Book Reviews

Leo Roeten. Chronological Developments in the Old Kingdom the weakening state; such reductionism and monocausality Tombs in the Necropoleis of Giza, Saqqara and Abusir: Toward is characteristic of the volume and one of its central flaws. an Economic Decline during the Early Dynastic Period and the Part one, chapter two introduces the Giza necropolis; Old Kingdom. Archaeopress Egyptology 15 (Oxford: Ar- the overview is swift and light on data, not discussing ele- chaeopress, 2016). ISBN (paperback) 9781784914608. ments, like tomb distribution within the cemeteries, that will Pp. xiv + 144. become necessary to his later analyses. Chapter three intro- duces chronological change in the number of false doors (1 As stated in the title of this work, Leo Roeten sets out to or 2) found in a Giza tomb chapel, finding that during the establish a relationship between mastaba development and reign of Khufu the number of false doors was restricted, economic decline over the course of Dynasties 1–6. Though with the use of two false doors becoming more common the title does not make it clear, Giza provides his primary at the end of his reign only to decrease again starting in dataset; the necropoleis of Saqqara and Abusir are used as the late fifth dynasty, perhaps due to a “deterioration of the secondary lines of argumentation due to limitations within financial situation” of the officials (38). Chapter six reprises the published data (Saqqara) or the sample size (Abusir). this analysis, looking at false door presence in “richer” and Limited data on Abu Rowash are also considered. “poorer” tombs (see below). The data are presented through line graphs and scatter charts; he discusses not only number The text is divided into four parts: I: Various chronologi- of false doors, but the relationship of false door placement cal developments of dimensional aspects of the tombs in to the surface of the tomb. Other elements of the false door the necropolis of Giza (chapters 1–7); II: The necropoleis outside of number—for example, inscription, form, or dec- of Abusir and Saqqara. A verification of the chronological oration—are not discussed here, presumably appearing in tendencies of Giza (chapters 8–10); III: Additional meth- Roeten’s earlier monograph, The Decoration of the Cult Chapel ods for controlling the proposed dating of a tomb (chapters Walls of the Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza. A New Approach to their 11–12); IV: Catalogues and tables (tables 01–04.2, X.1). Interaction (Leiden, 2014). Roeten begins by laying out some basic considerations in Chapters four and five present diachronic change in the Chapter one, including a short history of the development dimensions of Giza tombs. These two chapters lay out the of the mastaba during the Old Kingdom and a presenta- fundamental approach of the study: to measure and chart tion of the chronological groupings that he will employ. “the surface of the tomb and the chapel, the length of the Also in this chapter is a brief overview of climate change western wall, the width of the chapel and the values derived in the third millennium BC that presents the period as be- thereof…” (40). He does not work through his methodol- ing dominated by a drying trend (15–17). Most of the re- ogy in any great detail, so it is unclear how his figures are search for this short section dates to the 1990s and before; it derived or why one should link these variables. Through the is taken for granted that increased aridity directly equated use of scatter plots (problematically called “cloud diagrams” to decreased economic power without any consideration throughout the text), Roeten strives to demonstrate the pres- of population size, distribution, or land use, treating the ence of two, if not three, categories of tomb, ranging from Egyptians as passive actors who could not adapt their soci- “richer” to “poorer.” In chapter five he charts the differenc- ety to a slowly changing environment (for the opposite ap- es between tomb surface and chapel surface in his “richer” proach, see N. Moeller, “The First Intermediate Period: A and “poorer” categories, noting at the end of the chapter Time of Famine and Climate Change?” Ägypten und Levante that there is no relationship between them (61). Chapter six 15 [2005]: 153–67). These three pages form the basis for relates the diachronic change in number of false doors to the ‘economic decline’ portion of the title and essentialize the sample as a whole, as well as the “richer” and “poorer” the narrative of the Old Kingdom to one of a state weak- categories, finding that there is no relationship with the ened by the single variable of ongoing desertification. He surface of the chapel and the number of false doors found ignores any possible cultural and socio-political factors for in a tomb, but that two false doors becomes generally less

Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 53 (2017), 331–351 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.53.2017.r016 331 332 JARCE 53 (2017) common after the early Fifth Dynasty (64). Chapter seven the data sets are notably missing standard deviation data, concludes the Giza section, working through size differ- sample size information (within the text and charts, not sim- ences in “richer” and “poorer” tombs and the development ply if one counts the tombs listed in his Part IV tables), or of the Giza necropolis; the relationship of chronological discussions of statistical significance which would have leant change to climate change; and “the designation of chapels more authority and complexity to his argument. The ab- with a ground-plan that leads to a divergent ratio surface/ sence of statistics despite his constant employment of num- tomb surface chapel and/or a divergent ratio width chapel/ bers undermines his analyses. Further, one of his central length of western wall.” This chapter includes an assertion findings, that there is a constant bipartite, even tripartite, that the number of false doors was perhaps “not and never division in tomb size that is indicative of socio-economic had been particularly important” (72, though see contradic- groups, is based on the inexact method of clustering. De- tion on 75, 122). He links smaller tomb sizes to a declining termining clustering requires that one use one of several economy that, due to climate change, resulted in a gener- algorithms and define the variables which will themselves ally decreased standard of living (69). However, he also links determine the clusters (my thanks to Dr. David Taylor, Roa- them to a decrease of available space at Giza (71), and the noke College Math Department, for discussion regarding movement of the royal necropolis from Giza to Saqqara this concept). This method is not employed. Instead, the (76). A plan of Giza featuring the chronological distribution author seems to be judging his clusters based on personal of individual mastabas would have supported this point and perspective; to the current reviewer, clustering was not evi- aided the reader. dent in many of the charts. Part II generally employs the methodology laid out in Roeten’s charts presenting visualizations of tomb size by Part I, using new data sets as a check or comparison against period do have the potential to be useful to dating, which the Giza information. Less time and detail is spent on these he works through explicitly in Part III, Chapter 11. Read- new samples and the analyses and presentation are not very ers will undoubtedly be drawn to this text for the potential different; therefore, Part II can read as repetitive or exhaust- to use his size ranges as one more dating criterion to help ing to readers who are not interested in the specifics of indi- refine a tomb or cemetery’s chronology. A new text on Old vidual tomb sizes in Saqqara or Abusir (but potentially very Kingdom dating always has a use. However, the text falls useful for those who are interested in mining the specifics far short of working with climate change and offers no real of dimensions). Often, the data from the newly introduced social analysis, giving it limited utility. cemeteries was included on Giza charts appearing in previ- For readers who approach this text due to interest in is- ous pages, lending confusion to the charts especially while sues of economic decline, the author falls short of establish- reading the Giza sections. ing an argument linking tomb sizes to economy and, indeed, The volume’s conclusion (122–27), tucked into Part III spends a very small number of pages and very little research (dating methods), asserts that there was a three-part divi- on the complexities behind climate change or economy, sion in social strata, a distinction not solely based on eco- instead treating them as simple categories easily reified. nomic power, apparent through tomb size and decreasing Work by Mark Lehner on basin irrigation and Juan Carlos over time (123–24); that Khufu enacted a standard tomb Morena García on economy would have enhanced the text. size across all (studied) Memphite necropoleis, from which The terms “richer” and “poorer” lend an economic feel to standard tomb size would decrease over time at all three his discussion but without correlation to titles, decoration, necropoleis (125); that the declining size in tombs from Dy- and tomb goods these terms are never problematized or so- nasty 1 to Dynasty 6 was the result of an economic decline cially defined (though see 124). The relationship of climate due to climate change (127). change to a declining (state) economy is only asserted, never Throughout the volume, the data is presented through argued or truly substantiated, by Roeten; it is the deux ex charts highlighting trend lines and clustering of the vari- machina which he employs to explain all changing size vari- ables listed above: area of tomb, area of chapel, length of ables. He does not create complex correlations to wall deco- western wall, width of chapel. The variables themselves, rations, titles, or personal choice; ultimately, his sample and however, are not well defined and the mathematical termi- his data are too small to support huge conclusions about nology often incorrect. For example, the present reviewer economy or climate. was puzzled by the phrase “the surface of the tomb.” It was A final note: the Archaeopress Egyptology series does only in Table 03 in Part IV, where the dimensions of Early not seem to have provided the editing or copyediting that Dynastic mastabas at Saqqara are presented, that it became would have helped make this a more successful, or at least clear that “surface of the tomb” was meant to mean the more accessible, volume. Editing can provide clarity, espe- (surface) area of the mastaba. Incorrect and/or awkward cially when the author is not a native speaker of the lan- phrasing such as this obfuscates Roeten’s meaning through- guage in which they publish; the editors should have worked out, clouding if not obliterating his points and reducing more with this text. As is, the prose can be difficult and con- confidence in his handling of numeric data. Analysis of fusing. Copyediting appears to have been haphazard, with BOOK REVIEWS 333 names appearing multiple ways (Bárta, Bàrta), captions lo- menstellungen der Könige werden von keinen historischen, cated within the text rather than under the image (30); font sondern religiösen Interessen dominiert (40–41). size fluctuating (32); mismanaged headers (70); poor image J. Darnell/C. Manassa legen vier beschriftete Objekte quality (75, 81). There is no differentiation between charts vom “Stelae Ridge” im Steinbruch in Gebel el-Asr vor, die and images in his captions or lists (both are labeled ‘figure’), der Siegler Sabastet im Jahr 4/6 von Amenemhet III. hin- making specific curves and graphs harder for the reader to terlassen hat. Die Hauptgötter des Steinbruchs stellen “Ha- locate. On the whole, the volume promises much but leaves thor, Herrin des xnm.t-Steines” und der König als Teilmani- much wanting. festation des Horus dar (57). Das Material des xnm.t-Steines wird als Karneol, Jaspis oder andere Kalzedonart bestimmt Leslie Anne Warden (60–61). Die Stele JE 59499 macht besondere Angaben zur Roanoke College Dauer der Minenexpedition von 3–4 Monaten, was anson- sten eher selten ist (85). Die Texte weisen in Grammatik und Syntax Parallelen zu anderen Mineninschriften auf, was sich u. a. am Anruf an die Lebenden zeigt (86). Der narrative Infinitiv wird als Kennzeichen für Tagebuchstil Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert and Richard B. Parkinson, gedeutet (86). Im Falle eines Expeditionsmitgliedes kommt eds., Studies on the Middle Kingdom: In Memory of Detlef der ansonsten nicht belegte Titel sXAw war.t Nxn “Schreiber Franke, Philippika: Marburger altertumskundliche Ab- des Bezirks von Nxn” vor (88). Die Sakralarchitektur von handlungen 41 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013). ISBN Gebel el-Asr besteht aus pyramidalen Schreinen, als deren 9783447063968. Pp. 268 + 8 plates. ägyptischer Name das Wort ihAii postuliert wird (90–91). A. Demidchik zeichnet historische Gesichtspunkte der Die vorliegende Publikation hält die Erinnerung an Detlef Königsdomäne der Herakleopolitenzeit nach. Die Ex- Franke wach, der 2007 im Alter von nur 54 Jahren verstor- istenz administrativer Strukturen der Bezirke nördlich von ben ist. Die Beiträge gehen in der Hauptsache auf verschie- Hebenu im Alten Reich muss im Dunkeln bleiben (97). Die dene Aspekte zum ägyptischen Mittleren Reich ein. Der Einrichtung des königlichen Grundbesitzes unter den Her- Inhalt fächert sich wie folgt auf: H. Altenmüller widmet sich akleopoliten fiel mit dem Verschwinden des Vezirats zusam- der Identität des Horus-Schen in den “Osirismysterien” des men (97). Mittleren Reiches und versucht die Bedeutung dessen Bei- H.