version: Barbara Köpke. Neurolinguistic aspects of attrition. Journal of Neurolinguistics, Elsevier, 2004, 17 (1), pp.3-30. 10.1016/S0911-6044(03)00051-4. hal-00856482 HAL Id: hal-00856482 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00856482 Submitted on 9 Sep 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Neurolinguistic aspects of attrition Barbara Köpke Laboratoire Jacques Lordat (EA 1941) Institut des Sciences du Cerveau de Toulouse (IFR n° 96) Université Toulouse-Le Mirail Journal of Neurolinguistics, 17 (1), 3-30. Abstract The aim of this paper is to provide the reader with a general overview of the field of attrition. Having situated this relatively new research domain with respect to related fields and approaches, a brief summary of the most important research questions and preliminary findings is given. The discussion then focuses on two issues that are of particular interest with respect to neurolinguistics: the role of the subject’s age and of the influence of L2. Concerning the former, a summary of research on the critical period hypothesis is given and discussed in the light of findings from attrition research. Another issue concerns the principal mechanisms involved in L1 attrition, i.e. whether attrition occurs because of lack of L1 use or because of its replacement by the competing L2 structures. Research issues of such scope need integrative approaches and greatly benefit from comparisons with related fields such as normal aging, acquisition and aphasia. Keywords: bilingualism, attrition, neuropsycholinguistics, critical period, interference 1 Attrition can be defined as the non pathological loss of a language in, usually, bilingual subjects. From an epistemological point of view, it can be seen as a subfield of contact linguistics (e.g., Goebl, Nelde, Stary & Wölck, 1996; Myers-Scotton, 2002), but it should be distinguished from sociolinguistic contact phenomena such as language change, shift, loss and death in bilingual communities. It is generally assumed that, like shift, attrition is a ‘negative’ consequence of language contacti, leading to loss on either the form or function level. However, language change, shift and death typically take place in bilingual communities across generations, whereas the term ‘attrition’ is used to refer to individual language loss and consequently takes place within one generation (de Bot, 2001). Furthermore, ‘attrition’ can be defined as loss of the structural aspects of language, i.e. change or reduction in form, whilst ‘shift’ is a loss of functional aspects, i.e. the gradual replacement of one language by another with respect to language use (Clyne, 1986, 2001). It is this focus on structural aspects in individual language loss that makes the attrition field so promising for multidisciplinary approaches: besides its obvious sociolinguistic dimension, attrition also allows the testing of linguistic hypotheses and psycholinguistic models of the interaction of two languages in the human brain/mind, and it thus finds a natural place within the field of neurolinguistics, completing the picture of language deterioration along with the data from L1 loss in healthy aging and pathological loss in aphasia or dementia. Particularly, psycholinguistic data on attrition are crucially needed in order to have a more comprehensive understanding of premorbid linguistic competence in multilinguals. Conversely, attrition research will benefit very much from taking neurolinguistic models into account since the mechanisms underlying attrition might well be related to general brain functioning. The main research questions raised by these different disciplines can be summarized as follows: (a) Why does attrition occur? Most attention has been paid to external factors which influence attrition such as age (discussed below), education level (e.g., Jaspaert & Kroon, 1989; Yagmur, 1997), emigration length (e.g., Ammerlaan, 1996; de Bot, Gommans & Rossing, 1991; Hutz, 2004), or amount of contact with L1 (e.g., de Bot et al., 1991; Köpke, 1999). Some studies have attempted to integrate these factors within larger sociolinguistic frameworks, e.g., Ethnolinguistic Vitality Theory (Hulsen, 2000; Yagmur, 1997) or Social Network Theory (Hulsen, 2000), the findings, however, have so far been inconclusive. More recently, internal factors for language attrition such as emotion (Dewaele, 2004; Pavlenko, 2002a; Schmid, 2002, 2004) or attitudes and motivation (Köpke, 2000) have received some attention with promising results that clearly call