An Analysis of Nationalist Influence on Japanese Human Rights Policy
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Learning from Japan? Interpretations of Honda Motors by Strategic Management Theorists
Are cross-shareholdings of Japanese corporations dissolving? Evolution and implications MITSUAKI OKABE NISSAN OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES NO. 33 2001 NISSAN OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES FULL LIST OF PAST PAPERS No.1 Yamanouchi Hisaaki, Oe Kenzaburô and Contemporary Japanese Literature. No.2 Ishida Takeshi, The Introduction of Western Political concepts into Japan. No.3 Sandra Wilson, Pro-Western Intellectuals and the Manchurian Crisis. No.4 Asahi Jôji, A New Conception of Technology Education in Japan. No.5 R John Pritchard, An Overview of the Historical Importance of the Tokyo War Trial. No.6 Sir Sydney Giffard, Change in Japan. No.7 Ishida Hiroshi, Class Structure and Status Hierarchies in Contemporary Japan. No.8 Ishida Hiroshi, Robert Erikson and John H Goldthorpe, Intergenerational Class Mobility in Post-War Japan. No.9 Peter Dale, The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness Revisited. No.10 Abe Shirô, Political Consciousness of Trade Union Members in Japan. No.11 Roger Goodman, Who’s Looking at Whom? Japanese, South Korean and English Educational Reform in Comparative Perspective. No.12 Hugh Richardson, EC-Japan Relations - After Adolescence. No.13 Sir Hugh Cortazzi, British Influence in Japan Since the End of the Occupation (1952-1984). No.14 David Williams, Reporting the Death of the Emperor Showa. No.15 Susan Napier, The Logic of Inversion: Twentieth Century Japanese Utopias. No.16 Alice Lam, Women and Equal Employment Opportunities in Japan. No.17 Ian Reader, Sendatsu and the Development of Contemporary Japanese Pilgrimage. No.18 Watanabe Osamu, Nakasone Yasuhiro and Post-War Conservative Politics: An Historical Interpretation. No.19 Hirota Teruyuki, Marriage, Education and Social Mobility in a Former Samurai Society after the Meiji Restoration. -
Measures Taken by the Government of Japan on the Comfort Women Issue
Fact Sheet: Measures Taken by the Government of Japan on the Comfort Women Issue 1. The Government of Japan has sincerely dealt with issues of reparations, property and claims pertaining to the Second World War under the San Francisco Peace Treaty, which the Government of Japan concluded with 45 countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom and France, and through other bilateral treaties, agreements and instruments. These issues including those of claims of individuals, have already been legally settled with the parties to these treaties, agreements and instruments. (With regard to the ROK, it was confirmed in the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Cooperation between Japan and the Republic of Korea that the issues concerning property and claims “have been settled completely and finally.” The Government of Japan, in accordance with the said Agreement, provided 500 million US dollars to the ROK as economic cooperation.) 2. Additionally, since the 1990s, the Government of Japan has extended its utmost cooperation to the projects of the Asian Women’s Fund (AWF), which carried out “medical and welfare support projects” and provided “atonement money” (for a total of 5 million yen per person in the ROK and Taiwan as well as 3.2 million yen per person in the Philippines) to offer realistic relief to former comfort women. When the atonement money as well as the medical and welfare support were provided, the then-Prime Ministers (namely, PM Ryutaro Hashimoto, PM Keizo Obuchi, PM Yoshiro Mori and PM Junichiro Koizumi), sent a signed letter expressing apologies and remorse directly to each former comfort woman. -
Reaching LGBT Travelers: Taiwan Report Profile of Taiwanese International Visitors
2017 Taiwan LGBT Travel Trends LGBT Market Intelligence Report | Reaching LGBT Travelers: Taiwan Report Profile of Taiwanese International Visitors May 2017 Produced by 1 2017 Taiwan LGBT Travel Trends LGBT Market Intelligence Report | ABOUT CMI 25 YEARS OF LGBT INSIGHTS › Community Marketing & Insights (CMI) has been conducting LGBT consumer research for 25 years. Our practice includes online surveys, in-depth interviews, intercepts, focus groups (on-site and online), and advisory boards. Industry leaders around the world depend on CMI’s research and analysis as a basis for feasibility evaluations, positioning, economic impact, creative testing, informed forecasting, measurable marketing planning and assessment of return on investment. › Key findings have been published in the New York Times, Washington Post, Chicago Tribune, Los Angeles Times, Wall Street Journal, Forbes, USA Today, Chicago Tribune, Miami Herald, CBS News, NPR, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, eMarketer, Mashable, and many other international, national and regional media. › CMI’s other research clients include leaders from a wide range of industries. In the past few years, studies have been produced for these and many other clients: VISIT FLORIDA, Empire State Development Corp., Las Vegas Convention & Visitors Authority, NYC & Company, Visit Orlando, Greater Fort Lauderdale CVB, Palm Springs Bureau of Tourism, Travel Portland, Choose Chicago, Tourism Toronto, Argentina Tourism Office, Hawaiian Airlines, Hyatt Hotels, Prudential, Wells Fargo Bank, Aetna, Target Brands, -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
The Treatment of Prisoners of War by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy Focusing on the Pacific War