-W. Fischer-Elfert präsentiert ein hieratisches Ostra- Sniw wortes zu lösen. Der Schlaf des Horus-Schen wird in kon mit einem Ausschnitt aus der “Lehre des Amenemhet,” die Nähe des Schlafes des Sem-Priesters im Mundöffnungs­ das bei Arbeiten von Steindorff im Totentempel des Che- ritual/Szene 9–10 gerückt (11). Die Bekleidung des Sem- phren geborgen wurde. Die ramessidische Handschrift füllt Priesters durch ein horizontal gestreiftes Gewand wird mit der Beginn der 9. Strophe aus (108). Mumienbinden oder Kleinkindwicklungen assoziiert (14). W. Guglielmi beleuchtet künstlerische und religiöse As- Der Sem-Priester wird als Verkörperung des Horus nach pekte zur Feldgöttin cx.t im Zusammenhang mit Assiut. dessen Vereinigung mit dem in Binden gehüllten Osiris Die Göttin wird im neu entdeckten Grab N13.1 erstmals begriffen (14). Der Schlaf des Sem-Priesters im MÖR zielt einem nichtköniglichen Grabherrn gegenüber in gleicher auf die Belebung der mit Osiris gleichgesetzten Statue ab Kopfhöhe gezeigt (118). Die Gegend von Assiut hat die (15). Die Aufgabe des Schlafes des Horus-Schen wird in bislang einzige Rundplastik der Göttin in Gestalt einer der Vereinigung mit dem getöteten Osiris erkannt (15). Die Holz­statuette erbracht, welche den Typ der Gabenbringer/ Repräsentation des Horus-Schen durch einen in Binden Diener aufgreift (120). Die Stadt hatte sich offenbar zu ei- gehüllten Priester wird deutlich gemacht (15). Die alte Erk- nem Zentrum für die Verehrung der Feldgöttin entwickelt lärung von @r-Sniw als “streitbarer Horus” wird zugunsten (121). Im Grab des Djefaihapi aus Assiut ist ein möglicher von “umwickelter Horus” aufgegeben (15). Der Name des Vorläufer für den Stab/Stabstrauß der cx.t zu finden (123). hAkr-Festes wird nicht ganz unrealistisch durch die Rufe der S. 124: das Wort qn ist vielleicht besser durch “fette Träger der Prozessionsbarke erklärt, mit denen der auferstan- (Gänse)” wiederzugeben, vgl. zuletzt H. Kockelmann- dene Gott zum Einstieg in das Gefährt eingeladen wird (19). E. Winter, Philae III, Die Zweite Ostkolonnade des Tempels der Isis E. Blumenthal setzt sich mit dem Nachleben verstor- in Philae (CO II und CO II K), Mit einem Beitrag von Shafia Bedier bener Könige im kulturellen Gedächtnis der Einwohner (Vienna, 2016), 313. der Arbeitersiedlung von Deir el-Medineh auseinander. S. Kubisch und D. Franke machen das Stelenfragment Die Verzeichnisse sparen Hatschepsut und die Amarnakö- Berlin ÄS 32/66 (=31228) publik. Der Textinhalt wartet nige konsequent aus (39). Die Bedeutung Haremhabs in durch den Bericht über einen Speicherbau mit einem be- den Denkmälern wird wohl zu recht auf dessen Rolle als sonderen Highlight auf (150). Die Stele teilt Informationen Totengräber der Amarnazeit und Gründungsheros des ra- zu den Verbindungen des Titels imi-rA gc pr mit Magazi- messidischen Königtums zurückgeführt (39). Die Zusam- nen und Getreideversorgung mit (157). Die Datierung wird 334 JARCE 53 (2017) mangels exakter Hinweise grob in die 13. oder frühe 17. berg, “Das Grab eines Großen und seines Zwerges aus der Dynastie vorgenommen (157). Die Phraseologie des pri- Zeit des Nektanebês,” ZÄS 64 (1929), 80. vaten Stelenbesitzers greift die königliche Terminologie in P. Vernus arbeitet zwei bildliche Ausdrucksweisen her- Bezug auf die enge Nähe zu Göttern auf (159). aus. Im ersten Fall wird eine Verbindung zwischen den E.-S. Mahfouz veröffentlicht zehn Stelen des Mittleren “Klagen des Ipuwer” und der ramessidischen Biographie Reiches aus Assiut, die heute in der Tiggart Bibliothek der des Anhurmose hinsichtlich der Redensart mcnH nhp “Töp- El-Salaam Schule der Stadt aufbewahrt werden. Die Dik- ferscheibe dreht sich” gezogen. Die bei “Ipuwer” negativ tion, Grammatik und Orthographie der Objekte legen ei- für das Chaos gebrauchte Metapher wird bei Anhurmose nen Ansatz in die späte 12–frühe 13. Dynastie nahe. Die positiv hinsichtlich seiner mannigfachen Aktivitäten ver- Denkmäler halten mehrere Beispiele für den Gebrauch von wendet (234). Das gemeinsame Textstück wird nicht im Männernamen bei Frauen bereit. Sinne eines Zitates, sondern einer Adaption interpretiert S. Seidlmayer betrachtet die Felsinschrift des Vorstehers (234). Im zweiten Fall steht eine Kapelleninschrift aus dem von Unterägypten Dedusobek aus Assuan, die in die Front- Mutbezirk von Karnak im Zentrum, die vom Ende 25./ fläche des mittleren Blocks der zentralen Gesteinsformation Anfang 26. Dynastie stammt und eine jener bekannten his- im Ferjâl-Garten eingemeißelt ist. Das didi-Mineral wird toriolae um Isis und Horus überliefert. Der verbesserte Le- mit dem Hämatit aus dem Wadi Abu Aggag gleichgesetzt sungsvorschlag der Präposition Xr statt X.t “Leib” hilft sonst Abw (206). Die Bezeichnung wird auf das ganze Gebiet um notwendige Emendationen zu vermeiden. Die Spitze des Elephantine inklusive der Steinbrüche auf dem Ostufer metaphorischen Vergleiches der Brüste der Isis mit einem rdi mAa ausgeweitet (206). Die Verbindung “rechte Fahrt überquellenden (Ttf) Brunnen (Xnm.t) kommt dadurch besser geben” wird auf den diesseitigen Steintransport per Schiff zum Tragen (238). Die Reminiszenzen an die medizinische bezogen (208–209). Fachsprache werden hervorgehoben (238–240). S. 239: zu L. Störk steuert chinesische und byzantinische Entspre- npApA “palpiter” vgl. W. Ward, “Observations on the Egyp- chungen für die ägyptische Vergabe von Schandnamen tian Biconsonantal Root pA*,” in: H. Hoffner, ed.,Orient and (211–13) sowie neuzeitliche Parallelen für ägyptische Reise- Occident, Essays presented to Cyrus H. Gordon on the Occasion of his daten in Nubien (215–16) bei. Sixty-fifth Birthday (Kevelaer, 1973), 212. P. Usick informiert kurz über das Detlef Franke Archiv H. Willems wertet den sozialen Hintergrund der Verfü- im British Museum, das ab 1970 verfasste Schriften des Au- gung des N.y-kA-anx in dessen Grab bei Ṭihna al-Gabal aus. tors zu Mittlerem Reich und Erster/Zweiter Zwischenzeit Die Reihenfolge der Grabherren in der dortigen Nekropole umfasst (219–20). wird folgendermaßen rekonstruiert: 1. Mr.y (Fraser Tomb U. Verhoeven handelt Reliefs des ehemaligen Eingangs- 11 ?), 2. $nw-kA=i (Fraser Tomb 14), 3. KA-Hp (Fraser Tomb bereiches des Felsgrab M10. 1 in Assiut ab. Die Inschrift 12), 4. N.y-KA-anx (“Grab II” und Fraser Tomb 13 [= “Grab Nr. 1 fällt durch die Schreibung des Wortes nHH “Ewigkeit” durch das Nilpferd auf, die durchaus stichhaltig unter Hin- I”]) (244). Die Anfänge des Begräbnisplatzes werden bis zur weis auf das Wort nHH “nHH-Nilpferd” erklärt wird. Die Mitte der 4. Dynastie zurückdatiert (249). Die Gräber wer- Textkolumnen haben direkte Parallelen in den Biographien den zu den frühesten auf Basis eines festen Kanons deko- der Gräber Siut III/IV, die als Indiz für eine eigene siuti- rierten Provinzgräbern gerechnet (249). Die Kernthemen N.y-kA-anx sche Lokaltradition gewertet werden (228). Die Datierung der Verfügung zum Grabkult in “Grab II” des von M10.1 wird in die 11. oder frühe 12. Dynastie gewählt werden in den Rechten und Pflichten der Kinder einerseits (228). S. 224: zur Verbindung aus nHH “Ewigkeit” und Nil- und dem Verhältnis zwischen den Totenpriester und dem pferden vgl. Sethe, Übers. II, um 1934, 402. S. 226: zu ATii.t ältesten Sohn andererseits identifiziert (252). Die Ersetzung “Beamte sind Amme” vgl. ähnlich B. Ockinga and Y. al- der herkömmlichen Bedeutung “Erbe” von iwaw durch Masri, Two Ramesside Tombs at El Mashayikh, Part 1, The Tomb “Nachfolger” (252) könnte den Anschein der Hyperkor- of Anhurmose—the Outer Room (Sydney, 1988), 38. rektheit erwecken. In “Grab I” kommt dem ältesten Sohn S. 226: zu nqm.t “Plage” vgl. A. Allon, “Seth is Baal— @m-Hw.t-Hr gegenüber den anderen Kindern offenbar ein Evidence from the Egyptian Script,” Ä&L 17 (2007), 16; S. Exklusivrecht zu (256). Das “Umlaufopfer” wird als Zuwen- Donnat: “Le rite comme seul rétérent dans les lettres aux dung schon dargebotener Opfer an zweite Kultempfänger, morts, Nouvelle interprétation du début du Cairo Text on in der Regel Verstorbene, charakterisiert (260). Die Einbin- Linen,” BIFAO 109 (2009), 87; H.-W. Fischer-Elfert: Magika dung der Vorfahren in den Kult wird zur Sprache gebracht Hieratika in Berlin, Hannover, Heidelberg und München, Mit einem (260). Die Diffusität der Grenze zwischen Privatbesitz und Beitrag von Myriam Krutsch (Berlin, 2015), 238; J. Borghouts, Tempelbesitz wird zu Protokoll gegeben (262). The Magical Texts of Papyrus Leiden I 348 (Leiden, 1971), 100. Das abschließende Urteil des Rez. stellt sich positiv S. 226: zu pgA Dr.t “freigiebig o. ä.” vgl. J. Heise, Erinnern dar. Die vorgetragenen Interpretationen lassen sich gut und Gedenken, Aspekte der biographischen Inschriften der ägyptischen begründbar vertreten. Die einzelnen Details werden dem Spätzeit (Fribourg-Göttingen, 2007), 183, 250; W. Spiegel- Leser anschaulich näher gebracht. Die z. T. etwas blumige BOOK REVIEWS 335

Sprache hängt wohl vom persönlichen Geschmack ab. Die reconstructions of the reliefs account for twenty-one pages Lektüre hat sich durchaus rentiert. of volume 2, one page for each. Finally, ten plates show ad- ditional images of selected fragments. Stefan Bojowald In the introductory chapter, Williamson provides read- Bonn ers with orientation to the site of Kom el-Nana and its relationship to the Sunshade of Ra temples at Amarna, especially those features shared with the Maru-Aten com- plex, the only other excavated sunshade at the site (which Jacquelyn Williamson. Nefertiti’s Sun Temple: A New Cult since its clearance by the EES team in the early 1920s has Complex at Tell El-Amarna. 2 Volumes. Harvard Egyp- been completely obliterated). Both sites have some archi- tological Studies 2 (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2016). ISBN tectural features in common—in particular, the presence 9789004325524 (E-ISBN 9789004325555). Pp. v.1 x + of two large courtyards within separate enclosures (but cf. 224; v.2 vi + 212. B. Kemp, City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti: Amarna and its People [2013], 120; see also the note below on artificial gardens). For well over a century, the site of Tell el-Amarna has Support for the idea that these complexes are Sunshades is been subject to archaeological investigation, and numerous forthcoming from inscriptions found at both sites. While the books, articles, and museum exhibitions around the world Maru-Aten initially belonged to Kiya, Akhenaten’s “greatly have focused on the Amarna Period. While popularizing beloved wife,” and was later usurped in favor of the king’s books about the ancient city’s founder the “heretic king eldest daughter Meritaten, the situation at Kom el-Nana is Akhenaten” may give the impression to the uninitiated less clear. that there certainly remains something to be said about the Fragment s-2570, found in square Y39 at the North Amarna Period, the specialist is well aware that consider- Shrine of Kom el-Nana, preserves parts of two columns of able excavated material still awaits publication—thousands a vertical inscription above the minimally preserved head of of talatat blocks from Karnak and finds from the Deutsche a figure, with uraeus, facing left (274). Williamson convinc- Orient-Gesellschaft excavations at Tell el-Amarna, now in ingly reconstructs the text in the second column to read “… Cairo and Berlin, to mention only two important groups. sunshade of Ra in …” thus identifying the complex at Kom Over the past few decades several volumes have been pub- el-Nana as a Sunshade of Ra (12–14, fig. 1.6). lished with the results of excavations resumed at Amarna, However, her identification of the royal head as Queen starting in 1977, under Barry J. Kemp’s direction (initially Nefertiti is not entirely convincing, casting some doubt on under the auspices of the Egypt Exploration Society, Lon- the attribution of the site to Akhenaten’s Great Royal Wife. don; now sponsored by the Amarna Trust, established in The detailing of the wig on the very small portion of the 2005, and The Amarna Research Foundation: http:// head remaining on the fragment suggests the so-called Nu- amarnaanniversary.worldpress.com). The book by Jacque- bian wig, closely associated with Kiya. But the presence of lyn Williamson under review adds significantly to the cor- a single uraeus—which is original, not added—at the fore- pus of Amarna material brought to light by this fieldwork; head of the figure eliminates her, as well as a princess, from specialists have eagerly awaited its appearance ever since consideration. Nefertiti is certainly possible, but so is the she made a preliminary account of her work available near- king who may also wear this wig. ly 10 years ago (Egyptian Archaeology 33 [2008], 5–7). Furthermore the inscription directly above the head is Williamson deals primarily with relief fragments exca- oriented rightwards, unlike the figure, suggesting that the vated at Kom el-Nana in two volumes, the first for the text, epithets and titles refer rather to the Aten, which must have per se, and the second comprising a catalogue of the mate- been depicted to the left of the royal figure, as the single rial. The four chapters of volume 1 provide an introduction preserved sunbeam radiating towards it from the disc in- to Kom el-Nana and Sunshades of Ra at Tell el-Amarna, dicates. (In general, inscriptions identifying royal figures at followed by a second chapter with the author’s reconstruc- Amarna are oriented in the same direction as the figure they tions, both of reliefs and architecture; chapter 3 deals with accompany.) the hieroglyphic inscriptions and suggests the implications In Williamson’s reconstruction number 2, the figure of for Nefertiti’s role, and the final chapter presents conclu- Nefertiti is depicted at some distance from the radiant disk, sions that can be drawn from the study. A bibliography and behind a larger figure of Akhenaten (407). But inscriptions a comprehensive index complete volume 1. Volume 2 is an belonging to the Aten are placed close to the disk; in my extensive, detailed catalogue of the relief fragments found view, fragment s-2570 should originally have been not too at the site of Kom el-Nana, arranged according to the grid far away from the disk, giving the names and epithets of the squares where they were unearthed. A color image (with Aten. The head of the human figure is directly below the scale), excavation number, measurements, and information inscription; this person should be the largest in the scene, on material are provided for every fragment. Williamson’s leaving no space for another larger individual in front of 336 JARCE 53 (2017) it. If the figure were Nefertiti, she would have been shown king; thus, the block should not belong to an offering scene without the king as the sole officiant, a motif attested to date as suggested by Williamson’s reconstruction. with certainty only at Karnak in the reliefs on the so called In reconstruction number 14 with a chariot, William- “Nefertiti pillars.” For the reviewer, the fragment there- son supposes that fragment s-77 belongs to the depiction fore more plausibly depicts Akhenaten as the main figure, of charioteers grasping folded reins with arms held close to the sunbeam behind his head ending either in a hand that their chins (104, fig. 2.80A). For the reviewer, what William- touches his neck or extending towards a smaller figure of son would identify on the photograph as folded reins resem- Nefertiti behind him. Probably the fragment belonged to bles rather a lotus blossom. Whether block s-X37B depicts a an offering scene with the Aten disc right above the offering pair of hands holding reins is dubious, even if the reviewer table. cannot propose a convincing alternative explanation. No In chapter two, Williamson presents her reconstructions, other fragments from excavation square X37 bear discern- discussing in detail the methodology she employed and its able traces of horses or a chariot, despite s-17 and s-18, application. She assumes that the fragments of relief were which might belong to reins running above a horse’s back found not far from their original location. For the scale of (329, s-18, to be rotated 90° counter clockwise). William- the figures, Williamson uses the grid system and canon of son’s other reconstructions are sometimes very tentative, but proportions as established for the Amarna Period by Gay in general quite plausible, showing courtiers (reconstruction Robins. The body cartouches of Akhenaten and Nefertiti numbers 4 and 15), architecture (reconstruction numbers 5, are given their due, since they provide information on the 6, and 7), and offering scenes (reconstruction numberss 13, orientation of a royal figure and are sometimes indicative 15, 16 and 17; reconstruction number 19 shows an offering of a specific gesture as well. Williamson’s painstaking ap- scene in a figural panel on a column). proach to reconstruction is comparable to Fran Weather- Limestone is not the material of each and every frag- ment of relief from Kom el-Nana; some are sandstone. Wil- head’s work on painted plaster fragments from the palaces liamson convincingly incorporates these latter fragments at Amarna (F. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings [2007]), into the reconstruction of a gateway approximately 3 m in and, like it, demonstrates the importance of meticulous depth. The gateway reliefs at the reveals probably showed examination of any and every iconographic, stylistic, and the royal couple offering to the Aten (employing fragment technical detail. s-3307 [92, fig. 2.69]; see reconstruction number 8 [413] on Only a few of the twenty-one reconstructions proposed each reveal, once on a large scale and twice in a double reg- have not totally convinced the reviewer. (The problem posed ister scene). Additional elements of the gateway are monu- by reconstruction 2 [407–8], which includes block s-2570 mental cartouches of the Aten, as shown in reconstruction has been discussed above.) Reconstruction 1 proposes an number 12. antithetical scene showing the royal couple with three of At the end of chapter 2, Williamson discusses archi- their daughters below the Aten disc. Antithetical scenes are tectural and archaeological evidence on which to base a attested in Amarna on stelae and architraves, but to date, reconstruction of the building program at Kom el-Nana. not in large-scale wall decoration (Williamson’s reconstruc- Although many details continue to be unclear, the site cer- tion would measure 6.5 m wide and 4.5 m tall). Of course, tainly included artificial gardens with ponds, monumental it cannot be categorically excluded that this motif existed in gateways, and larger structures with columns (cf. Kemp’s the (potential) corpus of wall decoration in temples at Ama- characterization of Kom el Nana [The City of Akhenaten and rna (cf. the speculative reconstruction of antithetical wall Nefertiti, 2012, 120] as differing from Maru-Aten since the scenes by R. Hanke, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis [1978], former had “…much open space but so far [i.e., before 244–45, figs. 32–33), especially since Amarna in many cases 2012?] the evidence for garden cultivation covers only a proves the exception to the rule and frequently surprises very small part of it”). Whether an antithetical scene of the with highly unusual compositions on temple walls, even in- royal couple below the Aten disk was the focal point of the cluding large-scale figures of non-royal individuals (see 140 North Shrine is uncertain. with fig. 2.108 of a bowing figure). However, reconstruction Chapter 3 deals with the hieroglyphic inscriptions, iden- 1 seems unlikely to the reviewer. tifying the site of Kom el-Nana as “the Sunshade of Ra in Another problematic reconstruction is Williamson’s the rwd anxw itn” (156). The precise meaning of rwd anxw number 3 (409) showing the King and Queen offering to the itn continues to defy clarification; possibly the term describes Aten. Initially, at Karnak, a strict rule is observable for the the northern and southern enclosures (cf. Williamson, in position of the Aten in offering scenes; the sun disc is always JARCE 49 [2013], 143–52), while the term “Sunshade of placed directly above the altar or offering table. In other Ra” which is documented only in the northern enclosure contexts, the disc is placed above the king or, much less fre- might have been restricted to this building complex. Using quently, above the queen. The course of the sunbeams on additional textual evidence from Amarna, Williamson dis- block s-4047 suggests that the disc stood directly above the cusses the roles of Akhenaten and Nefertiti in the sunshade BOOK REVIEWS 337 and the rwd anxw itn, concluding that the entire site of Kom borne in mind that most reliefs are not preserved and the el-Nana may have been ultimately dedicated to the proper reconstructions were made only with tiny fragments. maintenance of Maat by the royal couple (173). Williamson’s publication demonstrates the potential of The role of Queen Nefertiti in this connection is further painstaking examination of even the tiniest relief fragments elaborated in chapter 4. Williamson considers it plausible while providing a thorough study of Amarna motifs, ico- that the construction of Kom el-Nana began early, after the nography, style, and technique. The high quality of the im- founding of Tell el-Amarna (the Sunshade of the queen ages in the book and the thorough documentation of the is mentioned in the text of the boundary stelae), and con- reliefs found at the North Shrine of Kom el-Nana make tinued until around year 11 when the name of the Aten Williamson’s work a lasting contribution to the field of Am- was changed. To account for variations in style and quality arna studies that points the way for further studies. observable in the reliefs, Williamson proposes that differ- ent workshops or crews were involved in the work, just as Christian J. Bayer Donald Redford explained the same phenomenon among Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim the Karnak talatat (in R. Smith and D. Redford, eds., The Akhenaten Temple Project, vol. 1. Initial Discoveries [1976], 76: “… as many as six master draftsmen, if not substantially more”). Most scenes depict the royal couple offering to the Konstantin C. Lakomy. „Der Löwe auf dem Schlachtfeld.“ Das Aten—indeed, variations on this theme are the most com- Grab KV 36 und die Bestattung des Maiherperi im Tal der Könige mon subjects in the art of Akhenaten’s reign. The other (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2016). ISBN prevalent motifs at Amarna are scenes of the royal family’s 9783954901104. Pp. 528. “daily life” which were also represented at Kom el-Nana as documented by fragments of relief depicting courtiers, This monograph by Konstantin C. Lakomy is certainly the a palace with a pool and gardens, and other elements of most thorough and contextual treatment of Maiherperi daily life. Most relief reconstructions at Kom el-Nana are that Egyptology has yet seen, and it has been a long time paralleled in the decoration of non-royal tombs at Amarna. coming. Lakomy starts with the unusual and special location For Williamson, this congruence may have resulted from of Maiherperi’s semi-intact tomb. In Chapter I, Lakomy the function of the temples as the source of funerary of- contextualizes Maiherperi’s Valley of the King’s shaft tomb, ferings for the dead at Amarna (190), their spirits coming comparing it to every other King’s Valley tomb from the daily to the temples for sustenance (this was the subject of a early Thutmoside period, thus allowing a more precise dat- paper Williamson presented at the International Congress ing of the KV 36 architecture into the reigns of Hatshep- of Egyptologists in Florence, on 29 August, 2015). Based on sut and Thutmose III. In Chapter II, Lakomy provides a the idea put forward by some Egyptologists that Akhenaten precise description of the architecture of KV 36, including and Nefertiti embody the creator gods Shu and Tefnut, and location, the discovery by Victor Loret, and the excavation were thus a source of renewal and rejuvenation at Amarna, history. This section is an archival triumph; Lakomy has Williamson proposes that the reliefs of the North Shrine at tracked down the excavation notes of Victor Loret in an Kom el-Nana emphasized the royal family as the primary, attempt to correct Daressy’s problematic publication and semi-divine participants in the Aten cult. to add even more context to a tomb that Egyptology has In her final interpretation of Nefertiti’s role at Kom el- neglected. Nana, Williamson must deal with the puzzling circumstance Lakomy even discusses what was not found at Maiher- that no evidence is forthcoming yet for Nefertiti as the sole peri’s tomb, including magical bricks, foundation deposi- officiant in the cult of the Aten at Amarna (as on the ‘Nefer- tions, and superstructure, examining comperanda from the titi pillars’ at Karnak), and that she is normally depicted proper time periods, and socioeconomic levels to determine on a much smaller scale than her husband. Williamson ar- if we might be missing or misidentifying anything. Then La- gues that if Nefertiti had been shown worshipping the Aten komy moves to the tomb plan, tomb contents, and the lay- alone at her sunshade, her status vis-á-vis the Aten would out of those contents. Lakomy even creates a chart of hypo- have been undermined, not elevated; by standing with the thetical prices for the coffins in Maiherperi’s tomb, based on king and being taller than all others except him, her status Janssen’s Commodity Prices and Cooney’s Cost of Death, with a was emphasized and her participation in the cult stressed total for the coffins, mask, canopic shrine and jars at an as- (199). But this is true, in general, for all representations tounding ca. 1,108 copper dbn. Lakomy concludes that the of the royal couple throughout Egypt and not specific to tomb of Maiherperi was one of the least disturbed of those Kom el-Nana. If Kom el-Nana indeed was the sunshade graves given to a loyal official in the Valley of the Kings and of Nefertiti, the reconstruction of the decoration William- filled with objects from the royal workshops. son proposes surprisingly conforms to preserved reliefs from Chapter III focuses on the person of Maiherperi him- other temples and tombs at Amarna. Of course, it must be self, including his possible place of origin, the variants and 338 JARCE 53 (2017) meaning of his name, his titles and offices, and his com- of the Kap were not unique to Maiherperi and do indeed parison to other officials with similar titles, the latter used occur earlier than previously thought by many Egyptolo- mostly as a (re-)dating tool rather than as a means of so- gists, but his list of similar men is also a huge contribution cial analysis. Maiherperi’s obvious dark skin on his mummy to Egyptological social studies in enabling a categorization and in his Book of the Dead depictions have brought up a of a growing group of powerful and court-connected men number of questions about race, status, and Egyptianiza- of similar military-bodyguard specialization. tion amongst Egyptologists. Lakomy questions all the pre- Lakomy relentlessly queries all assumptions about Mai- viously raised hypotheses about Maiherperi’s identity, in- herperi including the notion that an undecorated tomb in cluding the notion that he could have been the offspring of the Valley of the Kings would have been a great honor for Thutmose III with a Nubian harem consort or another idea the recipient, as every such recipient would have had to give that Maiherperi was brought to Egypt after invading forces up a decorated tomb chapel. Lakomy questions whether forced defeated Nubian elites to send their sons with the the holy location of the tomb in the King’s Valley would Egyptian overlords. Lakomy finds more evidence for the lat- have been enough to make up for active cult activity, and ter hypothesis, preferring to see Maiherperi as the product the answer is decidedly no. Lakomy thus ends this chapter of Egyptian imperialism in Nubia in some fashion, using with the open query of where the cult chapel of Maiher- circumstantial evidence like his young age at death and the peri, and people like him, could have been located, since lack of Nubian material culture in his grave, to suggest that friends and family obviously could not have visited the Maiherperi was not only acculturated, but at a young age, secret and inaccessible Valley of the Kings to offer to his strongly suggesting that he was indeed taken by Egyptian spirit. Lakomy suggests some unproven alternatives for the forces to be raised at court, maybe even with the hope of cult of the deceased, including a hypothetical Meretseger sending him back to his homeland later as an ally. The alter- cult place near the Gurn, or before statues or stela placed native that Maiherperi’s family came to Egypt willingly as at Abydos or some other temple location, or perhaps even Medjay mercenaries is also entertained, and the short, curly a statue cult located in the Temple of Millions of Years of wig, bow and arrow, and throw sticks fit this option well. the associated king. This latter possibility that Maiherperi is descended from Chapter IV is the object catalogue, a treasure trove of people of Medjay profession and ethnicity is by no means information about objects of all kinds, including 200 plus mutually exclusive with Maiherperi having been taken as a objects groups from the tomb, a massive undertaking be- child after an Egyptian invasion of Nubia. cause each entry includes contextualization and numerous Maiherperi’s name is then probed; it is unique, occurring comperanda from museum collections and archaeological only one time, as far as we know. The meaning of “Lion on site reports. Lakomy scoured the Egyptian Museum in Cai- the Battlefield” is not only highlighted in the title of Lako- ro for every Maiherperi object that he could find plus every my’s book, but in his analysis of Maiherperi as a person, as item of available comperanda. Lakomy insists on a full con- this unusual name could very well find its origins in Medjay textual study of each object type, and so he stretches him- East deserts and Lower Nubia. The title Child of the Kap self to examine all the different categories contextually, in- is also examined, the real meaning of which remains vague cluding tomb architecture, coffins, the polychrome Book of for Lakomy but indicates close association with the court the