Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings PDF Book
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Toward Liberalism: Politics, Poverty, and the Emotions in the 1790S Peter Denney Griffith University
Toward Liberalism: Politics, Poverty, and the Emotions in the 1790s Peter Denney Griffith University I n the volatile atmosphere of the mid-1840s, the leading exponent of Victorian liber- alism, John Stuart Mill, published an essay in the Edinburgh Review in which he rejected the assumption that political economy encompassed a “hard-hearted, unfeeling” approach Ito the question of poverty.1 Entitled “The Claims of Labour,” a major purpose of the essay was to advocate self-help as the key to improving the condition of the laboring classes. According to Mill, the promotion of self-help was an urgent matter, for there had been a revival of the belief that the situation of the poor could be ameliorated either by charity or by the redistribution of property. It was as if people had forgotten the population theory of Thomas Robert Malthus, who, beginning in the late 1790s, argued that such schemes exacerbated the problem of poverty by discouraging the laboring classes from developing qualities like restraint and industriousness that were crucial not just to their improvement but to their survival. Radical and conservative critics alike condemned Malthus both for the bleakness of his theory and for the cold, calcu- lating attitude it seemed to endorse. While understanding such criticism, Mill dismissed these detractors as the “sentimental enemies of political economy.”2 At the same time, he insisted that political economy was compatible with sympathy, if not with sentimentality. If interpreted cor- rectly, it generated a view of the poor that mixed empirical observations with positive emotions, producing a sense of optimism regarding the future of the laboring classes. -
Women's Emancipation Through Education: the Radical Agenda of Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797)
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 359 085 SO 022 348 AUTHOR Roberts, Leonard H.; Pollman, Mary Jo TITLE Women's Emancipation through Education: The Radical Agenda of Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797). PUB DATE [92] NOTE 43p. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Reports Descriptive (141) EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Educational Change; *Educational History; Educational Opportunities; Educational Philosophy; Educational Theories; Elementary Secondary Education; *Equal Education; Females; *Feminism; Sex Bias; Sex Discrimination; *Womens Education IDENTIFIERS *Wollstonecraft (Mary) ABSTRACT Two hundred years ago, Mary Wollstonecraft, the English women's rights pioneer, published her immortal work: "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." In it she placed much ofthe blame for women's inferior political, intellectual, and socialstatus on "faulty education." In "Vindication," she offered a number of recommendations aimed at enhancing the quality of educationfor women. These included: boys and girls schooled together and sharinga curriculum rich in experiential learning, particularly in scientific studies. She advocated physical exercise and playas well as health education specifically aimed at women's needs. These andother education proposals marked her asan important progenitor of many modern and widely accepted educational innovations. Contains20 references. (Author) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best thatcan be made from the original document. *********************************************************************** -
Life, Liberty, and . . .: Jefferson on Property Rights
Journal of Libertarian Studies Volume 18, no. 1 (Winter 2004), pp. 31–87 2004 Ludwig von Mises Institute www.mises.org LIFE, LIBERTY, AND . : JEFFERSON ON PROPERTY RIGHTS Luigi Marco Bassani* Property does not exist because there are laws, but laws exist because there is property.1 Surveys of libertarian-leaning individuals in America show that the intellectual champions they venerate the most are Thomas Jeffer- son and Ayn Rand.2 The author of the Declaration of Independence is an inspiring source for individuals longing for liberty all around the world, since he was a devotee of individual rights, freedom of choice, limited government, and, above all, the natural origin, and thus the inalienable character, of a personal right to property. However, such libertarian-leaning individuals might be surprised to learn that, in academic circles, Jefferson is depicted as a proto-soc- ialist, the advocate of simple majority rule, and a powerful enemy of the wicked “possessive individualism” that permeated the revolution- ary period and the early republic. *Department Giuridico-Politico, Università di Milano, Italy. This article was completed in the summer of 2003 during a fellowship at the International Center for Jefferson Studies, Monticello, Va. I gladly acknowl- edge financial support and help from such a fine institution. luigi.bassani@ unimi.it. 1Frédéric Bastiat, “Property and Law,” in Selected Essays on Political Econ- omy, trans. Seymour Cain, ed. George B. de Huszar (Irvington-on-Hudson, N.Y.: Foundation for Economic Education, 1964), p. 97. 2E.g., “The Liberty Poll,” Liberty 13, no. 2 (February 1999), p. 26: “The thinker who most influenced our respondents’ intellectual development was Ayn Rand. -