The Treatment of Prisoners of War by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy Focusing on the Pacific War TACHIKAWA Kyoichi Abstract Why does the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war occur? What are the fundamental causes of this problem? In this article, the author looks at the principal examples of abuse inflicted on European and American prisoners by military and civilian personnel of the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy during the Pacific War to analyze the causes of abusive treatment of prisoners of war. In doing so, the author does not stop at simply attributing the causes to the perpetrators or to the prevailing condi- tions at the time, such as Japan’s deteriorating position in the war, but delves deeper into the issue of the abuse of prisoners of war as what he sees as a pathology that can occur at any time in military organizations. With this understanding, he attempts to examine the phenomenon from organizational and systemic viewpoints as well as from psychological and leadership perspectives. Introduction With the establishment of the Law Concerning the Treatment of Prisoners in the Event of Military Attacks or Imminent Ones (Law No. 117, 2004) on June 14, 2004, somewhat stringent procedures were finally established in Japan for the humane treatment of prisoners of war in the context of a system infrastructure. Yet a look at the world today shows that abusive treatment of prisoners of war persists. Indeed, the heinous abuse which took place at the former Abu Ghraib prison during the Iraq War is still fresh in our memories. -
Mystery of Tojo's Remains Solved
2A| SATURDAY, JUNE 19, 2021| TIMES RECORD NEWS Mystery of Tojo’s remains solved Secret mission scattered Luther Frierson wrote: “I certify that I received the remains, supervised cre- war criminal’s ashes mation, and personally scattered the ashes of the following executed war Mari Yamaguchi criminals at sea from an Eighth Army li- ASSOCIATED PRESS aison plane.” The entire operation was tense, with TOKYO – Until recently, the location U.S. officials extremely careful about of executed wartime Japanese Prime not leaving a single speck of ashes be- Minister Hideki Tojo’s remains was one hind, apparently to prevent them from of World War II’s biggest mysteries in being stolen by admiring ultra-nation- the nation he once led. alists, Takazawa said. Now, a Japanese university professor “In addition to their attempt to pre- revealed declassified U.S. military doc- vent the remains from being glorified, I uments that appear to hold the answer. think the U.S. military was adamant The documents show the cremated about not letting the remains return to ashes of Tojo, one of the masterminds of Japanese territory … as an ultimate hu- the Pearl Harbor attack, were scattered miliation,” Takazawa said. from a U.S. Army aircraft over the Pacif- The documents state that when the ic Ocean about 30 miles east of Yokoha- cremation was completed, the ovens ma, Japan’s second-largest city, south were “cleared of the remains in their en- of Tokyo. Former Japanese Prime Minister and military leader Hideki Tojo answers “not tirety.” It was a tension-filled, highly secre- guilty” during a war crimes trial in Tokyo in November 1948. -
The Geographic Limits to Modernist Theories of Intra-State Violence
The Power of Ethnicity?: the Geographic Limits to Modernist Theories of Intra-State Violence ERIC KAUFMANN Reader in Politics and Sociology, Birkbeck College, University of London; Religion Initiative/ISP Fellow, Belfer Center, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Box 134, 79 John F. Kennedy St., Cambridge, MA 02138 [email protected] ——————————————————————————————————————————— Abstract This paper mounts a critique of the dominant modernist paradigm in the comparative ethnic conflict literature. The modernist argument claims that ethnic identity is constructed in the modern era, either by instrumentalist elites, or by political institutions whose bureaucratic constructions give birth to new identities. Group boundary symbols and myths are considered invented and flexible. Territorial identities in premodern times are viewed as either exclusively local, for the mass of the population, or ‘universal’, for elites. Primordialists and ethnosymbolists have contested these arguments using historical and case evidence, but have shied away from large-scale datasets. This paper utilizes a number of contemporary datasets to advance a three-stage argument. First, it finds a significant relationship between ethnic diversity and three pre- modern variables: rough topography, religious fractionalization and world region. Modernist explanations for these patterns are possible, but are less convincing than ethnosymbolist accounts. Second, we draw on our own and others’ work to show that ethnic fractionalization (ELF) significantly predicts the incidence of civil conflict, but not its onset . We argue that this is because indigenous ethnic diversity is relatively static over time, but varies over space. Conflict onsets, by contrast, are more dependent on short-run changes over time than incidents, which better reflect spatially-grounded conditioning factors. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:59:11PM Via Free Access 356 Notes