Dead papyrus, linens, masks, canopics, scarabs, shabtis, and the king for non-royal children. Maiherperi also bore jewelry, wooden boxes, senet games, pottery, even analyzing the title of Fan Bearer on the King’s Right, of course, his contexts like pistacia resin, all the while, reevaluating ev- second most common title, and Lakomy concludes that he erything—date, purpose, identify, name, social place. Every was one of at least three fanbearers who served in the reign object is contextualized, described, drawn, including detail of Thutmose III, all of whom probably served on the battle- drawings, photographed, with all associated texts transliter- field with their lord in addition to serving as bodyguard off ated and translated. Lakomy is fearless and quite thorough, the battlefield. Lakomy identifies just such a fanbearer in a turning up every stone that he can. This does not mean he scene from TT131 of Vizier Useramen who served years had full access to each and every object. Indeed, it is clear in 22 to 28 of Thutmose III, and while said fanbearer is not the publication when he was stymied by museum rules and labeled, or that label is destroyed, Lakomy hints that the restrictions, having found a comparison piece that he was depiction is uncannily similar to the way Maiherperi depicts not allowed to photograph outside of the case, and yet what himself in his own Book of the Dead, down to his sleeve- he did achieve is nonetheless extraordinary. The object cat- less shirt and short, curled wig. Maiherperi’s other titles are alogue alone makes this a wonderful research volume. also discussed. Most useful for further social analysis is La- The (re-)dating of Maiherperi’s tomb—from the oft ac- komy’s list of more than 120 men, documented from The- cepted date in the reign of Amenhotep III to an earlier date ban Tombs or inscribed objects with similar status, titles, in the joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III—haunts and time period. One of Lakomy’s goals in this endeavor the entire volume, and this redating is absolutely convinc- is to prove that the titles Fanbearer on the Right and Child ing. There is even a smoking gun for those who might still be BOOK REVIEWS 339 unconvinced—a linen bandage with the cartouche is Maat- a few of the Hieratic ostraca and papyri, from which the kare herself. This is also a book full of useful excursuses as Hieroglyphic transcriptions for select exercises derive. The Lakomy delves into a variety of side interests that are the final, un-numbered and un-indexed page of the volume life’s work for many of us—including coffin studies (this was includes a facsimile scene from Abu Simbel depicting the indeed the first time the coffins were carefully examined, caning of Hittite scouts, with a brief Hieroglyphic caption, photographed and analyzed), ceramic studies (especially of transliteration, and translation. the base ring ware from the Levant), glass studies (imported As Neveu notes, a comprehensive grammar of Late glass vessels from Mesopotamia), Book of the Dead studies Egyptian has yet to to be written, while The Language of Ra- (this was the first time the 11 m long Book of the Dead has messes aims only to be a pedagogical tool, permitting “its been described, transcribed, translated, and analyzed), and readers to study and understand 90–95% of texts” (xv). even identity studies. There is something for everyone in Of course, numerous scholars have published specialized this excellent volume. monographs on specific features of Late Egyptian (verbs of motion, non-verbal sentences, the verbal system, negations, Kathlyn Cooney et al.). However, very few general references in English have University of California Los Angeles appeared thus far. These include, above all, the compendi- ous Late Egyptian Grammar of J. Černý and S. Groll (1993, 4th ed.), which focuses exclusively on non-literary texts; and the more pedagogically oriented, teaching grammar of F. Junge François Neveu. The Language of Ramesses: Late Egyptian (Late Egyptian Grammar, 2005, 2nd ed., translated from the Grammar. Translated from the French by Maria Canna- German by David Warburton), which includes both literary ta. (Oxford-Philadelphia: Oxbow Books, 2015). ISBN and non-literary sources. The English-language publication 978782978688. Pp. xx + 268. of Neveu’s Language of Ramesses constitutes a very welcome addition to this small group. The volume’s greatest strength lies in its inclusion of both non-literary and literary con- The Language of Ramesses is the first English language edition structions and examples, in contrast to the reference gram- of François Neveu’s grammar of Late Egyptian, La langue mar of Černý and Groll. Given that early literary texts, like des Ramsès (1996). The book was “designed for people with a the “Doomed Prince,” constitute a logical point of depar- good knowledge of Middle Egyptian who wish to read texts ture, due to their admixture of Middle and Late Egyptian written in Late Egyptian, the language in use during the constructions, students beginning with such “transitional” New Kingdom” (xv). As such, the author assumes a working material will certainly appreciate its inclusion in an easily familiarity with the Egyptological conventions of translit- searchable, reference format. Of course, one cannot learn eration, grammatical terminology, and reading knowledge Late Egyptian without actually translating Late Egyptian of the Hieroglyphic script. Of course, Neveu does provide texts, so Neveu’s grammar cannot serve as a stand-alone explanations for each point of the grammar but these are introduction—students must retain access to hieroglyphic generally quite concise and focused on the practical infor- reading books, such as A. Gardiner’s Late Egyptian Stories mation needed to make sense of the example sentences in (1932) and Late Egyptian Miscellanies (1937) or, if possible, each section, with no additional essays or lengthy discus- Hieratic facsimiles, e.g., G. Möller, Hieratische Lesestücke, vols. sions of theory, diachronics, etc. The volume is organized 2–3 (1910). For students interested in a single-volume teach- and presented as a reference grammar, with a detailed ing grammar, including practice exercises, Junge’s Late Egyp- system of numbered sections and sub-sections, suitable tian Grammar remains the preferred choice, particularly for for quick citation, and including only translated example self-study (i.e., outside a formal classroom setting). sentences, while excluding untranslated, practice exercises. The Language of Ramesses mostly employs terminology Neveu presents the material in three broad sections: “Mor- “traditionally used in grammars of Egyptian,” which is to phology” (1–30, §§1–11), which introduces the parts of say, aligning relatively closely to Černý and Groll and the speech; “Syntax” (31–214, §§12–42), concerning initiality, so-called “Standard Theory” of Polotsky, including terms the various verbal and non-verbal predicate constructions, derived from Coptic studies (Second Tenses; First Present; and clause types; and two “Appendices,” dealing with in- Third Future; etc.). Issues of grammatical theory do not terrogative constructions (218–36, §43) and syllabic writing constitute a significant focus of the text, which is almost (240–42, §44). Following the main text, the book includes an purely descriptive. However, the author does allude occa- index of grammatical terms in English (245–47), an index sionally to theoretical issues, which the reader might inves- of Late Egyptian words and constructions in transliteration tigate further or ignore, at their discretion (thus, e.g., 33, n. (248–50), a brief index of Coptic words (250), an index of 62, concerning the role of the interlocutor in the speech texts cited (252–66), and a list of figures (267). The figures act). In some cases, the citations appear rather too sparing interspersed throughout the volume include facsimiles of to do justice to a thorny theoretical issue. Thus, for example, 340 JARCE 53 (2017) in his discussion of the so-called “Second Tenses,” Neveu Stephen Quirke. Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt (Cheches- mentions Polotsky’s syntactic analysis of the emphatic verb ter, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015). ISBN as nominal subject to a following adverbial predicate, with 9781444332001. Pp. viii + 271. the note that “Nowadays there is a tendency to reject the ‘nominalization’ [of the Standard Theory]” (92). However, Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt represents Stephen Quirke’s the citation for this latter point (n. 189) refers only to a com- third introductory survey of Egyptian religion, following parable phenomenon in French, with no reference to any The Cult of Ra (2001) and Ancient Egyptian Religion (1992). post-Standard Theory, Egyptological studies. Of course, In terms of the author’s philosophy and approach to the given the stated aims of the volume as a pedagogical tool subject generally, the present volume aligns closely with its aimed at acquiring practical reading knowledge, any such predecessors through its careful delineation of modern pre- omissions constitute a largely academic quibble. conceptions from ancient evidence. With regard to specific With regard to the English translation itself, Cannata content, Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt attempts to break has done an admirable job of navigating the fine line be- new ground through the application of non-Egyptological tween the spirit and letter of Neveu’s original French. The methodologies and theoretical frameworks, primacy given English adheres closely to the economy of words in the to evidence from non-royal and non-elite spheres, occasion- original text, which results generally in a very concise and al ethnographic parallels, and a de-emphasis on traditional understandable English prose. However, as the translator introductory topics. As a result, Exploring Religion in Ancient notes, in some cases, a preference for more literal rendering Egypt is rather less “introductory” than its predecessors and of the French has come at the expense of “good English might best be viewed as a theory- and interpretation-fo- style” (xvii). Such peculiarities are infrequent and do not cused sequel to Quirke’s Ancient Egyptian Religion, rather than materially affect the understanding of the text; genuine er- a starting point for the neophyte. rors in the translation are uncommon (e.g., 91: “prosthetic A preface (vi–viii) establishes the author’s theoretical yod,” rather than “prothetic yod”; cf. Langue des Ramsès, agenda, above all, through recognition of the “weight of 111: “yod prothétique”). Readers familiar already with the the baggage we bring from the Twenty-First century” (vii). French edition of Neveu’s work should know that the new, Chapter 1, “Belief without a Book” (1–37), opens with cave- English translation follows the organization and content of ats on the use of the term “religion,” followed by a lengthy the original volume very closely, including virtually identical critique of Egyptology itself, which the author chides for chapters, sections, and sub-sections, all numbering systems, “separation of disciplines” and non-holistic methodologies appendices, figures, and example sentences. Only three ad- (3–4), Eurocentrism (4–5), overemphasis on writing (5–7), ditions and/or changes from the French may be cited: the and the “unreflective use of generalized concepts and cat- addition of a translator’s note (vii); a reversal of §33.2.1.3 egories such as society, economy, and religion” (7–8). The and §33.2.1.4, including a revision of the former sub-head- author then considers Jan Assmann’s definition of Egyptian ing from a simple “Remarque” to “The protasis incorpo- religion and concludes that it is hampered by a separation rates a Third Future (very rare examples)” (143); finally, one of ethics and cult, as well as over emphasis on the royal entirely new section has been added to the grammar itself sphere. In addition, he suggests that the “European” focus (§33.2.3, “The protasis incorporates the ambiguous syntag- ma ỉw.f (?) sḏm”). Other purely cosmetic, but very welcome, on mono- vs polytheism should be abandoned by shifting alterations include the new volume’s more compact size and focus from the word “god(s)” to “cult practice.” A section the switch to a darker—and therefore much more legible— on landscape (12–16) introduces the familiar binary opposi- hieroglyphic font. tions “Red” vs. “Black” land, etc., and suggests that Egyp- Within the traditional setting of the graduate-level tian religion should be understood in more diverse terms seminar—where most students are likely to begin serious of eight, somewhat arbitrarily defined (16), “ecological engagement with Late Egyptian—Neveu’s grammar will units,” as factors shaping a heterogeneous, as opposed to surely take its place as one of the standard English-language monolithic, Egyptian religion. Following several sections of resources for teaching and reference. As such, The Language background material (divisions of Egyptian history, mortu- of Ramesses belongs on the bookshelf of anyone offering in- ary versus settlement sites, etc.), Quirke discusses “modern struction in or learning Late Egyptian. prejudice in distinguishing elite and popular religion” and the need to suspend assumptions with regard to these and Joshua A. Roberson other categories (25–27). After these preliminary discus- University of Memphis sions, the chapter segues into a discussion of iconography as an expression of the inexpressible—the nature of divinity— through “visual form as a metaphor to decode” (33). Quirke then takes up the problematic existence (or lack thereof) of Egyptian narrative mythology (35–36), before closing the chapter with a short list of common English terms like BOOK REVIEWS 341

