Decisive Tles of the Law
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Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria. -
Haymarket: Whose Name the Few Still Say with Tears
HAYMARKET: WHOSE NAME THE FEW STILL SAY WITH TEARS A DRAMATIZATION IN ELEVEN SCENES MICHAEL E. TIGARt BACKGROUND lawyer who defends the movement for social change. His attitudes toward his own work The dialogue in this play is taken from are made up of his hopes, a fighting faith the trial record of the Haymarket trial,' that keeps him going, and a more tempered writings of Darrow' and Altgeld,3 poems view based on his experiences. Lucy of Vachel Lindsay,4 speeches of the Parsons' writings show her to have formed defendants,' and an article by Judge Gary.6 the views that she expresses in the play quite I created other dialogue based upon the early. Indeed, there is evidence that she biographies and autobiographies of the greatly contributed to forming her husband's participants.' In some instances, I political and social outlook. combined several characters into one and Albert Parsons was a complex rearranged the order of events. However, character. He saw Civil War service for the the key speeches of each participant are Confederacy. After the war, he met and their actual words. married Lucy, a woman of color. They The bombing, trial, executions, and were driven out of Waco, Texas and settled pardon of the survivors were such a in Chicago in late 1873, where both became complex series of events that a simple leaders in the movement that led to the chronological retelling would lack dramatic Haymarket events. intensity. Therefore, I chose to tell this May 1, 1886 was an important day in story through a series of flashbacks, American labor history. -
Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot Samantha Wilson College of Dupage
ESSAI Volume 14 Article 40 Spring 2016 Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot Samantha Wilson College of DuPage Follow this and additional works at: http://dc.cod.edu/essai Recommended Citation Wilson, Samantha (2016) "Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot," ESSAI: Vol. 14 , Article 40. Available at: http://dc.cod.edu/essai/vol14/iss1/40 This Selection is brought to you for free and open access by the College Publications at DigitalCommons@COD. It has been accepted for inclusion in ESSAI by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@COD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wilson: Civil Disobedience in Chicago Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot by Samantha Wilson (English 1102) he city of Chicago, Illinois, is no stranger to political uprisings, riots, protests, and violence. However, there has never been a movement that the police and Chicago elite desired to squash Tquickly quite like the anarchist uprising during the 1880s. In the period of time after the Chicago Fire, the population of the city tripled, exceeding one million people (Smith 101). While business was booming for men like George Pullman, the railcar tycoon, and Louis Sullivan, the architect, the Fire left over 100,000 people homeless, mostly German and Scandinavian immigrant laborers who were also subjected to low wages and poor working conditions. In winter of 1872, the Bread Riot began due to thousands marching on the Chicago Relief and Aid Society for access to money donated by people of the United States and other countries after the Fire. Instead of being acknowledged, police filed them into a tunnel under the Chicago River and beat them with clubs (Adelman 4-5). -
Haymarket Widows
Haymarket Widows Carolyn Ashbaugh 1986 The Haymarket trial and its aftermath brought tragedy and grief into the lives of womenwhose husbands, brothers, sons and comrades were imprisoned and executed. These family members and friends of the men who stood trial for a murder which none of them committed suffered immeasurable loss. Although the personal tribulations of many of these women have not been recorded, it is clear that they all suffered the emotional loss of a partner, close relative or friend, as well as the financial loss of that person’s income. The workers’ movement helped support the widows and children of the Haymarket martyrs through the Pioneer Aid and Support Association, founded on December 15, 1887. The widows received $8 a week plus $2 each for the first two children and $1 for a third. Anarchists and sympathizers from all over the world contributed to this fund; a single rally in Havana, Cuba, raised nearly $1000 for the purpose. The Association also collected funds to erect the Haymarket Martyrs Monument at Waldheirn (Forest Home) Cemetery. But for the martyrs’ female family members-Lucy Parsons, Nina van Zandt Spies, Christine Spies, Gretchen Spies, Maria Schwab, Johanna Fischer, Elise Friedel, Mrs. Engel, Mary Engel and Mrs. Fielden-life would never be the same. Meta Neebe, wife of defendant Oscar Neebe, died during the ordeal. At her death in March 1887 she was only in her mid-thirties, and many-including her doctor-attributed her death to the stress and anxiety caused by her husband’s incarceration and trial. The Chicago Tribune for March 13, 1887 reported that her funeral “called out more sympathy and excited more interest than any event that has occurred in the neighborhood since it was reclaimed from the prairie,” and added that it was, indeed, “in some respects, the most notable funeral demonstration Chicago has ever seen.” Mrs. -
