Oomparatwe ethnographical
studies.
3.
THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF SOUTH- AMERICA SEEN FROM MOJOS IN BOLIVIA
Seiend JYo p d GJ2 sk l 0 GÖTEBORG 1914 EIANDERS BOKTRYCKERI AKTIEBOLAG Q)edica/ed
to mg frienc/j
3>r 9aul 3iwet, tfie initiator of the J^mericanist Gongress
at Rothenburg, 1924. PREFACE.
This, the third part of my series «Comparative Ethno- graphical Studies», follows Parts 4 and 5 in order of pub- lication, the reason being that the whole work has assumed far greater proportions than were originally intended. Parts 6 and 7 are in preparation. The publication of the work has been considerably helped by the kind generosity of Consul General Axel Ax:son John- son, to whom I once more beg to express my wärmest thanks. The present part of the Series will appear in time for the second session of the Twenty-first Americanist Congress, to be held in Gothenburg. As this Congress has come about through the initiative of my friend Dr. Paul Rivet, I have taken the liberty of inscribing this volume to him. By this means I am also able to show him a small token of gratitude for all the kindness he has shown me. Mr Robert Dickson has been good enough to enable me to hand over to the Congress a number of copies of my Series as a memento of visits paid to the Ethnographical Section of the Gothenburg Museum, to which he has already present - ed valuable collections. To all those who have supplied me with information of various kinds for my work, I herewith beg to tender my sincere thanks; especially to C. Nimuendajü, Esq., Professor R. Karsten, Dr Paul Rivet, Dr. F. Krause, the Ethnological museum in Leipzig (M. f. V. I,.), Professor C. Skottsberg, Chief Librarian Dr. L. Wählin, Dr. G. Lindblom, O. Thulin, Esq., Dr. G. Bolinder, and Dr. S. Ikoven. My collections from the tribes dealt with in this part of my Series, are housed partly in the Gothenburg Museum (G. M.), partly in the Riksmuseum, Stockholm (R. M.). The translation into English from my Swedish manuscript has been carried out by Dr. G. E. Fuhrken, the drawing of the maps in this volume by Miss H. Nordlund. CONTENTS.
Introduction i D Wellings 23 Beds and other Fittings of the Hut 29 Cultivation : 34 Hunting Implements 44 Fishing 86 Weapons for Attack and Defence 103 Domestic Animals 114 Implements 115 Appliances for fire-drilling and lighting -. 118 Utensils used in preparing and consuming food 126 Narcotics 143 Clothing 144 Articles connected witli the Deformation of the Body 155 Ornaments, etc 165 Carrying 171 River Craft 175 Games and Playthings 186 Musical Instruments 189 Various Kinds of Handicraft 194 Burial 224 Summary and Comparisons } 225 Biljliography 234 Table to Map i 7 » » » 2 19 »> » » 3 38 » » » 4 76 » » » 5 77 » » » 6 79 » » » 7 80 » » » 8 91 » » » 9 94 » » » 10 99 » » » 11 102 » » » 12 106 » » » 13 123 » » »14 134 » » »15 x35 » » » 16 138 » » » 17 140 » » » 18 141 » » » 19 149 » » »20 160 » » » 21 174 » » » 22 182 » » » 23 183 » » »24 214 » » » 25 215 » » »26 6 » » » 27 217 » •» » 28 219 » » »29 220 » » »30 222 Introduction.
It is my intention in the present volume to analyse the material culture of the Indian tribes I learnt to know du- ring my j ourneys in N. E. Bolivia and the adjoining areas of Peru and Brazil (See Map i) in 1904—05, 1908—09, and 1913—14, and try to deduce something of their history by means of my analysis. The volume is a direct continuation of Parts I and II of this series, to which I shall contin- ually be referring. It also systematically complements my books of travels, «Indianer och Hvita» and «Forskningar och Äventyr i Sydamerika». In these will be found a number of statements relative to the Indians here treated, their manners and customs, implements, weapons, clothing, etc.1) A great number of objects are depicted and described there. It would be un- reasonable to repeat all this, and I must therefore refer readers to these books of travels, particularly readers who are interested in the different tribes of the area I have studied. Those who are more interested in the ethnography of S. America in general will, I hope, find something of interest in the present volume of comparative studies, even without a knowledge of the aforementioned books of tra- vels. The method of work I have followed here is the same as in Parts I and II. To those who have not seen the
See also other articles of mine, especially No. 2, included in the bibliography. The books of travels referred to above have also been published in German. latter, the method will be clear from what follows, and I need not waste Space in enlarging on it.1) This, the third part of the series, has so considerably increased the material included in the maps of distribution of the various cultural elements, that much is revealed in them about the history of most of the better known tribes in S. America. The study of the distribution in S. America of the cul- tural elements of this particular area has led, as in the foregoing parts, to a few noteworthy observations, which I have, of course, not failed to indicate even when they did not directly concern the tribes I have closely studied. The tribes I visited or otherwise got to know pretty intimately, are the following: (See Map i) The Mojo and Baure, who are Arawaks.
The following may be noted with regard to the maps of the dis- tribution of the various cultural elements. In these maps it is necessary, as far as possible, to indicate if a cultural element occurs among a certain tribe. It is not sufficient to State that it occurs in a certain area, as tribes with different cultures often live quite close to one another. A statement must also be added, of course, regarding the authority or the museum material on which facts in the maps are based. In this connection I venture to assert that the maps published by FROBENIUS and others about the distribution of cultural elements in Africa, would gain in scientific value if the same method of publication had been adopt- ed. In drawing up distribution maps, it is necessary to make a close study of the literature of the time of the Discovery. The old books on the S. American Indians are at least as reliable as the new ones. The pure ly fantastic works are of the I9th rather than of the i6th Century. Of the old museum material, on the other hand, one must be rather suspicious, in my opinion, as it is often faultily labelled. I have pointed out in previous publications that the maps of sever- al cultural elements could not be drawn up at all were it not for the older literature. How, for instance, would a map of the distribution of palisades in S. America look, that only took cognizance of modern works. Take away all the statements about shields derived from the literature of the i6th Century, and Map 12 will at once become very incomplete. The Guarayü (the Guarayü living at the Missions I call Guarayos, the independent ones Pauserna). They are Guarani. The Siriono. Of these I only got to know a few indivi- duals. They are presumably Guarani-ized. The Palmela, who are Caribs. The Chacobo, Yamiaca and Atsahuaca, who are Pano. The Huanyam and Chapacura, who are Chapacura. The Chimane and Mosetene, who practically belong to the same tribe. The latter live at the Mission. The lan- guage is an isolated one. The Yuracäre, with an isolated language. The Cayubaba, » » » » The Canichana, » » » » The Itonama, » » » » The Movima, » » » » The Huari, » » » » The Churapa, a Chiquito tribe. The Cavina, Tambopata-Guarayo (Chäma) and Maropa, who speak Tacanan.1) In the books of travels referred to above, I tried to give a picture of the natural conditions in the area under consideration, and will therefore confine myself here to giving a few particulars which go to prove that the differ- ences in the culture of the various tribes cannot be ex- plained by their living under different natural conditions, but only by their history. The fact is that in the whole area the natural conditions are, broadly speaking, very uniform. It is not possible anywhere to speak of natural boundaries between the tribes. It is also remarkable that tribes living close to one another, even with the same na- vigable river, should have retained the differences in lan- guage and culture, especially in view of the fact that the tribes are so small.