Thomas Paine and the American Revolution Vikki J.Vickers “MY PEN and MY SOUL HAVE EVER GONE TOGETHER” Thomas Paine and the American Revolution
STUDIES IN AMERICAN POPULAR HISTORY AND CULTURE Edited by Jerome Nadelhaft University of Maine A ROUTLEDGE SERIES STUDIES IN AMERICAN POPULAR HISTORY AND CULTURE JEROME NADELHAFT, General Editor HOLLYWOOD AND THE RISE OF PHYSICAL CULTURE Heather Addison HOMELESSNESS IN AMERICAN LITERATURE Romanticism, Realism, and Testimony John Allen NO WAY OF KNOWING Crime, Urban Legends, and the Internet Pamela Donovan THE MAKING OF THE PRIMITIVE BAPTISTS A Cultural and Intellectual History of the Antimission Movement, 1800–1840 James R.Mathis WOMEN AND COMEDY IN SOLO PERFORMANCE Phyllis Diller, Lily Tomlin, and Roseanne Suzanne Lavin THE LITERATURE OF IMMIGRATION AND RACIAL FORMATION Becoming White, Becoming Other, Becoming American in the Late Progressive Era Linda Joyce Brown POPULAR CULTURE AND THE ENDURING MYTH OF CHICAGO, 1871–1968 Lisa Krissoff Boehm AMERICA’S FIGHT OVER WATER The Environmental and Political Effects of Large-Scale Water Systems Kevin Wehr DAUGHTERS OF EVE Pregnant Brides and Unwed Mothers in Seventeenth-Century Massachusetts Else L.Hambleton NARRATIVE, POLITICAL UNCONSCIOUS, AND RACIAL VIOLENCE IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA Leslie H.Hossfeld VALIDATING BACHELORHOOD Audience, Patriarchy, and Charles Brockden Brown’s Editorship of the Monthly Magazine and American Review Scott Slawinski CHILDREN AND THE CRIMINAL LAW IN CONNECTICUT, 1635–1855 Changing Perceptions of Childhood Nancy Hathaway Steenburg BOOKS AND LIBRARIES IN AMERICAN SOCIETY DURING WORLD WAR II Weapons in the War of Ideas Patti Clayton Becker MISTRESSES OF THE TRANSIENT -
The Last War of Religion (Print Version)
LRB · David Armitage · The Last War of Religion (print version) http://www.lrb.co.uk.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/v16/n11/david-ar... Back to Article page The Last War of Religion David Armitage The Language of Liberty, 1660-1832: Political Discourse and Social Dynamics in the Anglo-American World by J.C.D. Clark Cambridge, 404 pp, £35.00, October 1993, ISBN 0 521 44510 8 The Debate on the Constitution: Federalist and Anti-Federalist Speeches, Articles and Letters During the Struggle over Ratification. Vol. I edited by Bernard Bailyn Library of America, 1214 pp, $35.00, July 1993, ISBN 0 940450 42 9 All rebellions resemble one another, but every revolution is revolutionary in its own way. The French wrote the classic modern script for revolution – utopian, transformative and bloody – but even they recognised that the prologue to their drama had been playing in America since 1776. When viewed from 1789 or 1793, however, the American Revolution looked distinctly unrevolutionary. No Louis lost his head after Lexington; no American Bastille was stormed; no Robespierre emerged among the staid Ciceros and Cincinnati of the founding generation. What, then, was so revolutionary about the American Revolution: the colonists’ successful rebellion against the British Crown, or the building of a nation under a novel Constitution which inspired the French to flattering imitation? Gordon Wood has argued powerfully, in The Radicalism of the American Revolution (1991), that the real revolution lay in the transformation of ‘a monarchical society into a democratic one unlike any that had ever existed’, though even this may underestimate its constitutional legacy. -
The Misunderstood Philosophy of Thomas Paine
THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of History Jason Kinsel December, 2015 THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE Jason Kinsel Thesis Approved: Accepted: ______________________________ _____________________________ Advisor Dean of the College Dr. Walter Hixson Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Faculty Reader Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Martino-Trutor Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Department Chair Date Dr. Martin Wainwright ii ABSTRACT The name Thomas Paine is often associated with his political pamphlet Common Sense. The importance of “Common Sense” in regards to the American Revolution has been researched and debated by historians, political scientists, and literary scholars. While they acknowledge that Paine’s ideas and writing style helped to popularize the idea of separation from Great Britain in 1776, a thorough analysis of the entirety of Paine’s philosophy has yet to be completed. Modern scholars have had great difficulty with categorizing works such as, The Rights of Man, Agrarian Justice, and Paine’s Dissertation on First Principles of Government. Ultimately, these scholars feel most comfortable with associating Paine with the English philosopher John Locke. This thesis will show that Paine developed a unique political philosophy that is not only different from Locke’s in style, but fundamentally opposed to the system of government designed by Locke in his Second Treatise of Government. Furthermore, I will provide evidence that Paine’s contemporary’s in the American Colonies and Great Britain vehemently denied that Paine’s ideas resembled those of Locke in any way. -