“king” and “temple,” which he brackets as containing sig- an overview of the daily offering rituals and the rotating nificant modern baggage, to be viewed with caution in rela- “watches” of temple staff, followed by the role of the king tion to ancient Egypt. and his priestly surrogates (91–96). He considers the role of Chapter 2, “Finding the Sacred in Space and Time” the “bearer of the festival book” (i.e., the lector priest) as (38–79), begins with a discussion of the sacred and its vari- standing “at the center of of the history of sacred knowl- ability in different cultures; the remainder of the chapter edge,” and the related function of the House of Life (96– unfolds thematically from internal experience of the sacred 97). The second half of the chapter examines evidence for (e.g., self vs. other) to external, as expressed in town, temple, festivals and other sacred events (97–109), including, for ex- and shrine. Quirke introduces the anthropological/philo- ample, kingship rituals from Lahun, festival calendars, and sophical theories of Viveros de Castro as a framework for the reversion of offerings as a mechanism for the establish- approaching Egypt’s view of self and other, especially with ment of new sanctuaries. regard to human vs. animal (40–45, including an interesting Chapter 4, “Chaos and Life: Forces of Creation and discussion of pets, at 42–44). He includes a summary of Destruction” (110–49), examines “the way in which people the three ontological classes of beings, namely gods, kings, across Egypt . . . expressed contending forces at play in their and humans, noting that the last group radiates outward lives” (110). The discussion begins by revisiting the author’s in concentric circles of proximity from the king, as “sun- warning against philological bias and the problematic na- folk,” “elite,” and “commoners.” Quirke observes also that ture of Egyptian mythology. After a brief survey of differ- animals and plants are absent from this (text-based) scheme, ent Egyptological approaches to myth (Assmann, Zeidler, although their prominence in the iconography of deities Goebs), Quirke suggests that myths might have been “warns us against assuming the separation of human from learned through non-linguistic “information blocks,” root- animal” (43). A longer section follows, concerning the sa- ed in image and performance, which were only translated cred vis-à-vis the body (44–60). Of particular interest here is into words “when some gain offset the effort . . . [of trans- a discussion of bodily integrity and the desire to preserve it forming] fuzzy prototype concepts into rigorous concepts after death, as a whole (44–47). Quirke considers individuals with checklists of features” (116). A longer section follows, with degenerative ailments like polio or leprosy—attested concerning mythological “constellations outside writing” only rarely in the archaeological record—who might have (116–35), with particular focus on non-royal iconography. been excluded from priestly service, driven to exile, or even Other elements of visual culture include images of Min and excluded from mortuary rituals and therefore the afterlife. Amun (122–25); Seth (130–31); jackals (131–32); and im- As an exceptional instance from the royal sphere, he consid- ages of “child – god – king” (133–34). Having established ers Ramesses V, whose mummy exhibits characteristic le- his “broader archaeological record” (116), Quirke devotes sions associated with smallpox. The author concludes that the remainder of the chapter to “Speaking and narrating the king’s status as a “different species” (47) might have pro- the Divine” (135–49), including discussions of the return vided sufficient motivation to overcome the taboo against of the solar eye as the offering motif par excellence, “in stark such afflictions. Other topics include idealized depictions of contrast to the elusive narrative myth” (136); the so-called the human (48–49); body alteration (49–51); the beginning “Memphite theology” (141–42); and the literary tales of the and end of life (51–54); personhood and naming practices “Contendings of Horus and Seth” and the “Tale of Two (54–57); and rites of passage, including puberty rituals for Brothers” (145–48). girls and boys (57–61). The remainder of the chapter is de- Chapter 5, “Being Good” (150–176), concerns the Egyp- voted to religious landscapes and “sacredness around the tian concept of Ma’at and ethical behavior. Quirke notes human” (61), illustrated through case studies from Badari that our prioritization of sources depends on whether we are (62–65), Elephantine (65–70), and Lahun, with select com- interested in how people actually treat one another versus parison to Akhetaten (70–79). “how they say they should” (152). In addition to the expected Chapter 3, “Creating Sacred Space and Time: Temple textual evidence (legal documents, instruction literature, etc.), Architecture and Festival” (80–109) opens with a warn- the author includes also an interesting discussion of human ing that the well-preserved monumental temples and royal remains as non-textual data for inequality in Egyptian society, tombs provide an incomplete picture of Egyptian religious as revealed through violence, trauma, or other physical suf- architecture. Quirke illustrates the diversity of evidence fering (malnutrition, disease, etc.) (153–55). through eight architectural types, which he defines as: 1) In Chapter 6, “Being Well,” (177–200), Quirke begins mounds as platforms; 2) rounded mounds with enclosing with a discussion of “rural and urban health” (178–79), not- chambers; 3) squared mounds enclosing chambers; 4) free- ing a general dearth of archaeological evidence; followed standing rectangular or square structures with principle by “medicinal matter and the questions of shamanism” chambers at the rear; 5) rectilinear buildings with extended (179–80), including case studies of a possible “wise woman” axes; 6) rock cut structures; 7) terraced structures; and 8) from Deir el-Medina and a late Old Kingdom burial assem- structures with a crescent lake. The author then provides blage from Badari, which seems connected also to healing 342 JARCE 53 (2017) practices. The author cautions that any interpretation of others. Such differences of opinion and interpretation, if specialized objects, such as healing implements, should con- and when they arise, are the business of the individual and sider whether the tomb owner was a specialist, who utilized should not be dictated from the pulpit of the reviewer. In the objects as tools of the trade, or a patient and benefi- fact, it is precisely the challenges offered to traditional inter- ciary of the practice itself. The remainder of the chapter pretations and theoretical frameworks that constitute one discusses the function of amulets and their change over time of the volume’s great strengths. However, there are other (183–90), noting the often arbitrary distinction in modern issues that seem to muddy the waters that the author seeks publications between “amulets” and “jewelry”; other sorts ostensibly to clear, and which therefore merit further dis- of healing and protective objects, such as Horus stelae and cussion. For example, the author’s preference for pseudo- clay cobras (190–91); titles associated with healing practice, phonetic, faux Egyptian toponyms over their better known noting in particular the problematic separation of titles with Greek or Arabic counterparts (e.g., “Waset” for Thebes; divine names (e.g., “Controller of Selqet”) from suppos- “Khemenu” for Ashmunein) holds potential for confu- edly “scientific” titles, like “doctor” (Egy. swnw) (191–94); sion (vii), in particular with regard to the index, which is medical papyri, and questions of their ownership (194–95); sorted only by the former terminology. Above all, however, and finally, the consultation of oracles and other forms of the reader confronts numerous dismissals and omissions of divination and contact with the divine, including sleep and both individual scholars and broad swaths of scholarship, dreams (196–200). beginning with essentially all current university training in The book concludes with Chapter 7, “Attaining Eternal Egyptology, with the statement that “in university depart- Life: Sustenance and Transformation” (201–37). It opens ments, Egyptologists generally train to read Egyptian writ- with a recapitulation of the author’s caveats on the types ing, not to undertake archaeological fieldwork or study the and limitations of source material, noting two overwhelm- visual arts, or even comparative or historical linguistics” (4). ing concerns that emerge from the ancient texts: sustenance This bold indictment shows either a lack of awareness of, of the body as a “physical anchor for human life” and or lack of interest in, the breadth and variety of modern transformation “into an eternal being, becoming netjer-like Egyptological programs, particularly in the United States, in immortality” (201). As a methodological counter to this where interdisciplinary training is increasingly the norm, text-based framework, Quirke suggests four guidelines to rather than the exception. Other curious dismissals may the interpretation of burial/tomb sites: 1) “burial demog- be cited. For instance, when discussing 525 bce as the up- raphy,” which is to say, the number, status, and timing of per chronological limit of his study, Quirke concludes that, individuals buried together; 2) body position; 3) above- vs. “as a unitary and integral social field, ancient Egyptian reli- below-ground mortuary structures as links between the liv- gion ends” with the Persian conquest and the introduction ing and dead; and 4) material goods placed with the dead of a new administrative language (11, italics original). The (204–5). The author next offers a chronological summary implication that late Pharaonic religion was somehow un- of burial practices for non-royal individuals, from 3100–525 Egyptian—or, perhaps, a diluted version of Egyptian—ap- bce (205–28). Following this impressively robust, if not ex- pears profoundly outdated in an otherwise “progressive” haustive overview, Quirke includes a very brief summary of treatment of the subject. As Janet Johnson noted some royal burial practices over the same time span (228–30). A twenty-five years ago, “One serious problem in the study of concise discussion of mortuary literature and tomb deco- Egypt [after the Persian conquest] is that the Egyptian ele- ration follows (230–34), consisting primarily of numbered ment in this multi-cultural society has been undervalued” (J. lists highlighting major themes, including scenes of burial, Johnson, “Preface,” in J. Johnson, ed., Life in a Multi-Cultural the opening of the mouth ritual, a selection of four themes Society [Chicago, 1992], xxiii). In sum, while it is perfectly from the Pyramid Texts, four themes from the Coffin Texts, reasonable to establish limits to a popular study for reasons seven themes from the Book of the Dead, and a succinct of space, Quirke does a disservice to the beliefs of the an- enumeration of the twelve hours of the night, as attested cient people with his suggestions that 525 bce represents the in the Amduat and Book of Gates. The chapter concludes end of ancient Egyptian religion, “unitary and integral” with discussion of the akh concept (235), further caveats on or otherwise (for continuity of Pharaonic religion into the the perception of Egyptian religion as a monolith (235–36), Persian era and later, see, e.g., C. Manassa, Late Egyptian and suggested avenues for further research (236–37). Af- Underworld (Wiesbaden, 2007); D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of ter the main text, the book concludes with a bibliography Amun (Turnhout, 2012); more generally, see K. Myśliwiec, of sources cited by chapter (235–55) and a general index The Twilight of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca-London, 2000); and (256–71). D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt (Princeton, 1999). Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt functions primarily as With regard to the core subjects and time periods treated a vehicle for its author’s interpretations of primary and, in in the text, other elements also appear conspicuously abbre- some cases, secondary literature. As such, the critical reader viated and/or outdated. Thus, when Quirke suggests that may agree with some of Quirke’s views and disagree with “the prominence of kingship can also be read as a study of BOOK REVIEWS 343 reception, with the gradual adoption across the society of dable. Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt deserves all due credit certain models first developed for kingship” (116) or, later, for its attempt to approach the topic in a way that is novel, “[Osirification] seem[s] to creep outward from the center, interesting, and challenging to both scholars and lay read- to achieve hegemonic or normative status across a wider ers. Quirke accomplishes this goal by treating “standard” part of society” (201), he places himself squarely within the topics in ways that question our assumptions about what early Twentieth Century view of the “democratization” of constitutes “standard” in the first place, why that standard religion. This concept has been questioned by numerous has been applied previously, and how we might view gods, scholars, whose contributions pass without mention in the temples, the afterlife, etc., from a perspective that is more present volume (for discussion and additional references, see inclusive of the majority of Egyptian experience, which is M. Smith, “Democratization of the Afterlife,” in J. Diele- to say non-royal and non-elite. Inevitably, allowing for new man and W. Wendrich, eds., UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, perspectives results in new connections and new interpreta- 2009, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/70g428wj; and H. tions, which might not have been apparent from a more tra- Hays, “The death of the Democratization of the Afterlife,” ditional, top-down view of society. In this regard, Quirke’s in N. Strudwick and H. Strudwick, eds., Old Kingdom, New volume falls in line with recent trends in scholarship regard- Perspectives [Oxford, 2011], 115–30). Other eyebrow-raising ing social history, local economies, and other, less visible statements include Quirke’s surmise that the (uniquely!) well aspects of Pharaonic culture (see, e.g., J. Moreno Garcia, preserved “burial of Tutankhamun indicates how kingship ed., Ancient Egyptian Administration [Leiden, 2013]; L. War- followed regular practice of the day” (229) and his casual den, Pottery and Economy in Old Kingdom Egypt [Leiden, 2014]). dismissal of the entire history of Egyptian cosmology after Scholars working in the field of Egyptian religion will ben- Akhenaten with a single laconic statement that “new com- efit from consideration of the challenges that Quirke poses positions proliferate in the tombs of the kings at [Thebes],” throughout the volume and the new questions that might mentioning only the Book of Gates (232) (for detailed dis- arise in their own work, as a result. Likewise, lay readers cussions and additional references, see J. Darnell, Enigmatic will certainly find a great deal of fascinating material within Netherworld Books [Fribourg-Göttingen, 2004]; C. Manassa, the pages of Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt that has rarely, Late Egyptian Underworld [Wiesbaden, 2007]; A. von Lieven, if ever, been featured in popular treatments of the subject. Grundriss des Laufes der Sterne [Copenhagen, 2007]; M. Mül- ler-Roth, Das Buch vom Tage [Fribourg-Göttingen, 