') I cannot imagine where FARABEE got the quaint idea from that the Tacana-speaking Indians are Tupi. See FARABEE (2). The climate throughout is tropical, with clearly mark- ed periods of rain and drought. The whole area is tra- versed by a number of rivers, the chief of which are the Rio Beni, the Rio Mamore and Rio Guapore, all three com- bining further north into the Rio Madera. To a very large extent the rivers are navigable, especially in the rainy sea- son. They therefore play a very large part in intercom- munication. N. E. Bolivia is largely a vast piain. None of the tribes here dealt with live in real mountain region, though a few, such as the Guarayü, Atsahuaca, and Mosetene live in country that is intersected with hills and Valleys. In the rainy season a good part of the piain is inundated, which considerably hinders intercommunication. There is no stone on the plains of N. E. Bolivia. Now that the Indians have iron implements, which they get from the whites, this is of minor importance. Formerly stones had certainly to be imported from tribes with access to them. There is still a trade in grinding-stones. Access to cultivable ground is as good as unlimited for the tribes of this area. In the inundation area it was dif- ficult, in the days when the tribes were larger, to find land that was never touched by the inundations, and so large «mounds» were built, on which cultivation was safe from the water. Such mounds are not built any longer. Those that exist are made use of. Even dwellings were placed on the mounds. There is primeval forest throughout the area. In parts there are huge unbroken forests, in other parts the land- scape reveals forest alternating with grassy plains. These latter forests often follow watercourses, or form groves («islas»), between which extend wide grassy plains. In unbroken forest-land live the Yuracare, Atsahuaca, Tam- bopata-Guarayo (Chäma), Siriöno, Mosetene, Huari, and Guarayü. The whole area, taking it all round, is not unhealthy, though certain parts are infested with malaria. It is char- acteristic of this disease that it is restricted to definite distriets, white other loealities, even certain inundation areas, are apparently exempt from it. The question arises whether the increase of intereommunieation following on the conquest by the whites, has not helped to spread the disease. Mosquitoes of different kinds swarm here, especially along the rivers and in the inundation area. Some of the tribes have possibly moved away from the rivers in order to avoid the mosquito plague. I have mentioned below some of the most important of the wild plants that grow here. It is such plants, the occurrence or absence of which, that really set their stamp on the culture of the Indians. They are: — Arrow-grass (Gy- nerium saccharoides), which is used for arrow-shafts, basket- weaving material, and stakes in streams. This grass is lacking, or is at least very rare, on the Rio Guapore. Nor is it found wild round Lago Rojo Aguado, but is cultivated there by the Chacobo Indians. Palms with pinnate leaves Motacu (Attalea princeps), Cusi (Orbignya phalerata), Chonta (Guilielma insignis), etc. — The leaves are used for basket-making, roof-covering, etc. The wood is in general use for bows, house-props, clubs, arrow-heads, etc. The Bibosi tree (Ficus sp.). The bark is made into bark-cloth. Bertholletia excelsa. This tree is very common on the Rio Guapore. Further west it is rare, or does not occur at all. The fruit (Brazil-nut) is used as food. Strychnos sp. From this curare is extracted. It is found on the Rio Guapore. I do not know how far west it extends. Bamboo (Guadua sp.) occurs throughout this area. On the Rio Guapore, where arrow-grass is lacking, bamboo is used for arrow shafts. Pieces of bamboo stems are used instead of pottery, for musical instruments, etc. Sharp arrow-heads are made out of pieces of bamboo. Several plants used as poison for fishing, as barbasco (Serjania perulacea) and ochohö (Hura crepitans). As far as I have observed in my travels, there is no wild plant in this area except Bertholletia excelsa, which yields the Indians a food of real importance. The forests are poorer in game than would be imagin- ed. The most important quarry is the monkey, espe- cially Ateles and Mycetes. A foremost place is also taken by the peccary. Of the rodents the agouti (Dasyprocta aguti) plays an important part, because the Indians use its incisors as implements. Tapirs are to be found everywhere, though they are very shy, and are therefore of little im- portance as quarry. Alligators abound in a number of the rivers, especially in the Rio Mamore and its tributaries. By some of the Indians, at least, they are a quarry that is much sought after. There is plenty of fish in the rivers, and in the dry season, at any rate, good catches are made, though not to the same extent as in Rio Pilcomayo. Some of the most important species are pacu (Myletes sp.), dorado, palometa (Serrosalmo), anguila, corbina and sabalo. Of these, as is well known, Serrosalmo plays a great part as a destroyer of fishing-tackle. The teeth are valuable for implements.
From the following Table can be seen when the dif- ferent Indian tribes first came in contact here with the whites, whether they have been collected in Missions, and the literature dealing with them. In statements referring to the older literature, works have been included which contain short, but often not unimportant items. From the more recent literature I have only included such works as contain detailed statements. dö fr* f«- frl .—» BS et oBS H O ^ o o fi £ 6H £ w H H H ^ Z z Z 2; a- O.l fe Ol « z w « Ch « « « Oh w 3 S ft o 01 & Q « ö <3 U «US « o3 O # M oö O ja u W o « £ 0 P< o o £ Q z
C/5 tri rrj t/5 a .a 1 I 2O 5l-3f o .2 rt 6jc +3 o ho V d
W Ol P oo m öoä O« &J 5S ü W So ..PS o 0o) o m M •=4J> {v>O N 1 ° 5t ° 3s O c flu» M SP a SP -2 .3 ß g a .3 Ö O & 8 SP H 3 53 2 u K 3 MX 3 S ° 5•ö3 T_S 2O ^ t/i 3 rt cd PH d .S 1) ä rt o P< G a •c H c3ö 3 f a aJ ed 3 Pui *3 Ja 3 a o a. PH tj 6 £ W Ei H 6-i BS BS M BS BS -A. O . o o • O S "ZT N tu N tt. & M -— t-c « § Z k fZ- -AhT. Q oJ " O Q o O M a o ,-r 57 •o S « 3 * * "2 3 H a 3 in BS s H « P Z W>J z & & ^g Ol ä> O g o< e « « at 2 « o W u ö BS -'s' « « 'S * Q p BS ü BS a =8 « o o o w w I g £ to £ Q Q B z >< z H w « z H ü cn lcn o O Z 1„ s P w a < PQ 3 'P Q BS o n et M CJ 3 a < «P o j s >n >> >, tH l-l 3h M3 3H rj - U +J N 4J J_> ~ 3 «x 3 s 3 s ON 3qj 3 N 3 O -H Oa; oC>J OJCJ H u u h 3 .3 .3 ,3 •a .3 .3 -4-> -M -M tx 00 On Mon OOi o-. fr & M>N tn 3 3 3 3 3 +J 4J - 4-» 3 si/ 3 <3u <3U V u oü CJ O o .3 J-m3 J3+3 r3 On tx NO o NO H • cS Ol +J v 3 cS _ ^ es JO3 3 Vol i, p. 304—307. a) REt. GEOGRÄFICAS Vol. 2. P. LXXXIII. 3) » » » P. 154. 4) P. 424. «Nec lacrimis parcebat: scitanti hero causam fletus (is erat Hispanus) quia, inquit, ante hos annos viginti a te colaphum ac- cepi, cum essemus ad Paraguaos.» Indians were not to be found in E. Bolivia prior to the great migration from Paraguay. That the Guarayü should derive in part from Guarani Indians who had migrated in post-Columbian times, and in part from such Indians as were already settled there, is scarcely likely, though not impossible. The Palmela, the only Caribs in this area, came as fugitives, according to tradition,1) to the parts where they now live. It is not known when this took place, but I should consider it very possible that it was in post-Colum- bian times. I will return to the question later. With regard to the connections between the Indians of this area and those of the hills, we do not find much information in the older works. Of the Aporonos, who were evidently Yuracare, CASTIIXO says that they traded with Cochabamba. It is unknown whether this trade stretch- ed back to pre-Columbian times. In «Relaciones geograficas» it is stated, in an account from 1596, that if one were going to the Chunchos on the Upper Rio Beni, one would have to know the language of the Aymara-Chuncho.2) There was a brisk trade here between the Indians of the hills and the Indians on the R. Beni. Of the Indians from Rio Beni above its junction with Madre de Dios, GREGORIO DE BOLIVAR relates that they came (to the hills) in order to barter, passing through the districts of the other tribes by paying «parias».3) A memorial of these connections is that the Cavina » Indians still use a number of words, especially numerals, that are evidently borrowed from the Aymara language. In my book, «Forskningar och Äventyr», I pointed out SEVERIANO DA FONSECA Vol 2, p. 191. 2) Entrada y mission de los Chunchos (1596). Relaciones geografi- cas, Vol. II, p. CIV. « . . lo tercero y mäs principal para nuestro in- tento es, que aprendemos la lengua que llaman aymara-chuncho, por ser la mas general entre ellos.» (P. CXI). 3) i. e. ftribute'. See p. 187. that the Cavina use several numerals1) that must have been borrowed from Aymaran. De CREQUI-MONTFORT and RivET2) have also found, in studying the Tacana language, that it has adopted several loan-words from Aymaran. They emphasize that the loans are from Aymaran, and not from Quiehuan. They also draw attention to the fact that no Tacanan speaking tribe is now in contact with the Aymara, but that this language, whieh was once widely diffus- ed, was still spoken in the i6th Century on the Upper Rio Urubamba, where it was gradually ousted by Quiehuan. The Aymara were there in close contaet with Tacanan speak- ing tribes. In ARMENTIA'S authoritative exposition of the tribes that once inhabited, and now inhabit, the districts round the Rio Beni, he comes to the result that the Cabina once lived «en los Andes de Cuchoa riberas de Inambari. »3) That this was the same tribe that is now called Cavina, is however by no means certain. Displacements in the distribütion of the Indian tribes took place, we have reason to think, in post-Columbian times. The Yuracäre have moved somewhat to the north, a number of the Chimane to the Upper Rio Apere, the Cavina presumably further down the Rio Beni. The same cause lies at the bottom of all these displacements, viz., an attempt to avoid the disagreeable whites. And presumably for the same reason the Indian tribes on the Rio Guapore have withdrawn from the main river to its tributaries. Groups of once civilized Indians have simply fled to the woods in order to be left in peace. From the Table (i) we can see that the majority of the t'ibes in this area have for a long time been under the influence of the whites. Some of these tribes have entirely lost their culture. To what extent this process has ») P- 457- ') (13). 