Notes For complete author names, titles, and publication data for works cited here in short form, see the Works Cited list at the back of the book. Introduction 1. It is problematic to use the term “emperor” to describe the monarch throughout most of Japanese history. As Joan R. Piggott reminds us in The Emergence of Japanese Kingship, “The term empire is strongly associated with a martial political formation founded on conquest” (8). For most of Japanese history, Japanese monarchs did not preside over empires. The monarchs of Imperial Japan (1890–1945)did rule over an empire that came to include numerous overseas possessions, however. In the case of Hirohito (r. 1926–89), he ascended to the throne as the sovereign of an empire, and thus the term “emperor” is an appropriate title for him for the period from 1926 to 1945. Strictly speaking, the term “emperor” does not describe Japan’s monarch since 1945, for Japan no longer has an empire and the monarch does not even remain sovereign. In the end, however, I decided to use the term “emperor” (as well as terms such as “monarch”) for the postwar period in part because it seemed confusing to switch back and forth between “emperor” for the prewar period and, say, “king” for the postwar period, and also because it served to highlight one of the most important transwar continuities regarding the Japanese throne: Hirohito, who ascended to the throne with the mindset of a sovereign emperor, remained on the throne even as the Japanese empire collapsed and the politico-legal system defining his position underwent sweeping reform. -
The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications
The New Trend in Japanese Domestic Politics and Its Implications Hiroki Takeuchi Southern Methodist University [email protected] ABSTRACT Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. For a long time, the relationship with the United States, especially attitudes toward the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, determined the division between “right” and “left” in Japanese politics. However, this division has become meaningless during the last two decades since the Cold War ended, and a new division has emerged in Japanese politics over the attitudes toward domestic economic reforms and state- market relations. On the one hand, “conservatives” (hoshu-ha) try to protect the vested interests (kitoku keneki) that were created during the dominant rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). On the other hand, “reformists” (kaikaku-ha) try to advance economic reforms that would severely undermine those vested interests. This paper discusses the implications of this new trend in Japanese politics. Paper prepared for the Ostrom Workshop, Indiana University April 18, 2016 The paper is work in progress in the fullest sense. Please do not quote without the author’s permission. Comments and criticisms are welcome. 1 Japan has long been the most important ally of the United States in East Asia and it is widely viewed in Washington as a pillar of stability in the Asia-Pacific region. After World War II was over, Japan immediately became a U.S. partner in preserving the postwar international economic and political system. -
Download the Publication
A TIME FOR CHANGE? JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65 Edited by Bryce Wakefield Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Photo: A supporter of Article 9 protests outside the National Diet of Japan. The sign reads: “Don’t change Article 9!” © 2006 Bryce Wakefield ISBN: 978-1-938027-98-7 ©2012 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In provid- ing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-relevant research and dialogue to in- crease understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions worldwide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and sup- ported by both public and private funds. Jane Harman, President, CEO and Director Board of Trustees: Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public Members: Hon. James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; James Leach, Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members:Timothy Broas, John Casteen, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. -
The Constitution of Japan (1947)
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) THE CONSTITUTION OF JAPAN (1947) Introduction The American Occupation of Japan was premised on the notion that the thorough demilitarization and democratization of the defeated nation would make the world forever safe from the renewed threat of Japanese aggression. The drafting of a new, democratic constitution was considered essential to Japan’s recasting as a peaceful member of the community of nations. After a Japanese commission failed to produce a new national constitution sufficiently progressive for the Occupation’s liking, a document was drafted (over the span of only a week’s time) in-house by American staff and presented to the Japanese government for translation and enactment. The Japanese had no choice but to follow orders and the new constitution, somewhat awkwardly worded as the result of its English-language origins, was promulgated in November 1946 and came into effect on May 3, 1947. Many scholars have noted the irony of the Occupation installing democratic political institutions in Japan through transparently authoritarian means: the Japanese, it has been said, were “forced to be free” by their American occupiers. Nonetheless, the 1947 Constitution was readily embraced by the Japanese people and has endured (with not a single amendment over the past six decades) as a sound basis for Japan’s postwar democracy. The most celebrated section of the 1947 Constitution is Article 9, often called the “no war” clause. Debate swirled immediately around Article 9, which was very popular among the Japanese people but which proved troubling to the United States. Although American Occupation officials drafted the “no war” clause, American military planners soon sought a remilitarized Japan as an ally in the Cold War and found Article 9 a serious impediment.