Act I the Evolution of Radical Thought and Action During the 1870S and 1880S Was an International Development, and Chicago Was One of Its Capitals
Act I The evolution of radical thought and action during the 1870s and 1880s was an international development, and Chicago was one of its capitals. The small but vocal group of leaders of this movement convened on several occasions in Europe and America through the early 1880s. August Spies and Albert Parsons were, of course, major figures in the Chicago Social Revolutionary Congress, which drew twenty-one delegates from fourteen American cities in October 1881. Spies served as secretary, a responsibility he assumed again at the much larger and more important congress two years later in Pittsburgh. He and Parsons helped produce the "Pittsburgh Manifesto," the statement of principles that they hoped would help galvanize their cause. The first of its six resolutions called for the "Destruction of the existing class rule, by all means, i.e., by energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action." Three years later the prosecution offered this document in the Haymarket trial as People's Exhibit 19. Radicalism in Chicago The transcripts of the Haymarket trial jury selection and testimony reveal that many middle-class and native-born Chicagoans took pride in the fact that they could not define different schools of leftist thought, except to say that these groups were all opposed to "American" beliefs. But radicals of different stripes—socialists, communists, and anarchists—debated with each other at length about broad and fine points of doctrine. They agreed on the principle that capitalism and the wage system exploited the worker, and that the ownership of the means of production had to be taken out of private hands and returned to "the people." Anarchists like Spies and Parsons rejected the idea that even a socialist or communist government should be given economic and political control of society, since any kind of hierarchical authority was inherently oppressive. -
Haymarket Affair: Case Files Timeline
Haymarket Affair: Case Files Timeline Prior to Haymarket Affair 1864 – Labor movements began in Chicago central demand quickly became 8 hour work day. 1867 -- Illinois Legislature enacted an 8-hr day law but left giant loopholes, city wide strikes over loophole on May 1 lasted a week. Strike collapsed and the law did as well. 1880s issue resurfaced; Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions urged workers to observe 8 hour day starting May 1, 1886. Many immigrants joined the labor movements, some bringing with them their socialist and anarchist ideals. Events of 1886: April 23 through May 5 – around 19 demonstrations took place throughout the city May 1 – Unionists reformers, socialists, anarchists and ordinary workers joined to march for an 8-hr work day 35,000 workers walked off their jobs. Tens of thousands more joined May 3 and May 4 May 3 – A demonstration at the McCormick reaper plant erupted into violence. Police fired on strikers killing 2 workers. Anarchists and others called for revenge. May 4 – German and other socialist newspapers called or a meeting at the Haymarket that evening. Crowds gathered, initially there was peace. The crowd slowly dwindled. Then one speaker called for the crowd to “throttle” the law. Inspector John Bonfield led police to march into the meeting ordering it to disperse. Bomb thrown by an unidentified person – 1 police officer killed instantly. Police drew and fired on the crowd. 60 officers injured and 8 died an undetermined number of the crowd were killed/wounded. In the days following, due to this police and the mayor banned meetings/processions and shut down radical press operations. -
Haymarket & Immigration