3) (2) p. 100. proceeded in the area under consideration, I have tried to indicate in Map i. We can distinguish between different kinds of changes in the culture of the Indians under the influence of the whites. Entirely new cultural elements may be introduced by the whites; the Indians may exchange old elements for new ones of a similar kind; cultural elements may disap- pear under the influence of the whites without any Substi- tute. Examples of the first kind of changes is the intro- duction of new domestic animals and new cultivated plants; of the second, changes in the shape of their huts; of the third, the disappearance of plumes worn as Ornaments, of mask dances, etc. The positive changes are as a rule what tribes are first exposed to. They take up new plants, animals, or imple- ments, before they begin to lose anything of their original culture. The reason of this is that the majority of the Indian tribes are indirectly influenced by the culture of the whites through other Indian tribes before they become acquainted with the whites. There is hardly a tribe, pre- sumably not even the Siriono, that has not been influenced in this way by the whites. The first things to disappear under this influence are implements of stone, bone, etc. Certain primitive tools, however, may persist for a long time for certain purposes. The shape of the house, on the other hand, is very quicklv altered under the influence of the whites. We can see from the Map (i) that the process of loss of culture has reached its furthest extent in the old Mission area of Mojos. The Indians who have been least affected 1) A tribe that has once got beyond its own territory, so to speak, will most likely be forced to wander very far before it finds a spot where it can settle. This once happened to the Guarani Indians, who migrated from Paraguay in the iöth Century. This explains how the same linguistic group may be spread in small tribes over a great part of the South American continent, scattered about among perfectly stränge people. will be found on the Brazilian side of the Rio Guapore, and in certain districts between the great rivers of the Bo- livian piain. Where the process has proceeded so far as in Mojos, we have not much to learn from the culture of the Indians, but must try to reconstruct it from state- ments in the literature of the Mission period. In spite of the fact that this literature is both comprehensive and often excellent, it leaves many gaps. We must therefore keep in mind from the beginning that various cultural ele- ments that are not marked on the map in the case of tribes that began to lose their culture at an early date, may very well have existed among them before the process set in. To indicate when this happened, i. e., when a tribe first came in contact with the whites, and the extent and nature of the connections, is no easy matter. As a rule one can state when the first Missions were founded, but is far less easy to determine when the first adventurers made their way into the country. In the case of the Mojo, for instance, the loss of their culture began long before the first Missions were established here, as the Indians had connections with the whites in Santa Cruz.1) Seekers after gold eertainly passed through many districts, and visited the Indians there, before the latter came under the influence of the missionaries. In some tribes the loss of culture was transitory, but not on that account without importance. Such a tribe is the Huanyam, who had a Mission for a short while at the beginning of the i8th Century, but who have since been, ') «Tienen en esta tierra mucho algodön y pudieran tener mas si quisieran; de el hacen tipoyes grandes y pequefios, camisetas y amahacas; pero todo lo llevan d Santa Cruz para traer de ella cada uno lo que ha menester. Unos rescatap cuchillos para hacer sus flechas que hacen con mucha curiosidad; otros compran machetes para rosar y carpir sus chacras; otros cunas de hierro para rajar lefia, cortar ärboles y labrar sus canoas; otras rescatan chaquiras azules, que de otro color no los toman sinö de balde, templaderos de plata pedazos de estafio para sus galas y esa es toda 14 hacienda de un Mojo.» MARBAN (I) p. 148; CASTILLO p. 319. probably, without connection with the whites for nearly 150 years. The Guarayü (Itatines) were already in con- nection with the whites at the beginning of the iöth Cen- tury, either in their original home in Paraguay, or in the territory to which they migrated. The Huari, whom I was the first ethnographer to get to know, may have been in connection with gold-diggers and escaped negro slaves in the i8th Century. Missionaries and adventurers very probably passed through the territories of the small tribes, the Atsahuaca, Tambopata-Guarayo, and Yamiaca in the iöth and I7th centuries. It is possible, and even probable, that in the times of the Jesuits the Chacobo had connections with the Indians at the Missions. In this area there has not been any linguistic loss of culture. There is not a tribe that has exchanged its Indian language for Spanish or Portuguese. The only tribe, as far as we know, that has exchanged its own language for another, is the Chapacura, who, in part at least, speak Baure. Loan-words from Spanish or Portuguese are few, even among the Indians who have been much in contact with the whites. No Indian tongue in this area is so mixed up with Spanish as is Quichuan in the Cochabamba valley. It may be affirmed, as a rule, that even among the civilized Indians it is only the men who know Spanish or Portuguese, and those of the women who have been in Service with the whites. Among the following tribes it was impossible to get any interpreter, as no one knew Spanish or Portuguese: The Chacobo, Atsahuaca, Tambopata-Gua- rayo, and Huari. A few of the Chimane men knew a few words of Spanish. Among the Huanyam there were a few young men who spoke a little Portuguese. Some of the Yuraeare spoke Spanish passably, and at least one spoke Quichua. It would be of great interest to find out whether many Indian tribes died out here after the discovery of these parts. Among these extinct tribes may have been some belonging to most important linguistic groups, tribes that may have played a great part as transmitters of culture. In the old accounts of the Missions there are innumerable names of tribes that we cannot now identify. To what extent are these tribes with different languages or merely groups of the same tribe? I may in this connection point out that of the tribes D'ORBIGNY mentioned from this area a hundred years ago, not one is extinct, and the same is true of the tribes from a somewhat wider area mentioned by CARDÜS 50 years ago. Another point to be remembered is that in old accounts other names are used for tribes than those now in use. We know that tribes with different languages use different names for one and the same tribe. That some tribes, e. g. the Mopecianä in San Xavier and the Gorgotoqui near Sta. Cruz, lost their language or died out during the Jesuit period, is evident. But I do not think these extinct tribes are numerous. If we com- pare the names that are mentioned by CASTILLO, MARBAN, ALTAMIRANO, in «Breve noticia», and by HERVAS, the names that occur in most of the authors, but have not lived on, are very few. But the majority of names are only mentioned once by some author, and then never crop up again in the literature. It would be of great interest to know how large the various tribes were at the time of the Discovery, and what tribes were dominant by reason of their size.1) The only ') It is not always borne in mind, vvhen giving a survey of the cul- ture of the Indian tribes in S. America, and in writing about the influ- ence of various tribes on the development in general, that the Quichua and Aymara numbered millions of individuals, the Guarani in Paraguay a few hundred thousands, and that for the rest very few tribes in Bo- livia or in surrounding territories numbered more than 10,000 individuals. It is certain that at the time of the Discovery a much greater popula- tion lived in the Andes than in the rest of S. America put together. Even to-day most people in Bolivia live in the Andes. BOWMAN calculates that 72 % of the inhabitants of the said country live at an altitude of Statistical material we have is from the Missions, and even that is incomplete. In N. E. Bolivia the Mojo were the most important tribe in numbers at the time of the Missions and up to D'ORBIGNY'S time. In «Breve noticia» it is stated that in 1699 there were 1900 souls in Trinidad, 2600 in Loreto, 2200 in San Ignacio, 2000 in San Francisco Javier, 1000 in San Jose, 1200 in San Francisco de Borja, 1300 in San Pedro, and 800 in San Luis. Of these, 9700 were presumably Mojo or closely related Arawaks, 1200 Churimana (possibly = Chimane), 1300 Canichana, and 800 Movima and Eriruna. ALTAMIRANO says some years later that in Loreto there were 3000 souls, in Trinidad over 2000, in San Ignacio 2600, in San Francisco Javier 3000, in San Jose 1700, in San Borja over 1200, in San Pedro 2000, in San Luis 2000. Of these rather more than 12,000 were probably Mojo, 2000 Canichana, and 2000 Movima or their kinsmen. 