2008]; D. Joshua A. Roberson Werning, Das Höhlenbuch [Wiesbaden, 2011]; J. Roberson, University of Memphis Ancient Egyptian Books of the Earth [Atlanta, 2012]; and J. Roberson, Awakening of Osiris [Fribourg-Göttingen, 2013]). Finally, Quirke states that “In Egyptology, the House of Life has come to be seen as a knowledge center equivalent to a Barbara Lüscher. Auf den Spuren von Edouard Naville. Beiträ- European-style university. . . at the risk of misreading [its] ge und Materialien zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte des Totenbuches. specific cultural and social context” (96). This condemna- Totenbuchtexte Supplementa 1 (Basel: Orientverlag, tion—made without citation or reference—appears rather 2014). ISBN 9783905719253. Pp. xvi + 134, 151 plates. striking, insofar as Sir Alan Gardiner had reached the same conclusion in his seminal study of the House of the Life One of the global centers of research on the Book of nearly eighty years prior, stating unequivocally that “One the Dead (BoD) is at the University of Basel where Bar- of the main results of the present article will be to show that bara Lüscher and Günther Lapp initiated the project of the conception of the [House of Life] as a training college, a comprehensive new edition of the BoD corpus in 2004. and still more the conception of it. . . as a University, is To facilitate the project, a publication venue was created a grave mistake” (A. Gardiner, “The House of Life,” JEA (Orientverlag) with three series (Totenbuchtexte, Totenbuchtexte 24/2 [1938], 159). Supplementa, and Beiträge zum Alten Ägypten) in which so far The criticisms offered here underscore the importance sixteen volumes on the BoD have appeared. The one pre- of a cautious approach to this or any work concerned pri- sented here is the first of the supplement series and pursues marily with issues of theory and interpretation. However, two main goals (described previously in B. Lüscher: “In such criticisms do not negate the book’s real value as a the footsteps of Edouard Naville (1844–1926),” BMSAES fresh, even confrontational, presentation of the complexi- 15 [2010], 103–21; http://www.britishmuseum.org/pdf/ ties of ancient Egyptian religion. Overall, the wide range of Luescher.pdf): material is impressive, including textual, iconographic, and (1) to reconstruct and reassess the early history of re- archaeological evidence, which paints an admirable portrait search on the BoD, with Édouard Naville’s pioneer edition of Egyptian religion as a complex series of processes, rather of 1886 as its culmination, on the basis of archival research than a monolith unchanged through the ages. The task of (in particular the papers left by Naville himself); and writing a new, general book on Egyptian religion is formi- (2) to publish nineteenth-century hand copies of BoD 344 JARCE 53 (2017) manuscripts for such Books of the Dead that have either At the same time, the newly available Book of the Dead not or not satisfactorily been published or that are today lost influenced intellectual and religious debates in the 1880s (as in the case of a fragment of the former “Kestner collec- and 1890s. As David Grange writes in regard to English tion,” which belongs to pFlorence 3660A). translations of the BoD: “New knowledge of Egyptian re- Part 1 provides a detailed and beautifully illustrated his- ligion shaped the extent to which British thinkers were able tory of the BoD research in the “time of the pioneers” (from to develop reflexive approaches to their own cosmology”; the earliest known facsimile of a BoD in 1653 to Richard and by harmonizing the BoD with Biblical and Christologi- Lepsius, 3–35) and then focuses on Naville’s edition (37–68, cal ideas, “the positive revaluation of Egypt amongst ortho- flagged as noteworthy is the significant contribution that dox writers actually began to alter orthodox categories” (D. Naville’s wife Marguerite made), supplemented by remarks Gange, Dialogues with the Dead: Egyptology in British Culture and on the history of reproduction techniques and the typogra- Religion, 1822–1922 [Oxford, 2013], 209f.). phy of BoD editions (69–84, from woodcuts and engravings In summary, this is an excellent monograph precisely be- to the hieroglyphic text processor developed for the Basel cause, by tracing Édouard Naville’s work, it points to the im- project). portance to integrate different areas of research: the study For the documents presented in part 2, Lüscher under- of the BoD itself through their nineteenth-century manu- took the painstaking task of comparing the nineteenth-cen- scripts, and the study of the study of the BoD within the tury hand copies with each other (where different copies are historical context of individuals, institutions, and intellec- available, e.g., from Lepsius, Lepsius’s draughtsmen Ernst tual traditions at a transformative moment of Egyptology. and Max Weidenbach, Naville himself, and Ernesto Schia- parelli) and with photographs of the actual papyri; she pro- Thomas Schneider vides on pp. 85–121 a succinct commentary of all observed University of British Columbia copying mistakes. The hand copies are from the following source documents: Pap. Nakhtamun = pBerlin 3002 (pls. 1–77), Pap. Berlin 5509 (pls. 78–80), Pap. Nespaheran = pBerlin 3006 (pls. 81–86), Pap. Ramses-Siptah = pFlorence Frank Förster. Der Abu Ballas-Weg. Eine pharaonische Kara- 3660B (pls. 87–89), Pap. Senemnetjer = pFlorence 3660A wannroute durch die Libysche Wüste. Africa Praehistorica (pls. 90–93), Pap. Kestner (pls. 94–95), pFlorence 3661 (pls. 28 (Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institute, 2015). ISBN 96–103), Pap. Ptahmose = pBusca, Milano (pls. 104–43), 9783927688421. Pp. 620 + 376 color and b&w illustra- Pap. Pashed = pMilano 1025 (pls. 144–45), Ostracon Lou- tions, 23 tables. vre E22394 (pl. 146), Ostracon Louvre N684 (pl. 147), Os- tracon Louvre AF496 (pl. 148), Tomb KV2 (Ramses IV) (pl. Egypt’s Western Desert was little explored archaeologi- 149), Tomb KV9 (Ramses VI) (pl. 150–51). cally until the late 1930s, when Ahmed Fakhry started his In a disciplinary perspective, one of the most impor- investigations into the desert and, most particularly, the tant aspects (briefly alluded to on 55–57) is the position of oases. Thereafter, limited work was carried out in these Naville and his project among different national Egyptolo- regions until the 1970s, when activity picked up in Da- gies. Naville himself was a loyal student of Lepsius (as the khla and Kharga, and subsequently in Siwa, Baharia, and present book reaffirms), and the Book of the Dead edition more recently, in Farafra. However, the desert hinterland was financially supported by the Berlin Academy and the was largely the purview of desert explorers and geologists Prussian State. Lepsius accorded to the edition of the Book (and occasionally the military) until the initiative (ACACIA) of the Dead, until the discovery of the Pyramid Texts in headed by Rudolph Küper and his team in the 21st century. 1881 the largest religious text corpus of ancient Egypt, a In addition to locating several sites, the team tracked des- paramount role in the study of the Egyptian language. After ert routes that connected Egypt to the rest of Africa to the Lepsius died in 1884 and Naville was disregarded as suc- south and west, demonstrating a far wider network than had cessor to the Berlin chair, Naville turned his back on the been previously assumed. Förster, a member of this team, new “École de Berlin” (a term coined by Naville, initially in played a key role in investigating the Abu Ballas trail, one of a derogatory sense) under Adolf Erman and its dictionary the main tracks that left Dakhla, going west. Förster’s work project and turned to French and British Egyptology (see is the culmination of almost a decade’s worth of explora- in detail: T. Gertzen, École de Berlin und “Goldenes Zeitalter” tion of the Western Desert. It is an invaluable and detailed (1882–1914) der Ägyptologie als Wissenschaft [Berlin, 2013], record of the trail and the sites along it. The book is divided 19–21; 32f., 91; 135f.; 161f.; 256; 360–78; and his fig. 2 on p. into four main sections, followed by thorough summaries in 21 with the academic relationships; H. Virenque, “A Swiss German, English, French and Arabic. Egyptologist on Her Majesty’s Service: Edouard Naville The book starts with an introduction to the project, (1844–1926) in the Delta,” in N. Cooke and V. Daubney, the history of research on the elusive (legendary?) oasis of eds., Every Traveller Needs a Compass [Berlin, 2015], 189–96). Zarzura and the identification of the Abu Ballas (Father BOOK REVIEWS 345 of Ballas Jars) trail, eponymously named for a large depot haran movement over time, and the history of the ancient of jars found semi-buried around a rocky outcrop in 1918. Egyptians’ interaction with the desert and lands far to the It continues with a summary of work carried out to trace west and south. the route associated with the deposit, and concludes with an overview of the discoveries made by the desert explorer Salima Ikram Carlo Bergmann and the ACACIA team. American University in Cairo The second portion of the book provides an extremely detailed description of the sites found along the trail and its offshoots. Figural engravings, inscriptions, ceramics (or- ganized chronologically), archaezoological and archaeobo- Hélène Fragaki and Anne-Marie Guimier-Sorbets. Un tanical finds, carbon dates associated with some of these, édifice inachevé du quartier royal à Alexandrie. Étude suivie de as well as a careful record of other artefacts (including a un fragment de corniche peinte hellénistique à Alexandrie. Études discussion on desert glass) discovered along the way are de- Alexandrines 31 (Alexandria: Centre d’ Études Alexan- scribed and illustrated. The texts are of particular interest drines, 2013). ISBN 9782111298514. Pp. 149, 131 color as they not only record trips made by the Egyptians over the and b&w figures. millennia, but also mention encounters with oasis dwellers and fugitives (e.g., the inscription of Kay). This slender, yet information-packed volume, is divided into The book’s third section deals with the organization and two parts, the larger devoted to a study of the so-called un- practical use of the route as it changed over time (third mil- finished building within the Royal Quarter of Alexandria lennium BC through the Islamic period, with the emphasis by H. Fragaki. She collaborates on the second, smaller study being on the pre-Third Intermediate Period). It begins with of a painted architectural cornice with A.-M. Guimier- an overview of the changing climate and what that involved Sorbets, who has often dealt with questions about Alex- in adjustments for travellers, particularly with regard to wa- andrian painting (Guimier-Sorbets, Pelle, and Seif el-Din, ter supply. Förster makes full use of ethnography to eluci- eds., Renaître avec Osiris et Perséphone [2015], reviewed in BiOr date the acquisition, transport, and storage of water over 73 [2016], 111–17); and Guimier-Sorbets, “L’architecture long distances in an arid environment, integrating it with et le décor peint des tombes d’Anfouchi à Alexandrie: nou- textual and pictorial evidence from ancient Egypt, as well as velles perspectives,” in P. Ballet, ed., Grecs et Romains en a careful study of the jars and their capacities. The highlight Égypte [2012], 171–86). of this section is the thorough and detailed study of the ca- H. Fragaki’s objective is to make sense of forty-seven pabilities and role of donkeys as beasts of burden in ancient monumental worked blocks, some in the Doric order, others Egypt. Biology, ethnography, texts, and images are all used in the Ionic. These blocks were discovered over a period of to explain the crucial role that these extraordinary animals time in different loci, but those loci are all within the confines played in long-distance travel, allowing the Egyptians to of that area of Alexandria which is universally regarded as roam several hundreds of miles long before the advent of the site of the royal quarter. Most of those worked blocks the camel (the date remains in dispute—possibly from the were found in isolation without any quantifiable archaeo- 7th century BC or slightly earlier), which made desert travel logical context. Some have not been previously published; comparatively easy and economical. others, now lost, are only known from earlier publications. The work then continues with an overview of the route Proceeding from a consensus that their general findspots, at different periods, and a discussion about issues concern- style, and dimensions suggest that they all belonged to the ing the route’s historical life. Förster addresses questions same architectural ensemble, H. Fragaki first presents each such as, what was the role of the route; did it change over in her prefatory catalogue. time; why were so many resources devoted to its establish- Those conversant with the methodology of Hellenistic ment; and how long was it used? Although no firm answer architectural exegesis can well appreciate her command of is available, Förster provides an overview of many possibili- the material as she effortlessly, but convincingly, finds paral- ties, including the traditional ones, such as offering an al- lels for the details of her corpus of orders within the archi- ternative to the Nile, non-policed and non-taxed routes (as tectural repertoire of the Hellenistic period which she dates many desert routes are used today, most recently for human to the end of the third century BC. Having established their trafficking), and emphasizes the point that the Egyptians date, she reviews earlier identifications of the structure to might have taken advantage of a route that already was in which these worked blocks are suggested to have belonged. use by populations inhabiting the margins/deserts. One of the stumbling blocks for such an identification is Förster is to be congratulated on masterfully presenting that no member of her corpus exhibits any detail suggesting the hitherto unknown history of this part of Egypt, and for that it was actually built into a structure, as she emphati- setting a standard for documenting desert routes. This work cally emphasizes: “ces blocs ébauchés n’ont jamais été mis en will long be a crucial source of information on trans-Sa- place, comme le montre l’absence de toute trace de moyens 346 JARCE 53 (2017) d’assemblage” (9). Later she observes “le quartier royal, ex- in successive phases of life of that particular block, from its pression tangible de la continuité dynastique garantie par extraction in the quarry, to its transport to the construction les Lagides, était donc en perpétuelle construction” (48). Ac- site, to its working. cordingly, should