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Managing Invisible Social Identities in the Workplace Author(S): Judith A Out of Sight but Not out of Mind: Managing Invisible Social Identities in the Workplace Author(s): Judith A. Clair, Joy E. Beatty and Tammy L. Maclean Source: The Academy of Management Review, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Jan., 2005), pp. 78-95 Published by: Academy of Management Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20159096 Accessed: 27-01-2019 21:22 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Academy of Management is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Academy of Management Review This content downloaded from 75.108.117.50 on Sun, 27 Jan 2019 21:22:27 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms ? Academy of Management Review 2005, Vol. 30, No. 1, 78-95. OUT OF SIGHT BUT NOT OUT OF MIND: MANAGING INVISIBLE SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN THE WORKPLACE JUDITH A. CLAIR Boston College IOY E. BEATTY University of Michigan-Dearborn TAMMY L. MACLEAN Suffolk University Invisible social identities influence social interaction in distinct ways and create unique dynamics in terms of identity management. We integrate research from the sexuality, illness, and racial diversity literature, as well as the stigma, disclosure, and identity literature, to create a generalized model of invisible identity management. We focus specifically on revealing and passing strategies of identity management and conclude by discussing the implications of invisible differences for diversity research. Demographic diversity, defined as any char ment. As a way to ease into the conversation, the acteristic that serves as a basis for social cate chairperson mentions that it looks like the job gorization and self-identification, comes in two candidate has recently gone on a vacation, types: visible and nonvisible (Tsui & Gutek, since his skin looks tanned. In fact, strangers 1999). Visible characteristics usually include frequently make this comment because the job sex, race, age, ethnicity, physical appearance, candidate is multiracial and appears to be Cau language, speech patterns, and dialect. Nonvis casian,1 except for his tanned-appearing skin ible characteristics usually include differences tone. The job candidate must decide whether or like religion, occupation, national origin, club or not to reveal his multiracial background and social group memberships, illness, and sexual risk offending the chairperson by making her orientation. Most organizational scholarship on appear naive. In a second example, a woman diversity in the workplace has focused on such with multiple sclerosis (MS) is asked to take visible social identities as age, race, and gender notes on a flipchart in front of a group of people (Williams & O'Reilly, 1998), but left relatively she doesn't know at a work-related conference. unexplored are the dynamics of invisible social On this day her MS symptoms are flaring. Her identities. hands are shaky and uncoordinated, and it is To understand the importance of invisible so quite difficult for her to write quickly and legi cial identities in the workplace and how these bly. Instead of declining the request or explain identities can influence social interactions, con ing her situation, she muddles through the awk sider the following workplace scenario. A job ward task and wonders what the others think of candidate is interviewing for a tenure-track po her (Beatty, 2003). Finally, a woman seeks time sition with the chairperson of a history depart 1 We recognize that the language we use to refer to par We presented an earlier draft of this paper at the 2002 ticular social identity groups impacts shared understand annual meeting of the Academy of Management, in Denver, ings of that group. We also acknowledge that people have a Colorado. We improved the paper with helpful suggestions variety of opinions about which terms are appropriate or and feedback from Ron Dufresne, Yahuda Barach, Paula inappropriate when referring to certain social identity Caproni, and Ellen Ernst Kossek. Additionally, we extend groups. We choose to draw from popular usages at the time our gratitude for guidance provided by Arthur Brief and this paper was written to refer to particular social identity three anonymous reviewers. groups. 78 This content downloaded from 75.108.117.50 on Sun, 27 Jan 2019 21:22:27 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 2005 Clair, Beatty, and Maclean 79 off from work for the birth of her child, which personal information to avoid stigma interferes should be a routine request. But she must ex with one's authentic self-presentation (Creed & plain her situation because she is a lesbian and Scully, 2000; Moorhead, 1999; Reimann, 2001). her child is being carried by her partner. Thus, In addition, individuals with an invisible so the woman must "out" herself in order to receive cial identity may also struggle to acquire and standard parental benefits (Reimann, 2001). maintain legitimacy within social interactions These examples illustrate how invisible social at work. For example, research on invisible ill identities influence and complicate workplace ness and disability suggests that individuals interactions. Such situations force individuals to may need to perform their tasks in different make quick strategic decisions about self ways?for example, by sitting down or taking presentation regarding an invisible identity. more frequent breaks. They must either explain Invisible social identities are common in or these differences or bear the negative reactions ganizations. One study suggests that about one from others who think they are strange or simply in every fifty people in the workplace is gay, a lazy (e.g., Charmaz, 2000). statistic that rises to one in every ten to twenty Those with invisible differences also struggle persons in major metropolitan areas (Michael, to balance conflicting relationship demands. Gagnon, Laumann, & Kolata, 1994). Chronic, dis For example, individuals in mixed-race relation abling conditions cause major limitations in ac ships may seek to keep this aspect of their lives tivity for more than one in every ten Americans hidden at work so as to avoid stigmatization and (Centers for Disease Control, 2002). Chronic ill discrimination. These individuals fear negative ness is often invisible and is the leading cause stigma associated with interracial dating or of disability in the United States, accounting for marriage, which others may see as deviant or 44 percent of disabled people age 15 and older. abnormal. However, these individuals can iso Yet many people with chronic illnesses are ac late themselves as well as their partners in an tive participants in the workforce (e.g., Pinder, attempt to keep their relationship hidden in the 1988; Vickers, 2001). Finally, 6.8 million people event of work-related social events that include reported more than one race on the 2000 U.S. family and significant others. Census (Jones & Smith, 2001). Employees from a mixed-race heritage can have an invisible or The consequences of stigma in the workplace ambiguous racial identity, because they may are readily quantified: the literature on organi zational diversity documents how women, racial not "look like" someone with a particular racial background to others. minorities, older workers, and others bearing a While organizational scholars who study stigmatized identity have suffered job loss, lim workplace diversity have mostly overlooked in ited career advancement, difficulty finding a visible social identities, there have been studies mentor, and isolation at work (Cox, 1993). To of particular types of invisible social identities avoid negative consequences, those with stig within the literature on race (Leary, 1999), on matized invisible social identities may struggle sexual orientation (Herek, 1996; Reimann, 2001; with whether or not as well as how to reveal Woods, 1994), on chronic illness (Pinder, 1995; their difference in an organizational setting, Schneider & Conrad, 1980; Vickers, 2001), and on causing them stress and anxiety in workplace disabilities (Matthews & Harrington, 2000). social interactions. For this reason, invisible so These studies suggest that individuals with cial identities invoke some distinct issues that stigmatizing invisible social identities have dif cannot be easily collapsed under traditional or ferent interaction experiences at work than ganizational diversity research that focuses on those with visible differences. visible differences. In particular, management of information To advance research, in this article we use about the invisible social identity is a central identity, disclosure, and stigma theories, as well issue for these people. The focus on information as the gay, illness and disability, and ethnora management is shaped not only by the threat of cial diversity literature, to draw attention to the stigmatization but also by concerns of authen influence of invisible social identities on work ticity and legitimacy. People experience a feel place interactions. We highlight workplace ing of authenticity when they can be fully challenges faced by those with stigmatizing in "themselves" in public. Conversely, concealing visible social
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