6,000 to 14,000 ft., i. e. higher than the limit of inhabited country in Switzerland, and this was certainly also the case at the time of the Dis- covery. It follows from descriptions written at the time. According to D'ORBIGNY (I), EGUILUZ (1696) estimated the Mojo at 19,789, and the Canichana at four to five thousand. According to HERVAS there were 30,000 Indians in Mojos in 1742. In D'ORBIGNY'S time (1830), when the Indians were still living in and around the old Missions, there were 8,212 Mojo, 1,939 Canichana, 4,815 Itonama, 5,178 Baure, 2,073 Cayubaba, 1,337 Yuracare, 1,100 Guarayos, and 2,400 Mosetene-Chimane. A few years later (1837) there were, according to I,A CUEVA, 1,243 Guarayü Indians and 117 Chiquitano in the Missions of Guarayos. The independent Indians he esti- mated at over 500 souls.1) In 1915 there were in Guarayos 6,364 Guarayü Indians2) and in 19193) after the influenza epidemic 5607. The Churapa numbered 2,017, according to VIEDMA, at the end of the i8th Century. They are now between 500 and 1,000. It follows from the above that during the time of the Missions and up to D'ORBIGNY'S time the Mojo were numerically the most important tribe. No other tribe has exceeded 10,000 individuals in this area since the times of the Missions. J) «En el monte segun lo que por mi mismo he visto, mas de trein- ta sitios; pasan de quinientas almas, esparcidas en una estencion de cosa de cuarenta leguas a lo largo, azia las inmediaciones de este Rio de Sn. Miguel, y el Rio Negro.» LA CUEVA (I) p. 108. *) See further, ERLAND NORDENSKIÖLD (19). ') SARTORI. TABLE TO MAP 2. £ Round Houses of permanent 0 o, and character oval huts of Authors and Notes Tribes tempor- Walls and roof Clear distinction M ary are inseparable between walls and roof th e charac- Numbe i ter Round Oval Round Oval I Choroti + E. N— D.1) 2 Ashluslay + » » 3 Tapiete + 4 Chiriguano + BERNARDINO DE NINO says that the Chiri- guano Indians in old times had round huts. 6 Mataco + E. N—D. 7 Toba + » » 10 Araucanians + GUEVARA. 18 Quichua + Prov. de Xauxa. Rel. geogr., Vol. I, p. 89. SQUIERP.487;E.N-D. 19 Aymara on + E. N—D. Tunari2) 20 Paressi + + MAX SCHMIDT (4). 25 Mojo + CASTILLO p. 318—319 Casas redondas. «F6r- mase estas con un pie derecho no con pe- queno artificio des- cansando sobre el todas las maderas... Cocinan en casas cua- dradas sin embarrary aqui guardan sus co- midas y en las redon- das sus arreos y ropa.»... »las paredes son de cana, embar- radas las redondas.» ') = ERI.AND NORDENSKIÖI.D. 2) Near Cochabamba. on Map Not 28b the 61 56 54 48 34 45 36 47 3 28 31 Number on the Map Mundurucü Tribes Guahibo Makuna Tupinamba Jivaro Taulipäng, Ijca, Botokuds Campa Trio, Bakai'ri Kustenau Amazon. North-West R. Macusi Patamona, Apaporis. Köggaba Tribes Oyana of etc. tempor- charac- huts Round oval + and ary ter + of Round are Walls + + + + + 4- inseparable Houses and ( Oval + roof + + char of ) permanent acter Round Clear + between + + + + + + ? and distinction | roof Oval walls + + + WHIFFEN. SPIX WIED, STRADEUJ, KOCH-GRÜNBERG KOCH-GRÜNBERG STADEN. BOUNDER DE RRVET Phot. K. KARL able This with closely casionally last ed lar. always poris gles, Square rough The much houses Atlas THULIN'S Vol. Vol. rectangular SKJÖLD'S (2) CREVAUX. Fig. (3) v. to GOEJE . two Authors in shape, matting is but Vol. and p. . the the parallegram 2, 3, p. D. The OTTO V. the set with are roofed PI. even (1) a PI. 60, or on houses same Possiblywith being Nonuya «All PI. 181. p. STEINEN D. palisade, 3, as and (4) the ground, three 11. collection. (I) house Fig. collection. made 34. MARTIUS more rounded PI. Fig. or and NORDEN- 285. a p. STEINEN 2. form. manner. lower the made are Notes and rule, 7. thatch. feet thatch- 1311. notice- house. Phot. 10. is 14. native after cireu- (2) (4) lined or Apa- the (2). not is of (2) an- oc- . a a . Houses of permanent G o a Round character cd and oval huts of Authors and Notes Tribes tempor- Walls and roof Clear distinc- tion between S U ary are inseparable charac- walls and roof Z5 ter Roitnd | Oval Round Oval and a Makuna house is in- variably so fortified. . As a general rule it may be noted that the Issa-J apura houses are not strengthen- ed in this way» (p. 44). 64 Huari + E. N—D. 69 Ipurina + STEERE p. 375. 79 Maquiritare + CH ÄFF AN JON Fig. p. + 258. » Yekuanä KOCII-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3, PI. 49. 85 Juri + SPIX and MARTIUS (2) Vol. 3, p. 1235. 95 Chibcha + RESTREPO p. 129. (Chibcha also had rectangular houses). 99 Cumanagoto + ? Ruiz BI,ANCO p. 51. 226 Uitoto + PREUSS (I). 233 Indians of the + 0. COUDREAU (3) p • 121. Rio Mapuera 234 Chipaya + POSNANSKY. 235 Indians of the + FELIX DE LIMA (in Upper Rio SOUTHEY Vol. 5, p. Guapore 402) 1742. «Saltando en terra entraräo n'uma habitagao cir- cular, cujo madeira- mento se compunha de varas, cujas pon- tas assentaväo sobre 0 topo d'um pillar.» 246 Tunebo + ROCHERAUX, Fig. 5 C. 255 Chavante + MARTIUS (I) p. 272. 272 Cauixana + ? i> » » 481. Houses of permanent Round char acter and oval huts of X> Tribes tempor- Walls and roof Clear distinction Authors and Notes 0 o ary are inseparable between walls 3 charac- and roof Z ter Round Oval Round Oval 277 Indians of + ORTIGUERA p. 332. Machifaro. «sus casas grandes y Upper Rio redondas, de vara en Amazon. tierra, sin paredes, que el techo de ellas llega al suelo, cubier- tas con ojas y ramas de palma.» 278 Indians Chu- + PALOMINO p. XUX. quimayo 2 M Wapisiäna, + + FARABEE (I). Mapidian, + + Taruma 3M Taino + LovfiN p. 315 (With references) 5C Nambicuara + ROQUETTE-PINTO (2). 6 V Guanä + AZARA (2) p. 383. «son una boveda cilindrica que empieza en el suelo, es larga 20 varas ancha diez cerrando los costados con bovedas, cuyo base es semicirculo.» 6 X Tambopata- + E. N—D (2). Guarayo X3 Piaröa + CHAFFANJON Fig. p. 235- D Indians of Pu- + v. ROSEN (4) Fig. 77. na de Jujuy IV Alakaluf + COOPER. XI Yamamadi + STEERE p. 382. XV Yahgan + COOPER. I. Dwellings. Most of the Indian tribes in the area explored by me have fixed dwellings, which they occupy for a number of years. Migratory are the Siriono, Tambopata-Guarayo, Chäma, Atsahuaca, and Chimane. Except for the Siriono, who probably wander far abroad and have no land under cultivation, these migrations are not extensive. All these Indians have huts of a temporary nature, except the Chimane, whose huts are in several places of a more permanent kind. There are few elements in the culture of a tribe which are so easily altered under the influence of the whites as dwellings. In studying Indian dwelling-houses it is of great importance to make quite sure what are genuinely Indian and what are not. To take an example. The Yamiaca were discovered about 1900. In 1905 I visited them, and found they had built a quadrangular hut with a roof- ridge on the model of those used in these parts by the rubber workmen. The Yamiaca originally had oval houses and possibly even simple wind-screens. In the same way the Huanyam have altered their huts. An older type of dwelling-house I found at an abandoned settlement (Fig. 1). All the other dwelling-houses were built under the influence of the whites. In studying the dwellings of the Indians in these parts we must therefore suspect the houses resembling those built at the rubber works or at the missions of not being genuine Indian ones. All these suspected houses have rec- tangular ground-plans. The round houses, on the other . hand, can always be regarded as genuine Indian ones, since neither whites nor negroes in South America ever built in this style. In studying the works which, ever since the Discovery up to our own times, describe unaffected Indians east of the Andes, we shall also find that rectangular houses are rarely mentioned. Almost all the houses were simple wind- screens, or they had circular or oval ground-plans. From central Orinoco OVIEDO1) mentions houses with saddle- roofs as something unusual. From Eower Amazonas ORTI- GUERA2) characterizes a rectangular house as a curiosity. In the Andes, in the old territory of the Inca Empire, there were rectangular houses of brick or adobe, though round houses also occurred. Temples and palaces, above all, were built with rectangular ground-plans. In post- Columbian times the round house has yielded more and more to the rectangular type, which was looked upon as more elegant. It is mentioned from Pacajes,3) and from Canar,4) that ordinary people had round huts, the chief- tains Square ones. In Partido de Otavalo5) all, including the chieftains, had round houses. It is stated from Xauja6) that in 1582 they had given up round houses in favour of Square ones. EovEn points out that houses in the West Indies and Guiana changed in a short time from round to rectangular under the influence of the whites. It is therefore clear that a map such as PATER SCHMIDT'S of the distribution of different types of houses gives far too much space to the Square house; what it does show is that in modern times the Indians have pretty commonly adopt- Vol. 2, p. 220. ') P. 355- 3) Relaciones Geogr. Vol. 2, p. 62. 4) ibid. Vol. 3, p. 176. 5) ibid. Vol. 3, p. 116. •) ibid. Vol. I, p. 89. ed square instead of round houses. On the Map (2) published here I have consequently restricted myself to showing the distribution of various types of round houses. I dis- tinguish between round or oval houses of a temporary cha- racter, round or oval houses of a permanent charaeter in which walls and roof are inseparable, «Bienenkorbhütte» and round or oval houses where there is a clear distinction between walls and roof: «Kegeldachhütte». All three types are represented in the area examined. The first-named are to be found among the Tambopata-Guarayo and the Chäma, the second among the Huari, and the third are mentioned by CASTIELO1) and MARBÄN from the Mojo. From the Map it will appear that, roughly speaking, the round houses improve from south to north. It was evidently the Arawaks who in Mojos introduced the round house with walls, which, moreover, has a northerly distribution. They, too, in all likelihood introduced the plastering of walls, for CASTIELO mentions that the Mojo have round houses with earth-coated walls. Passing on to houses with rectangular ground-plans, we know that most of these huts were built under the influence of the whites at the missions and the rubber fac- tories. The question remains, however, whether there are not also genuine Indian houses of a rectangular shape here. I mentioned that the Huanyam have given up their old type of hut, and now build like the other rubber workmen. But also their old huts had a rectangular ground-plan (Fig. 1). Was this a genuine