Critical Notice of GA Cohen's Self-Ownership, Freedom
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace “Critical Notice of G.A. Cohen’s Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality ”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28 (1998): 609-626. Peter Vallentyne SELF-OWNERSHIP FOR EGALITARIANS G.A. Cohen’s book brings together and elaborates on articles that he has written on self- ownership, on Marx’s theory of exploitation, and on the future of socialism. Although seven of the eleven chapters have been previously published (1977-1992), this is not merely a collection of articles. There is a superb introduction that gives an overview of how the chapters fit together and of their historical relation to each other. Most chapters have a new introduction and often a postscript or addendum that connect them with other chapters. And the four new chapters (on justice and market transactions, exploitation in Marx, the concept of self-ownership, and the plausibility of the thesis of self-ownership) are important contributions that round out and bring closure to many of the central issues. As always with Cohen, the writing is crystal clear, and full of compelling examples, deep insights, and powerful arguments. Cohen has long been recognized as one of the most important exponents of analytic Marxism. His innovative, rigorous, and exciting interpretations of Marx’s theories of history and of exploitation have had a major impact on Marxist scholarship. Starting in the mid-1970s he has increasingly turned his attention to normative political philosophy. As Cohen describes it, he was awakened from his “dogmatic socialist slumbers” by Nozick’s famous Wilt Chamberlain example in which people starting from a position of equality (or other favored patterned distribution) freely choose to pay to watch Wilt Chamberlain play, and the net result is inequality (or other unfavored pattern). -
JOURNAL of RADICAL HISTORY Vol
J Journal R Of Radical H History Of the Thomas Paine Society Thomas Paine Vol. IL No. 2. 2006 ISSN 0049 813 YOUNG THOMAS PAINE, WESLEYAN METHODIST OR RATIONAL DISSENTER? Jeremy Goring Most biographers of Thomas Paine say something about his early religious associations. There is general agreement that his father was a Quaker and his mother an Anglican, that he was baptised and confirmed into the Church of England and that as a boy in Thetford he preferred the quiet meetings of the Friends to the services at the parish church. It is also well known that, although he continued all his life to admire the Quakers for their good works, he could never completely accommodate himself t their life-style. Though I reverence their philanthropy I cannot help smiling at the conceit that, if the taste of a Quaker had been consulted at the creation, what a silent and discoloured creation it would have been! Not a flower would have bloomed its gayeties nor a bird been permitted to sing. But if neither the Chtirch nor the Quakers attracted him, where could he find a place to belong religiously?' . John Keane, in a biography that has been acclaimed as 'definitive', has suggested that as a young man Paine had a sigpificant 'brush with Methodism': In Thetford Paine reportedly heard Jdhn Wesley preach. Wesley's journal also records that when Paine was living in Dover, Benjamin Grace, Paine's employer, took him along to the Methodist chapel on. LimekilnStreet, where Paine, aged twenty-one, confessed himself a believer and later preached sermons to the congregations ('the hearers') who gathered in that chapel. -
The Rights of Man Part I (1791 Ed.) [1791]
The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. Thomas Paine, The Rights of Man Part I (1791 ed.) [1791] The Online Library Of Liberty This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, educational foundation established in 1960 to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. 2010 was the 50th anniversary year of the founding of Liberty Fund. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), or to make use of the hundreds of essays, educational aids, and study guides, please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 1,000 books and quotes about liberty and power, and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, in present day Iraq. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected]. -
ENGLISH OPINIONS on the FRENCH REVOLUTION by W. T. WAGONER Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University Of