one now understand the designation of Some of H. Fragaki’s conclusions have wide-ranging Alexandria as Racotis, the city which is continually in a state implications. Consider for example her comments on me- of construction (S. Caneva, From Alexander to the Theoi Adel- trology. Some of the measurements of the worked blocks in phoi [2016], 210), in a new light? And is it not, then, some- marble appear to be based on the Ptolemaic foot, itself de- what ironic that to date there is no comparable corpus of rived from the Egyptian cubit, whereas the measurements monumental worked blocks from a completed structure which of those in nummulitic limestone appear to employ the At- have been identified? This begs the question regarding the tic foot. Is this difference to be explained by the privileg- appearance of Hellenistic Alexandria. Did it habitually ap- ing of marble, possibly a more “royal” material, over local pear like a modern airport, the construction of which is pro- limestone? And since she describes the appearance of that verbially never completed? That observation forces one to stone as “marbre gris aux veines blanches” (11), are we to ask why these apparently never-used worked blocks, found assume it was imported from Asia Minor, given the prepon- in such abundance, were ignored and left lying around for derance of correspondences of the members of her corpus centuries while those from the seemingly myriad number with monuments in that region, because in general those of finished structures have long since disappeared. The is- correspondences “se rattachent donc à la tradition créé par sue is further compounded by the apparent pristine state of les grands chantiers classiques tardifs et hellénistiques des all the members of her corpus, as they exhibit no signs of côtes micrasiatiques” (63)? any later alterations which one would expect to find if these Despite the use of two different metrological systems, were repurposed at a later time as spolia. In grappling with the details of the Doric and Ionic elements in both types that irony, H. Fragaki dismisses the attempt to identify her of stone conform to a koine (63; see R. Étienne, “Architec- corpus with the Arsinoeion and argues against identifying it ture palatiale ptolémaïque au IIIe siècle,” in des Courtils, with the Posideion. L’architecture monumentale grecque, 21–34; and see L. Coulon, What follows is her careful analysis, based on both “Quand Amon parle à Platon (la statue Caire JE 38033),” the literary testimonia and comparable, contemporary RdÉ 52 [2001], 85–125, who argues against regional styles architectural complexes, from which she concludes that for pharaonic sculpture during the Ptolemaic Period), sug- those worked blocks are to be associated with ΄ενδοτέρω gesting adherence to an international architectural style. But βασίλεια (palais internes) (37–53). Her discussion is thought- adherence to that style tends to disappear shortly thereafter, provoking because it places into sharper focus discussions suggesting that, during the Hellenistic Period, the broader about the spatial divisions of “royal palaces” with their seg- spectrum of creations from architecture to the minor arts regation of publicly-accessible areas from those restricted to appears to exhibit a parallel periodicity from introduction to royals and their intimates, balancing “la tension entre le mi- eclipse (R. Bianchi, “De rogato artium elegantiorum Alex- crocosme du palais et la macrocosme de la polis” (39). That andrinarum,” BSAA 45 [1993], 35–44; C. Andrews, Ancient spatial segregation relied, in part, upon a series of courts, Egyptian jewellery [1990], 199; and M. Coenen, “On the de- peristyles, and colonnades which, she argues, are represent- mise of the Book of the Dead in Ptolemaic Thebes,” RdÉ 52 ed by her corpus. That argument enables one to better vi- [2001], 69–84). sualize the descriptions of the venue described by Polybius’s Within the development of Alexandrian architecture, (XV,24, 3–7) account of Agathocles and his appearance one should note that the earliest structures, identified on with the mortal remains of Ptolemy IV, and Theocritus’s Nelson Island, are in the Doric order (P. Gallo, “Une col- (Idyll 5, 173–175) portrayal of the celebration of Adonis onie de la première période ptolémaïque près de Canope,” witnessed by Praxinoa and Gorgo. These are the contexts in in Ballet, Grecs et Romains en Égypte, 47–64). That order then broad strokes in which the architectural ensemble to which shares in the architectural koine exhibited by this corpus of her corpus of worked blocks belonged has to be understood worked blocks, before it adheres to an increasing degree (Fragaki, “L’architecture alexandrine du IIIe s. a.C.: carac- of rigidity (Fragaki, “L’architecture alexandrine du IIIe s. téristiques et tendances,” in J. des Courtils, ed., L’architecture a.C.”). The evolution of that Alexandria Doric order is in monumentale grecque au IIIe siècle a.C. [2015], 283–304). stark contrast to the development of the Alexandrian Ionic Although these unfinished worked blocks were never er- and Corinthian orders, which seem to develop a predilec- cted into a structure, some bear masons’ marks which find tion for an exuberant, freer interpretation resulting in a parallels elsewhere in contemporary Hellenistic structures. preference for hybrid forms (Fragaki, “L’architecture alex- Their interpretation is open to discussion, but some appear andrine du IIIe s. a.C.”). to refer to owners of slaves or perhaps to slaves themselves, The collaborative, shorter essay discusses a painted, while multiple marks on one and the same worked block worked block in limestone, discovered in 1996, which may suggest the presence of three different entities involved formed part of a Doric cornice. The authors suggest the BOOK REVIEWS 347 block should be dated to the period between the middle of tere Bereich zeigt eine Prozession aus vier Göttern (Osiris/ the third to the beginning of the second century BC, but, Isis/Horus/Min) und den königlichen Ahnen (Eltern: Ptol- without a more secure archaeological provenance, do not emäus II. Philadelphos/Arsinoe II; Großeltern: Ptolemaios hazard a guess about the building to which it belonged. The I/Berenike I, beide wohl zu ergänzen), die von rechts nach remainder of the discussion is given over to an assessment links auf eine einzeln stehende, nur in Vorzeichnung mar- about Alexandrian painting as exhibited by this colorful kierte Figur zustrebt. Die erkennbaren Spuren deuten viel- fragment (Fragaki, “L’architecture alexandrine du IIIe s. leicht auf Thot als Schreibergott und Seschat (?) hin, die a.C., 296). eventuell von Ptolemäus III. (und Berenike II.[?]) begleitet werden. Robert Steven Bianchi In Kapitel 4 wird dem Leser der hieroglyphische (35–49) Fondation Gandur pour l’Att, Genève und demotische (50–65) Abschnitt der Stele in Original und Transkription an die Hand gegeben. Die Zeilen werden dazu in kleinere Texteinheiten zerteilt, wobei auch die Par- allelen notiert werden. Yahia el-Masry, Hartwig Altenmüller, and Heinz–Josef Im 5. Kapitel wird eine Synopse der hieroglyphischen, Thissen. Das Synodaldekret von Alexandria aus dem Jahre 243 demotischen und – ergänzten – griechischen Fassung er- v. Chr. SAK Beiheft 11 (Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag stellt. Das Textvolumen baut sich aus 21 hieroglyphischen 2012). ISBN 9783875486223. Pp. viii + 269, 10 plates. Zeilen und 18 demotischen Zeilen auf (67). Der Text ist durch die Autoren in 25 Sinnabschnitte gegliedert wor- Das hier zu besprechende Buch stellt die monographische den (67). Die Rekonstruktion der griechischen Version Abhandlung zu der Kalksteinstele mit dem Synodaldekret ist Fr. Kayser zu verdanken, der sich im Rahmen seiner aus 243 v. Chr. dar, das im fünften Regierungsjahr von Ptol- Tätigkeit auf Fragmente aus Elephantine und die hiesige emaios III. Euergetes erlassen worden ist. Das Objekt ist Stele stützen konnte (67). Die Textedition bezieht auch die 1999/2000 bei Grabungsaktivitäten des Supreme Council hieroglyphischen/demotischen Parallelen (s. o.) mit ein. Die of Antiquities (SCA) in einem Provinztempel aus dem mit- einzelnen Paragraphen werden mit einem Kommentar zu telägyptischen El-Khazindariya ans Tageslicht befördert philologischen und anderen Fragen versehen. worden. Der Inhalt der Publikation kann wie folgt wie- In Kapitel 6 werden Fakten zu Ursachen, Verlauf und dergegeben werden. Folgen des 3. Syrischen Krieges unter Ptolemäus III. ge­ Im ersten Hauptkapitel (nach interner Zählung Kapitel sammelt (151ff). In 6.1.2 werden die historischen Nachrich- 2!) führt der Ausgräber in das Thema ein. Die schriftliche ten zu diesem militärischen Ereignis gesichtet. Das Synod- Erwähnung des Ortes bei neuzeitlichen Ägyptenreisenden aldekret von Alexandria wird dafür als erste Quelle genannt (3), dessen geographische Lage (4–5) und archäologische (153). Das Monumentum Adulitanum (OGIS 54) wird als Relikte (5–13) werden geschildert. Das Fundmaterial hat zweite Quelle erwähnt (153–55). Die Babylonische Chronik einen Zeitraum vom Alten Reich bis ins islamische Mittel- (BCHP 11) auf der Keilschrifttafel BM 34428 wird als alter umspannt. Die Entdeckungsgeschichte der Stele wird dritte Quelle besprochen (155–59). Das Kanopus-Dekret in geraffter Form rekapituliert (10–12). Das Denkmal ist im wird als vierte Quelle zitiert (159). Die Überlieferung bei heutigen Zustand in 11 Fragmente zerbrochen (12). Die griechischen/lateinischen Autoren (Appian von Alexan- letzten Seiten des Kapitels nimmt die Vorab-Präsentation dria/ Polyainos/Catull/Porphyrios von Tyros/Justin) wird des hieroglyphischen und transkribierten Teils der Stele ebenso gewürdigt. In 6.1.5 werden die Ländernamen des sowie dessen Übersetzung ein (13–25). Alexandriadekrets einer näheren Betrachtung unterzo- In Kapitel 3 wird zu ausgewählten Aspekten der Stele gen (161–163). Die Bezeichnung xrk ist hier offenbar zum Stellung genommen. Das neue Dekret aus El–Khazindariya ersten Mal belegt (161), die im Text davor überzeugend für kann mit dem im Kanopus-Dekret erwähnten πρότερον “Kilikien” in Anspruch genommen worden war. Die Na- γραφεν ψηφισμα identifiziert werden (29). Der Umstand men sind in der hieroglyphischen und demotischen Fassung gestattet die Zuordnung schon länger bekannter Fragmente unterschiedlich angeordnet, was bei der Abschrift auf die mit hieroglyphischem, demotischem und griechischem Verwendung einer alten Liste als Vorlage hindeuten könnte Text, die aus Elephantine, Assuan und Tod stammen und (162). In 6. 2 wird die Schilderung von der Rückführung der jetzt in Paris (Louvre), Uppsala (Victoria Museum) und nach Persien verschleppten Götterbilder auf ihren Wahr­ Durham (Oriental Museum) aufbewahrt werden (29–30). heitsgehalt hin überprüft (164–67). Der Report wird als his- Die äußeren Maße der Stele werden bekannt gegeben, torisch durchaus verlässlich eingestuft (167). deren Höhe 220 cm, Breite 120 cm und Dicke 21 cm be- In Kapitel 7 werden die wichtigsten Ergebnisse noch trägt (31). Das Bildfeld der Stele wird beschrieben (32–34), einmal zusammengefasst. Der König hat von der Priester- in dem oben eine geflügelte Sonnenscheibe schwebt, aus schaft die nötige Legitimation empfangen, der er im Gegen- deren Zentrum zwei bekrönte Uräen herabhängen. Der un- zug Autorität und Unabhängigkeit gewährt hat (170). Das 348 JARCE 53 (2017)

Dekret von Alexandria gehört zur Kategorie der ψηϕισμα, 46: 89 lies iw=c statt w=c! das durch Zusätze wie die fünfteilige Königstitulatur ägyp- 80: zu Sonderbedeutung Hmci “zur Beratung sitzen” tisiert worden ist (172). Das Epitheton iwaw “Erbe” (der vgl. H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Die Satirische Streitschrift des Papyrus Vorgänger) taucht ab Ptolemaios III. Euergetes regelmäßig Anastasi I, Textzusammenstellung, 2., erweiterte Auflage (Wies- in der Königstitulatur auf (173). In der Formel mrii n X baden, 1992), 62 (mit Zusatz wAwA “planen”); zu Hmci “im “geliebt von” des sA Ra – Namens wird Amun immer öfter Tempel tagen” vgl. W. Erichsen, Die Satzungen einer ägyptischen durch Ptah ersetzt, was vermutlich die wachsende Bedeu- Kultgenossenschaft aus der Ptolemäerzeit, Nach einem demotischen tung der memphitischen Priesterschaft wiederspiegelt (173). Papyrus in Prag (Copenhagen, 1959), 23. Die Anlässe für die Einberufung der Synoden werden er- 85: zu kausativem mnx vgl. auch R. Jasnow: “The Greek gründet, die stets im Königshaus zu suchen sind und vom Alexander Romance and Demotic Egyptian Literature,” Geburtstag des Herrschers über dessen Krönung bis hin zu JNES 56 (1997), 100, n. 38; zu mnx “vortrefflich” vgl. siegreichen Schlachten gereicht haben (174). Die materiel- W. Schenkel, Zur Rekonstruktion der deverbalen Nominalbildung len Wohltaten gegenüber Tempeln und Bevölkerung haben des Ägyptischen (Wiesbaden, 1983), 94; V. Orel and O. Stolbo- sich für den König in entsprechenden Ehrungen ausgezahlt va, Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary (Leiden, 1995), 392. (175). Die Mechanismen beim Statuenprogramm werden 90: Die Verbindung der Schreibung Gardiner Sign-list kurz skizziert (180). Die Motive für die Einrichtung von Aa1+ D 43 mit xAa “freilassen” dürfte wenig Plausibilität be- Fest­tagen in den Dekreten werden beleuchtet, die u. a. re- sitzen. Das Schriftbild sieht eher nach einer Schreibung für ligiös erklärt und mit dem Herrscherkult in Verbindung ge- xwi “befreien” aus, zu dieser Bedeutung vgl. L. Borchardt, bracht werden (180–181). “Ein Königserlass aus Dahschur,” ZÄS 42 (1905), 5. Das 8. Kapitel setzt sich dezidiert mit den Sprachen des 9.2: zur Schreibung von HAq mit dem HqA-Szepter vgl. Dekretes auseinander (185–91). Die Autoren kommen zu U. Verhoeven, Das Totenbuch des Monthpriesters Nespasefy aus der dem Ergebnis, dass die ägyptischen Priester als Verfasser Zeit Psammetichs I. (Wiesbaden, 1999), 14m. aller vorhandener Versionen zu gelten haben (185). Der 93: Das Wort wtb “deportieren” steht vielleicht mit hieroglyphische Text weist nicht selten eine altertümliche wtb “ändern, sich verschieben o. ä.” in Zusammenhang, Sprachgestalt auf (185). Das Vokabular ist nach Möglich- zu diesem Wort vgl. W. Erichsen, Die Satzungen einer ägyp- keit gegenüber der demotischen Fassung variiert worden. tischen Kultgenossenschaft aus der Ptolemäerzeit, 29. Der kleinste Die betreffenden Unterschiede werden an repräsentativen gemeinsame Nenner ist dann im Ortswechsel von A nach Beispielen herausgearbeitet (187–89). Der Vergleich der B zu erwarten. Verbalformen bildet den Abschluss, wobei der Schwerpunkt 96: zum kbn.t-Schiff vgl. D. Jones, A Glossary of Ancient u. a. auf das Verhältnis zwischen hieroglyphischem cDm.n=f Egyptian Nautical Titles and Terms (London, 1988), 148–49; und demotischem cDm=f/Umstandssatz gelegt wird (189ff). N. Dürring, Materialien zum Schiffbau im Alten Ägypten (Berlin, Das 9. Kapitel widmet dem äußeren Aufbau der bisher 1995), 144. bekannten Dekrete eine kurze Besprechung, der sich bei 100: Die Schreibung cx für cxm geht wohl auf den be- allen Exemplaren ungefähr ähnlich darstellt (193–97). Die kannten Ausfall von m zurück, vgl. dazu Westendorf, Med. Probe aufs Exempel erfolgt anhand der Dekrete von Alex- Gramm., 25–26. andria (243 v. Chr.) und Memphis (Rosettana, 196 v. Chr./ 102: zu gma “schädigen” vgl. J. Osing, Hieratische Papyri Philensis I, 185 v. Chr.), deren inhaltliche Parallelen optisch aus Tebtunis I, Text (Copenhagen, 1998), 74e; die Schreibung hervorgehoben werden. von xAw.t “Altar” ohne t schon bei Wb. III, 226, Belegschrei- In Kapitel 10 wird die zusammenhängende Überset- bungen! zung der hieroglyphischen und demotischen Fassung des 117: zur Schreibung mAw für mAT vgl. R. Jasnow and Dekrets bereitgestellt (199–215). Die Übersetzung der K.-Th. Zauzich, The Ancient Egyptian Book of Thot, A Demotic rekonstruierten griechischen Fassung schließt das Kapitel Discourse on Knowledge and Pendant to the Classical Hermetica, Vol- ab (216–19). ume 1. Text (Wiesbaden, 2005), 378. Im hinteren Teil des Buches sind Glossare (hiero- 122: zum transitiven Dcr “kultisch verehren o.ä.” vgl. K. glyphisch: 221–30; demotisch: 230–43), Literaturverzeich- Jansen-Winkeln, Ägyptische Biographien der 22. und 23. Dynastie, nis (244–61) und Verzeichnis der Quellentexte (263–66) zu Teil 1: Übersetzung und Kommentar (Wiesbaden, 1985), finden. 176 (9). Die folgenden Anmerkungen könnten einen gewissen 125: vor gAi.t “(tragbarer) Naos, Schrein” könnte auch Nutzen versprechen: mci “bilden, herstellen” zu ergänzen sein. 13: lies Hrw “Horus” statt r! 136: zur Schreibung nf für nfr “gut” vgl. KRI IV, 235, 17: lies HAaj.t “Aufruhr o. ä.” statt HAj.t! 14; K. Jansen-Winkeln, Biographische und religiöse Inschriften 22: lies HA.w-nb.w “Nordländer o. ä.” statt Aw-nb.w! der Spätzeit aus dem Ägyptischen Museum Kairo, Teil 1, Über- 35: 3 lies xr statt hr, 5 lies Ax.w statt Ah.w! setzungen und Kommentare (Wiesbaden, 2001), 178, 196, 37: lies Htp.w statt htp.w (ähnlich 86). und 206. BOOK REVIEWS 349