American type? KOCH-GRÜNBERG2) has given us a description of the same type of house from N. W. Brazil, and RAIMONDI3) and others from Rio Ucayali. Characteristic of this type is that the roof does not rest on a ridge upheld by posts in the middle of the house. We may imagine this type to have arisen by two ») P. 318—319. *) (2) Fig- 32- >) (2). wind-screens of the kind shown in Fig. 2 being placed opposite each other. I have seen very primitive huts of this type among the Atsahuaca. But what is missing to con- vince me that this is the true American type, is descrip- tions of such houses from the time of the Discovery. We can imagine that the Indians, who had wind-screens like those of the Atsahuaca, built large Square huts of the Huan- yam type after seeing the superior constructions of the whites'. We must remember that the Huanyam had pro- bably been at the missions in the i8th Century. KOCH- GRÜNBERG'S Indians from N. W. Brazil, who also have huts of this type, are of course not uninfluenced by the culture of the whites, nor are the Indians on the Rio Ucayali. It is evident, however, that if you place two wind- screens of the Atsahuaca type opposite each other, you get a Square house with a saddle-roof. And I have seen such houses among the Atsahuaca. Here belong also the temporary huts that the Chimane sometimes build on their migrations. We must not think that the Indian huts which have been altered under the influence of the whites have alto- gether lost their Indian character. Even if the shape has been changed, a number of genuine Indian details have been retained. We must also bear in mind that the influence has been mutual. The huts the whites have in the wilds are half Indian, the roof-covering is made on the Indian model, the use of bast and liana instead of nails is Indian, etc. If we cast a glance at the construction of those Indian houses the shape of which has been influenced by the whites, we shall find, as has been mentioned, that many genuine Indian details persist. The custom of having doors in the gable-ends, and not in the long wall, is Indian. We find this among the Yuracare and Chacobo, and in the modern Huanyam house. This is connected with the Indian custom of building the saddle-roof almost down to the ground. It is only among very civilized Indians, and especially at the missions, that the entrance is put in the long wall. And in these huts the saddle-roof does not ap- proach the ground. In the huts of these civilized Indians the walls are generally built of upright posts or of divided palm-trunks. I have already spoken in Part II of the occurrence of barus, etc. built on piles in these parts. Another way of seeking safety from inundations was to build mounds of earth. I have given an account of my excavations in 1909 from these mounds in Baessler's Archiv. Among a number of Indian tribes in S. America several fami- lies live together in a large building, known in Brazil as Maloca. This generally brings a number of men together under one roof, which Fig. 2. Showing construction of Wind- means better protec- screen. Atsahuaca. tion against an attack than if each family had its own hut. The defence can be more easily mobilized. Really large Malocas are now to be found only among the Chacobo in the area under consideration. Several different kinds of house are to be seen among the same tribe. Besides the dwelling-houses there are club houses, special sleeping-huts for protection against mosqui- toes, hunting-cabins, fowl-houses, and barns. In this area I have found barns among the Chacobo and the Cavina. Numbers of them can be seen in the Chaco among the Chiriguano and Chane. In the valley of the Mizque the mestizos usually have them. In S. America these barns are only to be found where the cultivation of Indian com is intensive, viz., in the west. The Indians who live at the missions, such as the Mosetene and the Cavina, have special huts near their fields that are at a distanee, where they live when they are at work on them. I have a slight suspicion that thejr feel more independent of the monks there than when at honie at the mission, and that they do not always rigorously follow np the precepts inculeated by the priests. The Huanyam fornierly had compactly built little sleeping-huts where they could sleep undisturbed by mosquitoes. Special huts for cooking in may sometimes be seen amoug the Huanyam. CASTII.I.O mentions them from the Mojo. They were Square, in contradistinctiou to the round sleeping-huts. Aniong the Yuracare and Chimane are to be found compactly built conical huts in which the fowls are shut up at night to protect them from vampires. The Bakai'ri Indians on the Rio Xingü1) have them for tarne woodbirds. Club houses I have only seen among the Cliacobo. The one I saw was a large octangular building, where the men met and the women were excluded, where they kept their weapons and where strangers, — and consequently I and my companions —, were received, as described by nie in detail in my book «Indianer och vita». In older descrip- tions of these parts, clubhouses are mentioned from the Mojo,2) Moremöno,3) and Baure.4) Formerly the Guarayü had houses of this kind,3) where they had their feasts. Hunting-huts are to be found aniong the Huari. They are plaited together of palm-leaves stuck into the ground in a circle. Into these the Indians Iure their prey. Similar huts are mentioned by RONDON from the Nambicuara. ') K. VON D. STKINKN (3), Fig. 3. 2) D'ORBIGNY (I) Vol. I, p. I All the tribes dealt with here, except the Yuraeare, Chimane, Mosetene, and Tambopata-Guarayo (Chäma). have hammocks. I have already dealt with the distribu- tion of the hammock in Part II (Map 3). To tliat Map should be added the Atsahuaca, who occasionally use hammocks of cotton. From the Chäma, who sleep on mats of bark fabric, I have a small hammock in my collection. Among the Yuraeare and Chimane one occasionally sees the platforin bed, the distribution of which cultural element is also dealt with in Part II. There are three systems of fastening the hammocks to the ropes by which they are secured. These can be seen best from the illustrations. The first system (Fig. 3 a) of fastening is known to me from the Huanyam and Chacobo,1) the second (Fig. 3 c) from the Atsahuaca and Chäma, the third (Fig. 3 b) from all the other tribes of this area. The technique of the hammocks is the same throughout the area investigated. The Chäma have large painted coverlets of bark fab- ric. I give a picture of one (Fig. 4). The Chimane have If the same method were employed for fastening together a drt-s> we might say it was buttoned up. In this conncction it is of interest tu remember that buttons are not used in any form among the Indians of S. America. They tie together a belt, a garment, but do not button it or hook it. It is very remarkable that, in spite of the millions of Euro- pean buttons the Indians have seen or used, thev have never, as far as I know, hit lipon the idea of making any kind of buttons themselves from European models. IJ«= u •3 2 o 3 o — j c a i - s !fl H& ^ .2 I « 'S CD Ä' J! p J o3 3 O similar coverlets, but unpainted. Tlie Yuraeare sleep on mats made of spathes of palms. Among the Mosetene I have seen mats plaited of leaves of Gynerium and among the Cavina, Churäpa etc. Fig. 4. Coverlct of bark-cloth from the Chama Indians in Bolivia. Leugth, 1.62 m. Breadth, 1.10 m. G. M. — 15. 1. 1317- plaited of palmleaves. ALTAMIRANO speaks of large cloth mats from the Baure. The Yuraeare have large mosquito nets of bark fabric. With regard to this cultural element I have written an article in «Journal de 1a Societe des Americanistes», in which I have attempted to prove that this element is genuinely Indian. The Yuracdre and Chimane have cradles of bark fab- ric.1) I do not know of similar cradles from other parts of S. America. We have here two types of seats. One is made of a single piece of wood. The other, which we only find among the Chacobo, is made of liglit pieces of wood and the pe- tioles of the palm, which are nailed together with wooden nails. (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. 1/b- Chair. Chacobo. R. M. — Ch. uO. This latter type, which is of quite an isolated occtir- rence here, must be modern, and the idea of using wooden nails must have beeil borrowed from the whites. The In- dians bind together things they want to joiu. An Indian house is bound together, the roofing is bound on, etc. At the Gothenburg Museum I have gone through large col- lections of objects manufactured by the Indians of S. Ame- rica, and only found one single object that was nailed. This is a old Cerimonial paddle (?) from Ica in l'eru to which are riveted copper-plate fittings by means of small copper nails. A similar device may be seen on the rafts of the Mosetene and Chimane. On these the logs are fastened together by slats of very hard wood (Chonta) running through them. Logs simply bound together do not stand the strain to which the rafts are exposed when used on rapid streams. ') NORDENSKIÖLD (II), Fig. 106. Tlie other well known kind of seats eilt from single pieees of wood with a wide distribution, especially in tlie north and eentre of S. America,1) is found liere among the Mojo, the Huanyam, the Huari, and the Baure. The wooden seat, which is here used, or has latterly been used, b}- only a few tribes, of whom the Mojo and Baure are Arawaks, and the Guarayü are Guarani, is prob- ably a cultural element that has come in comparatively late. The distribution of the seat in S. America is evidently in the main a northerly and north-westerly one. I have not been able to find any statement that seats cut from single pieces of wood were in use among the Tupinamba. From there MARCGRAV2) mentions seats of reeds and bran- ches. The idea must have come from the whites. Curious is the occurrence of seats made of single pieces of wood among the Araueanians.3) ') See SAVIR,i,E Vol. i, and PATER SCHMIDT, p. 1088, seq. 2) P. 272 3) Photo. G. M. Cultivation. In Table i below I have shown what the Indians cul- tivate in the area explored by me. I have only included those tribes in the