Bowling Green State University ScholarWorks@BGSU Honors Projects Honors College Spring 5-2-2016 Haymarket & Immigration: A Legacy of Anarchist Fear Kaysie Harrington [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Labor History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Repository Citation Harrington, Kaysie, "Haymarket & Immigration: A Legacy of Anarchist Fear" (2016). Honors Projects. 282. https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/honorsprojects/282 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@BGSU. Haymarket & Immigration: A Legacy of Anarchist Fear Kaysie Harrington 4800H Professors Rebecca Mancuso & Marc Simon May 1, 2016 Harrington 2 In 1904 John Turner was the first immigrant to be deported under the United States’ Alien Immigration Act.1 More commonly known as the Anti-Anarchist Act of 1903, the policy excluded and deported immigrants who espoused or embraced anarchist doctrine and activities. Turner, a British national found to be spreading anarchist rhetoric, appealed his deportation with the United States Supreme Court; however, it was summarily decided that the immigration policy targeting anarchists did “not violate the Federal Constitution” and nor were “its provisions as to the exclusion of aliens who are anarchists, unconstitutional.”2 Thus, Turner was deported. However, questions still remain to be asked; what prompted the United States to employ such restrictive measure against anarchists? Additionally, how did the government define and qualify anarchist ideology in this period? To address these questions, the following research evaluates one of the nation’s first experiences with anarchist behavior: The Chicago Haymarket Affair of 1886, in which a pipe bomb thrown in midst of a labor riot ultimately led to the arrest and highly publicized prosecution of eight anarchists. -
Life of Albert R. Parsons, with Brief History of the Labor Movement In
CT&RAR.Y OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS B LIFE OF.ALBERTR. PARSONS WITHj OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN AMERICA, Of what avail is plow or sail, Or land or life, iffreedom fail I ALBERT B. PARSONS. CHICAGO. MKS. LUCY E. PARSONS, PUBLISHER AND PBOPBIETOB. 1889. COPYRIGHT 1889 BY MRS. LUCY E. PARSONS. THIS BOOK IS LOVINGLY DEDICATED TO THE SACRED MEMORY OF ONE WHOSE ONLY CRIME WAS THAT HE LIVED IN ADVANCE OF HIS TIME, b*lot)cb Ijnsbcmfc, Companion, cmb Contract, * ALBERT R. PARSONS. CONTENTS. THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN AMERICA THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN CHICAGO AUTHOR'S NOTE PART I. CHAPTER I. ALBERT E. PARSONS' ANCESTORS ... 1 LETTER FROM A NATIVE OF NEWBERRYPORT, MASS. 3 " II. THE STORY OF His LIFE .... 6 PAET II. CHAPTER I. MR. PARSONS' WESTERN TRIP CORRESPONDENCE 25 II. LETTER FROM TOPEKA, KAN, .... 30 " III. LETTER FROM SALINEVILLE, OHIO ... 35 " IV. LETTER FROM THE SMOKY CITY .... 42 V. IN THE OHIO COAL REGION .... 50 VI. SPEECH IN SPRINGFIELD, OHIO .... 56 " VII. A POSTHUMOUS LETTER . 60 PART III. CHAPTER I. MEETING AT SOUTH BEND, IND. 65 II. UNDER THE BED FLAG 70 " III. OBSERVING THANKSGIVING DAY, 1885 77 " IV. THE LEMONT MASSACRE 78 V. SELECTED EDITORIALS 87 " VI. AN INTERESTING INTERVIEW 92 PART IV. CHAPTER I. THE HAYMARKET MEETING . 97 II. THE IMMOLATION TO AUTHORITY 100 " III. PARSONS' HAYMARKET SPEECH 117 " IV. LETTER FROM ATTORNEY W. A. FOSTER 128 V. WHAT is AN ACCESSORY ? 132 ' VI. THE TRIAL OF THE JUDGMENT . 138 VII. ALBERT R. PARSONS' SPEECH IN COURT 165 PART V. CHAPTER I. REMINISCENCES OF ALBERT R. -
The Social Anarchism of Lucy E. Parsons
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 13 | Issue 1 Article 1 Mar-2012 “I am an Anarchist”: The oS cial Anarchism of Lucy E. Parsons Willie J. Harrell Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Harrell, Willie J. Jr. (2012). “I am an Anarchist”: The ocS ial Anarchism of Lucy E. Parsons. Journal of International Women's Studies, 13(1), 1-18. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol13/iss1/1 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2012 Journal of International Women’s Studies. “I am an Anarchist”: The Social Anarchism of Lucy E. Parsons By Willie J. Harrell Jr.1 Abstract A determined advocate of socialism anarchism, Lucy E. Parsons believed that inequities in society stemmed from unequal power relations between government and the people. Parsons delivered powerful orations and had an enormous influence in world history in general and US labor history in particular. This essay raises two issues: Parsons’ view of human nature and the degree to which her ideas were rooted in a theory of historical progress. She maintained a staunch commitment to establishing and maintaining collective freedom and her allegiance was demonstrated by her perpetual critiques of any form of domination or subordination of the working class perpetrated by government. -
CSI Labor History: Haymarket and the Forensics of Forgetting