ENGLISH OPINIONS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION By W. T. WAGONER Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON May 2009 Copyright © by W.T. Wagoner 2008 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the University of Texas at Arlington for employing the faculty and providing the facilities that made my education such a memorable experience. I would like to give a special note of appreciation to the professors of my committee, Dr. Reinhardt, Dr. Cawthon and Dr.Narrett who have shown extraordinary patience and kindness in helping me find my voice and confidence during this process. I appreciate my family and friends who tolerated both my mood swings and my forgetfulness as I thought about events hundreds of years ago. I would like to thank my mother. You encouraged me that there was more to life than flooring. To my wife, Rae, I want to thank you for loving me and keeping me centered. Finally, to my daughter Miranda, you are the reason I have undertaken this journey. December 20, 2008 iii ABSTRACT ENGLISH WORDS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION W.T. WAGONER, M.A. The University of Texas at Arlington, 2008 Supervising Professor: Steven Reinhardt Just as the French Revolution changed the French political landscape, it also affected other European countries such as England. Both pro-revolutionaries and anti-revolutionaries argued in the public forums the merits of the events in France. -
Thomas Spence on Women's Rights: a Vindication
Miranda Revue pluridisciplinaire du monde anglophone / Multidisciplinary peer-reviewed journal on the English- speaking world 13 | 2016 Thomas Spence and his Legacy: Bicentennial Perspectives Thomas Spence on Women’s Rights: A Vindication Rémy Duthille Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/miranda/9022 DOI: 10.4000/miranda.9022 ISSN: 2108-6559 Publisher Université Toulouse - Jean Jaurès Electronic reference Rémy Duthille, “Thomas Spence on Women’s Rights: A Vindication”, Miranda [Online], 13 | 2016, Online since 17 November 2016, connection on 16 February 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ miranda/9022 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/miranda.9022 This text was automatically generated on 16 February 2021. Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Thomas Spence on Women’s Rights: A Vindication 1 Thomas Spence on Women’s Rights: A Vindication Rémy Duthille 1 Thomas Spence has long been recognized as one of the very few late-eighteenth- century champions of women’s rights. E. P. Thompson noted that he “was one of the only Jacobin propagandists to address his writing to working women themselves” in a 1797 pamphlet whose significant title he gave in full: The Rights of Infants, or the Imprescriptable Right of Mothers to Such Share of the Elements as Are Sufficient to Enable Them to Suckle and Bring Up Their Young (Thompson 1963, 178). As H. T. Dickinson pointed out, Spence was one of the very few who advocated women’s suffrage in the 1790s (Dickinson 1982, xiv; Dickinson 1994, 184‑185). The extent and sincerity of Spence’s feminism, however, was questioned by several historians in the following decade, a process that culminated in 1992 with David Worrall’s otherwise excellent Radical Culture: Discourse, Resistance, and Surveillance, 1790-1820. -
Liberalism and the Discipline of Power
046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 15 1 Liberalism and the Discipline of Power The charge used to be leveled by fascists and communists; now it comes chiefly from conservatives. Liberalism, they say, is a kind of weakness. If the charge were true—if liberal institutions and political leaders were unequal to the demands of national defense and personal security—it would have been a catastrophe for liberal democracy dur- ing the great crises of the twentieth century, and the world would look altogether different today. But this has not been the historical experi- ence: liberal government has repeatedly proved stronger and more durable than its adversaries expected. And therein lies a critical lesson about liberalism, at least liberalism rightly understood. The core principles of liberalism provide not only a theory of freedom, equality, and the public good, but also a discipline of power—the means of creating power as well as controlling it. This discipline has been a sin- gular achievement of constitutional liberalism, dating from the late sev- enteenth and eighteenth centuries, and of modern, democratic liberalism as it has evolved roughly since the late nineteenth century. Liberal constitutions impose constraints on the power of any single public official or branch of government as well as the state as a whole. The constraints protect citizens from tyranny, but that is not all they do. They also serve to protect the state itself from capricious, impulsive, or overreaching decisions. A central insight of liberalism is that power 15 046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 16 16 FREEDOM’S POWER arbitrarily exercised is destructive not only of individual liberty but also of the rule of law.