Table which keep most, or a great deal, of their original civilization, together with the Mojo (after CASTILLO). All these tribes cultivate the banana and the sugar-cane, which were introduced by the whites, and of which the former is almost everywhere of great importance. Other plants introduced by the whites, such as rice, coffee, the water-melon, the onion, etc., are cultivated chiefly by the Chimane. I am also of opinion that the American plants the cacao-tree and the tomato are here post-Colum- bian. The former is cultivated by the Indians, as far as I know, only for sale to the whites. The Siriono so far as is known do not cultivate anything. If we study the distribution of the plants cultivated here, we shall find two that offer more anthropo-geographic interest than the others. These are manioc and coca. The latter is only cultivated in the west and north of S. Ame- rica; and when we here find the cultivation and the chew- ing of coca among the Cavina and Maropa, this evidently hangs together with an influence that derives from the cul- tural region of the Andes. The distribution of coca is so well known that I need not here try to show it on the map. Manioc is to be found wherever it can be success- fully cultivated in S. America, though in a number of pla- ces the sweet1) kind is exclusively cultivated, in others only the bitter kind2), and elsewhere both the bitter and the sweet. ') Manihot Aipi POHL. *) Manihot utilissima L. uinuanXQ + sireag + + E3O0 + ssag + uoiuo + noiaui-ia^E^v + + aireo-jBäng + + + + + + + + 33JJO0 + aara + + OE3B3 + + + Ei^naosaij + + «BUEUsgBl» spmoQ ++++++++ + oaoBqox + + + -+ + + + + nDtijfi +++++++ + ogBdBg + + + + + + + + jsddad 3UU3XB3 ++++++++ (oduBO pnB BJB3) suiba + + + sao^Bjod ^sa.wg + + + + + ++ + + uo^oo + + + + + + + + + + SMBdBjI + + + + + + + + ajddB-amg + + B}I»[tlOS3 BISB30J03 + + +-++ + + aziBpj + + + + + + + + + + OOIUBH ++++++++ ++ BUEUEg ++++++++ ++ (Afte r CASTIIXO ) guaray o Chiman e Chacob o Atsahuac a Pausern a Yuraear e Huar i Huanya m Moj o Cavin a Tambopata - Map 3 shows us that in the west of S. America they only cultivate the sweet manioc. This holds good of the district under my survey. In the east and north-east of S. America the two kinds usually appear side by side. It is hard to prove which kind was first cultivated in S. America, both being originally S. American. But the prob- ability is that, where both kinds were cultivated, the sweet followed the other. The spread of the latter over the eastern part of the S. American continent must be late; one proof of which is that v. D. STEINEN did not find it among the Indians on the Upper Rio Xingu and that it had not reached Haiti before the discovery. When Arawaks and Caribs spread over a great portion of the S. American con- tinent and the Westindian Islands they were thus only acquainted with the bitter manioc. It is only now that the sweet kind is beginning to penetrate into the Xingu territory, where the Baka'iri got to know it after K. v. D. STEINEN'S voyage. There is nothing very remarkable in the employment of a poisonous plant for the sake of the poison, but it is extremely remarkable that the poison should be extracted from a plant in order that the plant may be used as food, especially as in the case of the bitter manioc an intricate process is necessary for the extraction of the poison. There is always the possibility of it having been the poison itself that they wanted to get at in the first ins'.ance, and that the bitter manioc was originally used for some other purpose before it was used as food. By some chance it was subsequently discovered that the pulp which remained after the poison had been extracted, could be eaten without ill effect. This explana- tion is the less improbable because the poison of the ma- nioc can be used, according to MARTIUS,1) for catching fish, and innumerable have been the plants with which the Indians have experimented to procure a means for benumb- ing fish. MARTIUS gives us a whole page of names of L) (I) P- 615. plants that have been used for this purpose. Every pos- sible experiment had evidently been made. When, then, they began to use manioc as food, the extraction of the poison may be said to have been familiar to them. A curious fact, to which I have already called atten- tion more than once, is that several Indian tribes here, the Yuraeare, Chacobo, Chimane, and Atsahuaca, cultivate tobacco, but do not smoke it; they only use it as a medi- cament against the boro, the larva of an oestrid fly (Der- matomya). The tobacco is placed where the larva enters the skin, so that it is stupified and can then be squeezed out. The yam (Dioscorea) is here cultivated only by the tribes on the Rio Guapore. The Chacobo cultivate arrow- grass (Gynerium saccharoides). Unless they did so they would have to use other material for their arrows, as this grass is said not to grow wild in the parts where these Indians live. The agricultural implements used by most of these tribes are big knives and spades, or rather shovels, which they have got from the whites. Of agricultural implements of Indian manufacture I have only seen planting-sticks and simple digging-clubs. Only the Huanyam and Mose- tene have the latter. TABLE TO MAP 3. Manioc. Number on the Tribes Bitter1) Sweet2) Authors Notes Map 2 Ashluslay ? + E. N—D. 1) ManihotAipiPOHL. 2) Manihot utilissima T 4 Chiriguano + » 8 Lengua + GRUBB. 13 Caraja + + KRAUSE (I). EHRENREICH (2) P- 15- 15 Cayapö + + KRAUSE (I). 18 Quichua + PAREDES p. 103. 20 Paressi + + MAX SCHMIDT (4) p. 204. 21 Caingua + AMBROSETTI (7). 22 Yuracare + E. N—D. 24 Chimane + » 25 Mojo + CASTIIXO p. 327. «su pan ordinario es la yuca las mas veces fria, cocida con solo agua, rara vez comen yuca asada» CASTILLO does not speak of poisonous mandioca. EDER p. 323 speaks of wild growing bitter manioc, but his state- ments are not always from Mojos. 28 Baka'iri etc. + KARL v. D. STEI- Non poisonous mandi- NEN (3). oca was introduced to the Baka'iri Indians af- ter K. v. D. STEINEN'S famous expeditions. (MAX SCHMIDT (3) p. 98). Number on the Tribes Bitter Sweet Authors Notes Map 31 Trio, Oyana + DE GOEJE (I). 32 Atsahuaca + E. N—D (2). Sometimes eaten raw. 33 Macheyenga + FARABEE (2) p. 6. » Campa + ORDINAIRE (2) p. 7. 34 Jivaro + KARSTEN (letter from). RIVET (1) p. 44. 35 Chimila + Letter from Bo- LINDER » Motilon + Letter from Bo- LINDER 38 Tupinamba + + CLAUDE D'ABBE- VILLE Fol. 229, 230. L£RY Vol. I,.p. 144. SOARESDESOUZA p. 163 etc. 39 Goajiro + Letter from Bo- On the frontier to the LINDER Parauhano the Goa- jiro have bitter mandioca. 40 Guarayu + E. N—D. (Guarayos) 4I Guarayü + » » (Pauserna) 43 Huanyam + » » 47 Patamona, + + THULIN, KOCH- Taulipang etc. GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3, p. 50-52. 48 Indians of + + KOCH-GRÜN- N. W. Brazil. BERG (2). 49 Araona + + ARMENTIA (I). 54 Guahibo + + TAVERA-ACOSTA. (Vocabulary). Number on the Tribes Bitter Sweet Authors Notes Map 55 Caribs on the + + FERMIN p. 66. coast of Guia- BARRERE. na 56 Mundurucü + + TOCANTINS. 61 Indians of Rio WHIFFEN p. 131. «The sweet manioc, Issa-Japura + + although known to these Issa-Japura tri- + bes, is never planted ». 62 Chacobo + E. N-D. 74 Tamanaco + GIUJ (2) p. 405. 79 Yekuana + KOCH-GRÜN- + BERG (4) Vol. + 3. P- 334- 98 Tembe + Letter from NIMUENDAJÜ. Cumanagoto + • MARTIUS (I). 99 + 124 Carios SCHMIDEL p. 37- Tamalameque Relaciones geo- 125 + + graficas p. 20. (LATORRE'S edi- + + tion.) 126 Saliba TAVERA-ACOSTA. + + (Vocabulary.) 127 Piapoco, TAVERA-ACOSTA. + Puinäve + (Vocabulary.) 128 Indians of BATES p. 266. Ega, Rio + Amazonas + 129 Indians of Rio + POEPPIG p. 375 Huallaga + —376. 130 Indians of Rio + ? POEPPIG p. 267. Huallaga Not on + the Sekoya + Letter from KAR- Map STEN. 137 Achagua RIVERO p. 109. The bitter most im- portant. 4i Jiumber on the Tribes Bitter Sweet Authors Notes Map 151 Indians of + Letter from Ecuador. RIVET. Not on the Carib Indians, + BRETON, R. Map Resser Antil- les 153 Indians of 4- Relaciones geo- Caracas graficas. (LATORRE p. 81) Venezuela + OVIEDO Vol. 2 p. 250. 154 Indians of the + CIEZA DE LEON coast of Peru P- 233- OVIEDO Vol. 4, « Mucha yuca de la que p. 215. no mata, que llaman MARKHAM in boniata, e no hay CIEZA DE LEON destotra que mata.» (modern time). I55 Indians of + SAUNAS p. Valladolid, LXXVIII. 20 leguas from Loxa 156 Indians of + OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. Bogota. 389- I57 Indians of Rio + OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. Magdalena 441. 158 Indians ofSta. + ENCISO p. XXV. «e las desta tierra del Marta, Cenu. Cenu y de toda la tierra desde aqui ade- lante comen las cru- das e asadas, que son muy buenas de comer y de gentil labor.» » Ijca, Köggaba 4-. Letter from Bo- = 36 UNDER. Number on the Tribes Bitter Sweet Authors Notes Map 159 Indians of + + ORTIGUERA p. From Mainas CHAN- Upper Ama- 330. TRE y HERRERA (p. zonas « Yucas bravas y 95) only mentions dulces.» sweet mandioca. 160 Indians of + + OVIEDO Vol. 2,p. Lower Rio 221. Orinoco 194 Parauhano + + Letter from Bo- LINDER. - 227 Apapocüva- + NIMUENDAJU Guarani (letter from). 241 Müra + NIMUENDAJU (letter from). 252 Lower Ama- + JORNADA DE zon OMAGUA p. 448. 271 Georgetown + + SCHOMBURGK (2) Vol. 1, p. 33. 1 Guarani Indi- + RENGGER p. 150. ans Para- guay IX Colorado + Letter from Ri- VET. Letter from KAR- STEN. XI Yamamadi + + STEERE p. 385. 3M Taino + ENCISO. See also LOVEN p. 387. 1 + + ) OVIEDO VOL 1. ') Of late importation. 3 P Maue + Letter from NIMUENDAJU. 4L Caxinauä + CAPISTRANO DE ABREU p. 550. 4s Mirana + + SPIX and MAR- TIUS (2) Vol. 3> p. 1247. 