UP FOR DEBATE CSI Labor History: Haymarket and the Forensics of Forgetting Bryan D. Palmer It is of course true, as declared by Leon Fink in his introduction to the research note “The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence,” by Timothy Messer-Kruse, James O. Eckert Jr., Pannee Burckel, and Jeffrey Dunn, that labor historians must stay on top of new scholarly evidence, following fresh material and perspective wher- ever they lead. Yet in reading Messer-Kruse et al. carefully, it is clear that there is lit- tle, if any, new evidence in this article, and what is presented as new is compromised and problematic. Older, and quite compelling, evidence is, in contrast, bypassed or understated.1 Messer-Kruse et al. concentrate on the scientifi c testing of bombs assembled as evidence (albeit illegally) in 1886 and other metal fragments associated with the deaths of policemen at the Haymarket rally/riot on the evening of May 4, 1886, but the research reproduces the inconclusiveness of expert chemists’ testimony in 1886, at least insofar as guilt or innocence in terms of the legal charges and prosecuto- rial allegations during the trial is concerned. This new report thus adds little if any- thing to an original court transcript that documented exceedingly loose arguments of guilt by association and inaccurate and unproven allegations of the accused being involved in a conspiracy to use deadly force at the Haymarket meeting, even in a plot to unleash The Revolution on May 1, 1886, which were countered by the defendants themselves.2 1. All parenthetical page references refer to either Leon Fink, “Editor’s Introduction,” or Timothy Messer-Kruse, James O. -
Lucy Parsons and the Haymarket Tragedy
14 Henderson Memory of Controversy and Controversial Memories: Lucy Parsons saw her and modern historians who view photographs of her all agree and the Haymarket Tragedy that Lucy must have possessed African ancestry. The anarchist historian Paul Avrich writes that the “photographs of her clearly indicate a black or Lori Henderson partly black ancestry.” He also provides a report from the Chicago Tribune Lori Henderson, candidate for the bachelor’s degree in history, will graduate May 2008. She has been accepted to the graduate program in Historical Administration at EIU and plans to begin graduate in 1886 that states, “Mrs. Parsons objects to the term ‘colored’ as study in the fall of 2008. Her paper was written for Dr. Debra Reid’s course, Public History 4930, signifying that she has negro blood in her veins. She says her mother was during the spring semester of 2007. a Mexican and her father an Indian. But she is decidedly colored, just the same, and any ordinary observer would conclude that at least one of her parents was a negro.”4 Lucy’s biographer, Carolyn Ashbaugh, discovered All the elements of a classic novel or an epic Hollywood movie can be that Lucy used a variety of maiden names on various documents; using found in the life story of Lucy Parsons. Her story is one of beauty and the maiden name of Carter on her son’s birth certificate and the maiden intelligence, passion and intrigue, mystery and violence, perseverance in name of Hull on her daughter’s. And while she usually offered Texas as the face of tragedy and sorrow, and the overriding force of controversy. -
The Charlotte Messenger. Vol
THE CHARLOTTE MESSENGER. VOL. IV. NO. 18. CHARLOTTE, N. C., SATURDAY, NOV. 1!>, 1887 $1.50 per Single Copy Terms. Ainu 5 cents. # Not THE TRAP many minutes from six o’clock under the SPRUNG. came pinioned white muslin. by a string of cabs, and proceeded by a ing could rorther from the truth. the crowd with their daylight, and a hustle different Fischer's countenance had opened fire upon from that of night a peculiar carriage containing the committee, the They were men who loved peace, whose revolvers. The crowd responded invaded the seclusion glisten, totally unlike the ashiness of hearse and moved freely Four of Chicago’s Anarchists Die on of the prison. The day of the hanging wagons speedily along. hearts were full of tenderness; to the fire. The police immediately Engel’s heavy features, and in some There was no excitement, and a few who loved the Gallows, had arrived. It was 15 minutes to 7 only were by those who well knew charged. Then began the work of car- when strange contrast with the dead lack of persons gathered. The corpses were them, trusted those who to for Engel awoke. Within the next color in the lineaments by came un- ing the injured, who were taken to ten his pinched of Par- taken to an undertaker's shop, where derstand the glory and power of their Street Where their minutes three doomed com- sons. The once Texan, Desplaines Statiou. The Renleace of Two Uniiiintili'it jaunty, vivacious they were dressed and afterwards taken lives. And the anarchy of which they wounds their to Im panions opened their eyes.