for further investigation. (b) What kind of structure is affected by attrition? Are some linguistic features more vulnerable than others? Indisputably, attrition is selective (cf. Seliger, 1991: 228) and does not concern all aspects of language in the same way. This question has mostly been addressed in broad linguistic investigations focusing either on intralanguage effects (simplification, over- generalization) or on interlanguage effects (cross-linguistic influence), but despite a growing number of studies within this perspective, research is still rather inconsistent and lacks coherence (see Köpke & Schmid, 2004, for a more detailed discussion and references). Only recently have specific theoretical frameworks been used more systematically, for example Chomsky’s Universal Grammar (UG) and minimalism (e.g., Cuza, 2002; Gürel, 2002, this issue; McCormack, 2001; Montrul, 2002; Sorace, 2000) or Myers-Scotton & Jake’s (2000) 4- M-Model (e.g., Bolonyai, 1999; Gross, 2000; Schmitt, 2001). (c) How does attrition occur? This question addresses the nature of the psycholinguistic and neurological mechanisms underlying attrition. This is the aspect the present paper will focus on, since the factors discussed here fall under this question. Psycholinguistic issues regarding attrition have been theorized since early days of research within the field, e.g., the competence/performance issue discussed in Sharwood Smith (1983a, 1983b, 1989), who drew attention to the fact that attrition may, in many cases, involve difficulties in the control of the two linguistic systems rather than actual modification of one system. As Seliger & Vago (1991: 4) pointed out, “the languages spoken by the bilingual may be said, metaphorically, to coexist in a state of competition for a finite amount of memory and processing space in the mind of the speaker”. This view is in line with neurolinguistic frameworks for bilingualism such as Green’s Inhibitory Control Modelii (Green, 1986, 1998) 2 or Paradis’ Activation Threshold Hypothesis (Paradis, e.g., 1993, 2001) (see Gürel, this issue, for a description). Within such frameworks, processing difficulties (or ‘performance attrition’)—like delayed lexical retrieval which is frequently observed in L1 attrition (e.g., Ammerlaan, 1996; Olshtain & Barzilay, 1991) and described in more detail in Goral (this issue)—can be explained on the basis of the raising of activation thresholds for items (or a language) used less frequently (Paradis, 1993: 138), and/or of lack of resources in the less frequently used language (Green, 1986) (for a more detailed discussion of these issues, with respect to attrition, see Gürel, this issue; Köpke, 2002). It is now widely recognized that bilinguals are not the sum of two unilinguals (Grosjean, 1989). This difference does not have to be ascribed to specific mechanisms for the processing of two languages (Paradis, 1980: 503), but bilinguals have repeatedly been shown to be slower than unilinguals on at least some tasks: e.g., Mack (1983) in naming and lexical decision; Mägiste (1979, 1985) in naming, recall and matching; Kilborn (1989) in sentence processing; Segalowitz (1991) in primed lexical decision in the controlled but not in the automatic access condition (see Goral, this issue, for more details), and Soares & Grosjean (1984) in lexical decision on non-words only (see Green, 2002, for a summary of more recent data). Longer response times in balanced bilinguals can be attributed to lexical access in bilinguals not being selective (e.g., De Bruijn et al., 2001; Green, 2002: 241), but they can also reveal difficulty in the control of two language systems (Green, 1986). In non-balanced bilinguals, longer response times are generally found in the weaker languageiii (and are sometimes taken as measures for language balance in bilinguals, e.g., Mägiste 1979, 1985). The weaker, non-dominant language is generally the second language in late bilinguals, but it has long been recognized that even in late bilinguals the dominance pattern can be reversed when language use changes substantially. In this case, response times slow down in L1 as L2 becomes the dominant language (e.g., Frenck-Mestre, 1993; Lachman & Mistler-Lachman, 1976; Segalowitz, 1991). The fact that little attention has, so far, been devoted to this point may have two reasons. Firstly, research on bilingualism has probably mostly been carried out on L2 learners for whom the L1 is still dominant, although they are highly
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