5H Parintintin + Letter from NIMUENDAJU. Number on the Tribes Bitter Sweet Authors Notes Map 8N Zaparo + Letter from KAR- STEN. x3 Piaröa + + TAVERA-ACOSTA. (Vocabulary) Not on the Indians of the 4- + GUMILLA Vol. 2, Map Rio Orinoco p. 280. Hunting Implements. In the area in question, the possibilities of a consider- able number of people subsisting by the chase are small, in some parts very small. The staple food does not derive from the chase. We find the following hunting implements in this area: the bow and arrow, the pellet-bow, the blow-gun, the club, the sling, and traps and snares. Formerly there were also the throwing-stick, the bola and the javelin. The Bow and Arrow. All the Indian tribes, except those that are quite civ- ilized, use the bow and arrow. The bows are always made of palm-wood, and are as a rule very long. The bows of the Siriono may measure as much as 2.20 m. The reason why the bows are so long is bound up with the fact that they are made of' palm-wood, for small powerful bows of this material are presumably very hard to make. The long bows require long arrows,. which explains why the lattei are so unusually long. Those of the Siriono exceed two metres; those of the Chacobo are not much shorter, those of the Yuracare are about 1.5 m., etc. All the tribes here have bows that are unstrung when not in use. The bow-string is always made of vegetable matter, usually of twined bast. Bow-strings of cotton thread are to be found among the Guarayü alone. As to the material of the shaft of the arrows, the Atsahuaca, Cayubaba, Chacobo, Tambopata-Guarayo (Chama), Chimane, Churapa, Guarayü, Maropa, Movima, Siriono, and Yuraeare have arrows of the upper part of the stem of Gynerium, while the Huanyam, Huari, and Crenem use fine stems of bamboo. In this area we find arrows without feathers among the Maropa, Pauserna, Yuraeare, Churapa, Cayubaba, Yamiaea and Tambopata-Guarayo. These arrows are all used for fishing; those of these tribes who also use arrows for hunt- ing and warfare, furnish them with feathers. This point was evidently not noticed by PATER SCHMIDT when he wrote, «Die Nichtbefiederung des Pfeiles, die in der Alten Welt für die melanesische Bogenkultur charakteristisch ist, fin- det sich auch in Südamerika in wesentlichen nur in den eigentlichen Kerngebiet der Bogenkultur.» The majority of the tribes mentioned by P. S. have only fishing-arrows without feathers, or eise fishing-arrows without and other arrows with feathers. In N. E. Bolivia there are several decultured tribes, e. g. the Maropa, who now only use arrows for fishing. For hunting they have guns. At a time when they used arrows for hunting, the arrows were presumably provided with feathers. The tribes that have featherless arrows for even hunt- ing and warfare are such tribes as the Goajiro and Motilones. In the area investigated we may speak of four differ- ent ways of fastening the feathers to the arrow: 1) Peruvian Cemented feathering (Fig. 6). 2) Xingü Sewed feathering (Map 4). 3) Arara feathering (Fig. 7). 4) East Brazilian feathering («Steg- und Tangential-fie- derung») (Map 5). It should be pointed out that in the same tribe, e. g. the Huanyam, there may be two methods of fastening the feathers, 2) and 3). The Parintintin Indians have differ- ent fastenings for their finer war-arrows and the simpler hunting-arrows. The so-called East Brazilian feathering evidently en- tered the area I am dealing with in the train of the Gua- rayü, who are post-Columbian immigrants. It is a charac- teristic cultural element of the Guarani and Ges tribes. The Peruvian cemented feathering is here the common- ni V Jl \ Fig. 6. 1/, Huari arrow with Peruvian cemented feathering. G. M. — 15. 1. 389. Fig. 7. 1 /, Arrow from the Huanyam with «Arara feathering». G. M. — 15. 1. 679. Fig. 8. '/» Feathering of a Yuraedre arrow. R. M.—Y. 204. est method of fastening the feathers. It occurs among the Atsahuaca, Yamiaca, Tambopata-guarayo (Chäma), Siriono, Mosetene, Chimane, Yuracare, Churapa, Huari, Chaeobo, and Palmela. Arrows with the so-called Xingü sewed feathering, which we find among the Huanyam, have a very limited distribution, as can be seen from the Map (4). It is probably an invention that sprang up independently in Central South America. We find the Arara feathering here among the Huanyam Movima, and Huari. A peculiarity of the Yuraeare and Chimane (Mosetene) arrows is that the feathers are placed a little way up the arrow. The distance from the end of the arrow to the beginning of the feathers may amount to as much as 22 cm. in a 1.64 m. arrow (Fig. 8). I asked some Yuraeare Indians what might be the advantage of this, and they asserted, as far as I could make out, that it improved the precision of the flight of the arrow. I do not know if this is so. As the arrows of the Yuraeare Indians only exceptionally have any plugs of hard wood at the end to protect them from the rubbing of the bowstring, it may be of some importance to have this part of the shaft to fret on. In some way or other, as I shall point out presently, all the Indians protect the end of the shaft against the fretting of the bowstring, whenever the arrow is made of the upper part of the stem of Gynerium. It appears that in D'ORBIGNY'S time the Yuraeare In- dians did not put the feathers on the arrows in the curious way mentioned above, but right at the end. This can be seen from his pictures of Yuraeare arrows in his Atlas.1) But, assuming that we cannot rely on the pictures, the peculiarity would surely have been noted by D'ORBIGNY in his description of the arrows of this tribe. As, apart from the Yuraeare, only the Mosetene and Chimane put the feathers in the way indicated, this is possibly a late, independent little invention. The Guarayü, Siriono, Chacobo, Movima, Cayubaba, ') (2) Costumes No 11. Churapa, and others strengthen the ends of the arrows by inserting into them a little plug of hard wood (see Fig. 40 in Map 6). In this way the soft shaft of Gynerium is protected against the fretting of the bowstring. This de vice has a wide distribution in S. America. The Atsahuaca and Tambopata-Guarayo, as well as a number of Indians from the Ucayali area, protect the end of the arrow by winding cotton thread round it (see Fig. 32 in Map 6). The Huari and Huanyam, whose arrows are of bamboo, a harder material than Gynerium, have a notch for the bowstring cut in the shaft. With regard to the shapes of Fig. 9. »/> the arrows, we have here a consi- Head of derable variety. bird-arrow. In Part I (Map 3) I dealt with V. Yuracäre. the distribution of blunt-headed R. M. arrows. These occur here among the Churapa, Yuracare, Mosetene and Chi- mane tribes living along the Andes, and among the Guarayü, who have migrated to these parts from the south in post-Columbian times. The Yuracare and Mosetene have a special type of such arrows (Fig. 9). Among these Indians, furthermore, the blunt-headed arrow has developed into a special shape, which is used for duels. (Fig. 10). In general use here are arrows with Fig. 10. 1I bamboo points. They are not wanting among Head of any uncivilized tribe except the Pauserna, duelling-arrow. • Yuräc4rc who have migrated from the south. Wood- R M en points with a single row of barbs are used by the Yuracäre, Atsahuaca, and Tambopata-Guarayo alone; with two rows of barbs by the Atsahuaca, Tambopata-Guarayo, Chacobo, Huanyam, and Guarayü (Guarayos). The ar- row with a superadded bone point is not to be found among any of the tribes in this area, but the Atsahuaca, Huanyam, Guarayü (Pauserna), and Palmela have arrows with a bone point tied on. The Huari and Yuracare1) have small wooden barbs tied to their arrows. In Figs. Ii and 12 I have compared the bows and arrows of the Guarayü and of the Caingua. As the Gua- rayü (Guarayos and Pauserna) migrated in the iöth Cen- tury from Paraguay to their present territory, they should have similar or very similar weapons to their kinsmen there. And, as a matter of fact, we can see that there is still a considerable similarity between the arrows used by the Indians that have remained in Paraguay and those used by the emigrants from there. Especially noticeable is the custom in both places of cutting notches in the feathers. The Guarayü bows are now made of palm. This of course affects their shape. A palm bow is naturally made flat. If you cut out a section from the hard outer wood of a palm-stem, it is flat, not round. Quivers. None of the Indian tribes here dealt with have cases or sheaths for carrying their arrows in battle or in the chase. In their huts, however, they occasionally keep the arrows, or at least the material for making them, in cases which 1) I had prepared maps of the distribution of these different kinds of arrow points in S. America, but decided not to publish them, as they appear to me very incomplete. It would be very interesting to try to show the distribution of a number of other details in the construction of arrows, but it would re- quire more complete material than I have at my disposal. 4 f> Hßt^ww «mmma^ lüääSSSBS^^^ SßäJHüDBBt^^^^l^ Fig. 12. Bow and arrows from the Guarayü. a, b, h, from the Guarayos. c, d, e, f, g, » » Pauserua. c = arrow-heads of iron. d = » » » bone. a, b, e, f, = arrow-heads of wood. b, h, = R. M.-G.; a, c, d, e, f, g, i = G. M. 15. in a way may be regarded as quivers. I have seen cases of this kind made of bark-cloth among the Yuracare and the Atsahuaca. Poisoned Arrows. In the area investigated, the Huanyam had poisoned arrows and blowpipe darts. Possibly the Huari also have poisoned arrows.1) Formerly the Mojo2) had poison for their arrows. ALONSO3) mentions poison for arrows from the Rio Beni district in the account of MAI.DONADO'S tra- vels. The poison used by the Huanyam is Curare,4) which they themselves prepare. With regard to the distribution of the various poisons for arrows, we have an excellent work by LEWIN, who has also thoroughly studied their effects. I need not therefore draw up a map of the distribution of the poisons used for arrows in S. America. It is evidently in the north-west of the continent that these poisons have been in commonest use. From there the distribution runs like a wedge across Mojos down to Chiquitos and N. Argentina, and possibly Chile. No poison is used on the Upper Rio Xingu. No Ges tribe has to a certainty poison for arrows. No Tupi-Gua- rani Indians, with the exception of the Omagua and their neighbours in the upper Amazonas have, or have had in post-Columbian times, poison for arrows. The statement that the Ona have poisoned arrows is ') In the huts of the Huari I saw no poisoned arrows, but behind a tree near the huts they had hidden a bündle of arrows, some of which had the points protected by sheaths such as are only used for putting on poisoned arrows. •) EDER p. 259. 