178: zum Umgang mit heiligen Tieren vgl. S. Lippert, as they offer a very personal insight into the most extraor- Ein demotisches juristisches Lehrbuch (Wiesbaden, 2004), 47. dinary experience of Ibn Ḥanbal’s life. While not unique 203: in (33) ist xn(r) statt xnr(w) zu umschreiben! to those specific chapters, the quality of Cooperson’s writ- Das Ergebnis kann wie folgt formuliert werden. Das ing is on display as he renders in evocative English the exi- Buch hat auf ganzer Linie überzeugt. Die Fakten werden in gency of the discussion that is clear in Arabic. Anyone who gut lesbarer Form präzise dargestellt. Der Rezensent hat aus has been engrossed by a novel will find the ordeal of Ibn der Lektüre persönlichen Gewinn davongetragen. Ḥanbal’s imprisonment grim, or his spirited defense of his theological positions during his long debate with the Caliph Stefan Bojowald al-Muʿtaṣim stirring. The value of this volume lies not just Bonn in the way it gives an English-speaking readership access to one of one of Islam’s most important juridical figures (as presented by one of Islam’s most prolific scholars), but also in its gripping prose. Michael Cooperson, ed. and trans. Ibn al-Jawzī: Virtues of The volume also has a useful glossary of names and the Imam Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, Vol. 2 (New York: New York terms. If the volume falls short anywhere, it is that there is University Press, 2015). ISBN 9780814738948. Pp. viii no introduction by the author to this second volume—a nit- + 584. pick if ever there was one, since the first volume has an in- troduction that covers both. The Virtues of the Imam Aḥmad ibn The first volume of Michael Cooperson’s translation of Ibn Ḥanbal, therefore, is highly recommended to anyone with an al-Jawzī’s The Virtues of the Imam Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (2013) won interest in ḥadīth, history, theology, and law, and to anyone praise from reviewers for its excellent translation, and this, who appreciates a good read. the second volume of the same work, does not disappoint. Cooperson has a gift for translation which he modestly de- Aaron M. Hagler flects in the introduction to the first volume: “Leaving aside Troy University the matter of length, this book was not particularly diffi- cult to translate” (xvii). Translation is a tricky business, but Cooperson captures not only the meaning but also the pan- egyric tone of the Arabic prose in his colorful, readable, and Michèle Casanova. Le lapis-lazuli dans l’Orient ancien. Producti- engaging English. As with all publications of the Library on et circulation du Néolithique au IIe millénaire av. J.-C. (Paris: of Arabic Literature, the volume is beautifully bound, with Éditions du Comité des travaux historiques et scienti- the original Arabic on the left page and the accompanying fiques, 2013). ISBN 9782735507313. Pp. 281, 104fi- English translation on the right. gures, 23 tables. The compiler of the original work, Ibn al-Jawzī (1126– 1200), was a native of Baghdad, and, patronized by the Ab- A dedicated monograph on the importance of the precious basid Caliph, came to be one of the most important juris- stone lapis-lazuli has been overdue since the completion prudential thinkers of the Ḥanbalī madhhab, or school of of Georgina Herrmann’s Ph.D. dissertation in the 1960s. law (although it should be noted that he is remembered as Michèle Casanova’s addition is a welcome expansion on her something of an expert in everything, from theology to his- own doctoral research completed in 1998 at the Université tory, and was famously prolific). His collection Manāqib Abī de Paris—Sorbonne, entitled Le lapis-lazuli dans l’Orient anci- ʿAbd Allāh Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Ḥanbal, of which this vol- en: Gisements, production, circulations, des origines au début du second ume is a translation, is a collection of akhbār (self-contained millénaire. Aside from the early appearance of lapis-lazuli in stories) about Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, the madhhab’s eponymous the Near East at the site of Mehrgarh in Central Asia dating founder. He shared with Ibn Ḥanbal a strong distaste for to the beginning of the seventh millennium BC (25), Casa- what he considered “innovation” in the religion, and fought nova’s book focuses on its development from the early Chal- therefore against the dangers of rationalism, which he saw colithic (ca. 5100 BC) down to the mid-second millennium as eclipsed by revelation when the two were in conflict. BC (ca. 1600 BC) and elucidates the important role lapis-la- The akhbār are organized into thematic chapters, such zuli played within Mesopotamian society. While lapis-lazuli as “His Love of Poverty and His Affection for the Poor,” finds become abundant only within the later Early Dynastic “His Accepting Invitations and His Withdrawal Upon See- period toward the end of the third millennium BC with- ing Things He Disapproved Of,” and “His Fear of God.” in Syria and Iraq, the author has documented in total ca. The three chapters covering Ibn Ḥanbal’s experience dur- 40,142 objects from the periods under examination (table ing the miḥna, or “the inquisition” (during which theologi- 7). The Royal Cemetery of Ur alone accounts for 30,874 cal opponents of the Caliphs were put to questioning under (or 76.9% of the total number) finds from the Early Dy- threat of imprisonment or torture) are of particular interest, nastic III (2600–2350 BC) alone (table 10), a fact similarly 350 JARCE 53 (2017) noted by David Warburton (“The Theoretical Implications percentage calculation appears as 74.2%, though it should of Ancient Egyptian Color Vocabulary for Anthropological read instead 80.7%). In distinguishing the many different and Cognitive Theory,” LingAeg 16 [2008], 213–59, n. 141). types of beads, where simple shapes dominate, she follows Overall, Casanova is not only concerned with a geographi- the nomenclature established by Horace Beck (“Classifica- cal distribution of the finds (her part I), but her work also ex- tion and Nomenclature of Beads and Pendants,” Archaeologia plores methods of fabrication through an ethnological lens (2nd Series) 51 [1928], 1–76). In comparing this situation to (part II) and considers both the commercial and symbolic the Egyptian evidence, more than 75% of all lapis-lazuli value of the stone within Mesopotamian society (part III). finds known from the Predynastic Period are made-up of Preceding each part is a brief discussion of her approaches. beads (see L. Bavay, “Matière première et commerce à She includes more than 100 figures and illustrations and her long distance: le lapis-lazuli et l’Égypte prédynastique,” Ar- photographs of many lapis-lazuli objects (especially in her chéo-Nil 7 [1997], 79–100, especially 82—a reference curi- typology chapter) are in color, so the reader can appreciate ously absent in her bibliography). the wide variety of hues of the stone and its various degrees It is in the third part, “Échanges, valeur marchande of quality. et valeur symbolique du lapis-lazuli de l’orient ancient,” The first part, “Sites de découverte du lapis-lazuli de where Casanova finally tackles the important question of l’orient ancien,” is organized chronologically and for each the commercial value and symbolism of the stone. In the site discussed the author presents a brief excavation history first chapter, the question of the geological sources of the along with find spots of lapis-lazuli at the site (along with a stone is addressed and she puts forth the plausible conclu- list of other precious materials, when available). Sites are sion that the major mountain range in Central Asia, which generally listed with their exact number of finds, though in comprises the mines in the Chagai Hills in Pakistan, the some cases only a general grouping of objects for a site is Badakhshan region in northeastern Afghanistan, and the known (e.g., fragments, chips). Contextual information for Pamir range in Tajikistan, should be regarded as the likeli- each find is not given in a catalog format, but instead, if est source (212). A particular highlight regards the Chagai information is available, the find is briefly described (mostly Hills, where she acknowledges that this source is vehemently chronologically). In some cases, such as Ur or Susa, where denied by geologists based on the lack of the required geo- larger concentrations of lapis-lazuli finds have been noted, logical conditions for lapis-lazuli to form in this area (209). more context (e.g., details on exact provenance) is consid- Nevertheless, she states that she personally examined lapis- ered. lazuli samples labeled Chagai, which were given to her by M. With an overview of the available lapis-lazuli finds now Tosi and J.-F. Jarrige, and she found them to be lapis-lazuli! as the basis, the second part, “Les objets en lapis-lazuli. In her consequent discussion on the various trade routes Fabrication et typologie” surveys first the available evidence between the sources and Mesopotamia and Syria, she con- within sites for methods of production and manufacture. cludes that “les tracés des cheminements du lapis-lazuli ne While, for example, a workshop with lapis-lazuli produc- peuvent être localisés avec certitude” (217). The second tion has not yet been identified for the site of Ur, despite chapter, in turn, investigates the market value of lapis-lazuli Ur’s large quantity of lapis-lazuli finds (97–98), Casanova and looks at the manners of exchange between the city- nevertheless sees the potential here for such a discovery. In states of the third millennium BC. Her final chapter deals looking at the two major sites of Tepe Hissar and Shahr i- with the symbolism that was ascribed to the stone in the Soktha in northern and eastern Iran respectively, the author Mesopotamian world and here Casanova draws from sev- discusses the larger number of production areas for lapis- eral well-known texts. The particular use of ornaments (Fr. lazuli objects at Tepe Hissar (109), while Shahr i-Soktha parures) as being intimately associated with the supernatural exhibits more standardized modes of production possibly and divine led Casanova to consider that every object has a indicating that it was regulated by a centralized authority meaning, which may go beyond perceptible content (235). (117). Her second chapter attempts to reconstruct the pro- Ornaments of lapis-lazuli are mentioned in the context of cesses of production and here Casanova cursorily mentions the story of “the descent of Isthar into the underworld,” Egyptian tomb scenes featuring bead workshops (e.g., tomb where Ishtar becomes vulnerable in the presence of her sis- of Rekhmire (TT100) from the Eighteenth Dynasty) due to ter without her protective ornaments—pieces of lapis-lazuli the dearth of textual sources on the subject from Mesopota- are included here (244). Casanova notes the assimilation mia and Syria (143). Nevertheless, her reconstruction of the of Isthar with lapis-lazuli in the text and then draws from processes follows the latest trends in experimental archaeol- Egyptian sources, which associate the stone with the pri- ogy and she employs a thorough methodology as well as meval ocean—a cosmic association. Next, these underlying plenty of detailed illustrations to reconstruct these processes notions of the divine as embodied in the material are also in a convincing manner. The final section of part II con- reflected in the color “blue.” The blue color of the hair, eye cerns a typology of the diverse types of lapis-lazuli objects, brow, and beard of the god is, in fact, due to lapis-lazuli where 32,396 of the total 40,142 objects are beads (173; her and emphasizes the object as possessing the divine life force. BOOK REVIEWS 351

Her list of references in her bibliography is extensive and the reader is referred to the many other articles pub- lished by Casanova on the significance of lapis-lazuli in the Near East. Minor quibbles include the lack of page num- bers in her citations, especially when the author quotes di- rectly from a work. Sometimes a page number is provided (236), though in other instances not so (206). Minor spell- ing mistakes seem to have been overlooked, such as on 203, when Herrman appears, followed a few lines later by the cor- rect spelling Herrmann. In sum, Casanova’s monograph is a welcome treatise on the lapis-lazuli material known from Mesopotamia and Syria and provides a starting point for further discussion, especially as far as other precious stones are concerned (e.g., carnelian).

Thomas H. Greiner University of Toronto