3) ALONSO p. 50. 4) SANTESSON. incorrect.1) MEDINA2) quotes from some of the old litera- ture, according to which the Araucanians, certain Indians in N. Chile, and the Puelche in Argentina are said to have had poisoned arrows. The Araucanians are said to have prepared the poison from the root of Coliguaya ndorifera. Also MARCGRAV speaks of the poisoned arrows3) of the Araucanians, and especially the Puelche Indians. FALK- NER4) mentions poison for arrows from the Tehuelhet and Huilliche, which killed after several months. But it is doubtful whether these Indians really used poison for their arrows. That the Indians in Chiquitos used a powerful poison, seems to be certain. There are a number of statements about it in the literature. PEREZ DE ZURITA5) already speaks of their poisoned arrows. FERNANDEZ6) says that the Penoquies Indians had a very effective poison. There are a good many statements from the north of S. America about poison for arrows in the iöth Century, but curiously enough neither G. DE CARVAJAL nor ORTIGUERA mentions poison for arrows from the districts where it is now so common, but only from the lower part of the Ama- zon. Nor, in the early descriptions of travels from Mainas in the Relaciones geogräficas, is poison for arrows mention- ed, although these descriptions contain many details about the material culture of the Indians. It is not probable that the authors would have omitted to speak of such poi- sons if they had been in use. G. DE CARVAJAL7) teils of a Spaniard, ANTONIO CARRANZA, J) COOPER. А) MEDINA p. 136. 3) P. 287. ') P- 113- s) P. 172 (Rel. Geogr. Vol. 2). б) P. 70; possibly Curare. '•) P- 71. who was wounded by a poisoned arrow. He died in 24 hours. Another of ORELLANA'S companions, GARCIA DE SORIA, was slightly wounded by a similar arrow. He died in less than 24 hours. According to OVIEDO,1) CARRANZA did not die until after three days. OVIEDO says that the wounded foot grew black, and the poison gradually spread upwards. He also states that the slightly wounded SORIA died in 24 hours. ORTIGUERA,2) who was with the tyrant AGUIRRE, re- lates how the poison was tested on an Indian. He died within 24 hours. This suggests that it cannot have been curare that was used, for it would have worked much quick- er. Similar statements are commonly to be met with in books. OVIEDO mentions3) arrow-poison from Rio Mag- dalena which killed a man after several days, from Carta- gena4) within 24 hours, from Costa de Paria6) in 3 days, from Orinoco in 5 or 6 hours6), from the district of Mara- caibo in 4 days.7) From STA. Marta OVIEDO teils of a man who was scratched by an arrow, and died after 3 days. He himself ») Vol. 4, p. 566. a) P. 370. «Y para probar la yerba que los indios traian en las flechas, hirieron ä este desventurado indio con una de sus proprias jaras enarboladas sin que la herida fuese de suyo penetrante ni mortal. La ponzona desta yerba fud tanta, que corrompiö el cuerpo y sangre del miserable indio, en tanta manera que ä las veinticuatro horas que le habian herido estaba muerto rabiando.» See also: Jornada de Omagua y Dorado p. 447. «y al indio «(an Aruaquino)» hirieron con una de sus proprias flechas, para saber si era la yerba ponzonosa. Y otro dia, a aquella hora, muriö, sin haberlo dado mds heridas de cuanto sacö sangre.» ') OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. 379. *) Ibid., p. 433. *) Ibid., p. 240. •) Ibid., p. 246; (Struck in the eye). ') Ibid., p. 284; (ALFINGER'S death). was present on the occasion, and describes how it happened.1) There are also references from the area I investigated about arrow-poison in the iöth Century that was similar in its effect. Thus, P. DIEGO SAMANIEGO mentiones a soldier in Mojos who was slightly wounded in the chin by a poisoned arrow. He died in 5 days.2) In almost all the descriptions we read that a man wound- ed by arrow-poison died «rabiando», i. e. quite madwithpain. AGUADO,3) who describes the effect of the poison in detail, says that it reached the heart within 24 hours. The plant from which, according to authors from the time of the Discovery, the poison was obtained was man- zanillo (Hippomane mancinella). ENCISO4) mentions this Ibid., p. 353. «le dieron un flechaco, de que le hirieron en la espinilla de una pi- erna; y fue tan poca la fuer^a de la flecha y tan pequena la llaga, que no se le tuvo hineada la saeta, sino assi como le diö y le rompio el cuero y le saco un poco de sangre, en el momento se cayo la flecha en tierra, el hierro de la cual era un huesso de pescado, que llamamos raya. Mas la hierva era tal, que en el instante que este liombre fue herido, se vio que era mortal, porque aunque era hombre de mucho esfuerjo 6 de su persona se tenia experie^ia, y era tenido por de grande animo, des- mayö, y quassi rabiando, al ter^ero dia muriö.» ') Rel. Geogr. Vol. 2, p. LXXIX. «Ellos hirieron ä un soldado nuestro en la barba, y con ser la herida muy poca, muriö dentro cinco dias rabiando de hierba mortal que tienen.» *) (1) Vol. I, p. 153. «todos estos dafios y males causaba la pon- zonosa hierua, que en sus puntas trayan las flechas que los indios tira- ban solamente que la flecha hi^esa un pequeno rascuno en la carne de que tocaso o saliese sangre, era inremediable el mal y herida, porque cundiendo la poncona por la sangre adelante, les llegaba dentro de veynte y quatro horas al corazon, donde reynande con mas fuerza la ponzona de la hierba, causa en los hombres unos temblores y alborotamiento de cuerpo, y priuacion de juyjio, que les hazia decir cosas temerarias . . . .» ') xxiij. «e untanlas con yerba, y es tan ponzonosa la yerba que por dicha escapa hombre que con ella sea herido. Una de los cosas con que hacen la yerba, son unas manzanas que hay en aquella tierra, que son del grandor e color de las manzanas silvestres, 4 que llaman maquil- las de las desta tierra ...» from Sta. Marta, and LOPE DE OROZCO1) from the Ta- malameque Indians. The latter says that it worked more surely but more slowly than vedegambre de castilla. OVI- EDO2) describes the Manzanillo tree in detail. In a report of the governor JUAN PEMINTEL3) (Pimen- tel) from the province of Caracas, the poisoned arrows of the Indians are spoken of as very dangerous. But he states that the poison prepared from ma^anilla alone is not very dangerous, the dangerous effects being attributable in his opinion to the admixture of other ingredients, such as snakes, frogs, spiders, and the menstruation of women. Unfortunately he says nothing of how soon it worked. Ac- cording to LEWIN it would be impossible to prepare an ef- fective arrow-poison from Hippomane mancinella4.) It may be remarked that an arrow-poison which only works after several hours, or which takes days to work, is useless for hunting purposes. The advantage of curare is that it works so quickly that an animal, even if it be only *) P. 25. «unta con la leche de un arbol que comunmente los espano oles llarnan manzanillo por pareger su hoja y fruto a la del manjan- verdadero aunque el arbol es mucho mayor y aun el olor de la fruta no es mny vngrato aunque muy grave. Con la leche desta arbol que tiene mucha untauan sus flechas que bastaua para que con qualquiera herida aunque muy pequena el herido muriese o peligrase.» 2) Vol. I, p. 345. 8) P. 80. 1 por la mayor parte untan las flechas con yerva malis- ima con la qual an muerto muclios espanoles hazenla de una fruta que llaman manzanilla que son como man^anas pequenas amarillas que liue- len bien la yerva que es sola desta manzanilla no es muy mala aunque algunos con ella mueren pudre la carne y haze otros danos esta man- Zanilla suelen confe^ionarla con bivoros sapos y aranas metido todo esto en una tinajuela y alli se muelen desto y sangre de costumbre de muger y de otras cosas pon^onosas los haze una vieja que dizen que de hazer esta yerva se viene a morir presto...» 4) * Der Milchsaft des Manzinellen Baumes besitzt nur die Fähig- keit, an Geweben Entzündung zu erzeugen, mit denen er in innige Be- rührung gelangt. Durch Mengen davon, die an einem Blasrohrpfeile haf- ten kann weder Tier noch Mensch vergiftet werden.» slightly wounded, cannot get far away from the spot where it has been wounded. Moreover, in the old accounts there is no mention of the use of poison for hunting, but only for warf are. Ruiz BLANCO says expressly that the Cumanagoto Indians used poisoned, arrows for warfare, and non-poisonous ones .for hunting.1) It seems to follow from what I have adduced above that in the i6th Century the Indians in the whole of the north of the continent,2) in Lower Amazonas, and in Mojos, had an arrow-poison that was not curare}) This poison was evidently used for warfare, not for the hunt. It is probable that the spread of curare in the iöth Century was not nearly so extensive as now. This is pre- sumably connected with the fact that the blow-gun, as we shall see, is seldom inentioned in the literature of the iöth Century. It eould never have been of much Service as a hunting weapon without a poison that rapidly took effect. It may actually be that it was not until the migra- tions of the Hianacoto-Umäua or Carijona in the iöth cen- ') P. 56. «Las flechas de guerra son herbola'das con un veneno nior- tifero tan activo, que en rasguiiando es incurable la herida, y asi por 110 lastimarse las traen encanutadas y asi las disparan. El veneno es confeccion de menstruo, de yerbas nocivas y de animales ponzonosas. Para la caza usan de flechas sin yerba ...» a) LEWIN (p. 431) also points out that the poison used in the north of S. America 011 the north coast of Colombia cannot have been curare. He writes: «Auch das Pflanzenreich benutzten Indianer Columbischer Gebiete als Giftquelle für ihre Pfeile. Schon als das Land von Spaniern zuerst unter Lugo betreten wurde, mussten sie schlechte Erfahrungen mit Gift- pfeilen machen, die mit einem Pflanzen gift vesrehen waren. Viele der Eindringlinge gingen, von solchen Geschossen getroffen unter schrech- lichen Konvulsionen Zugrunde. Es konnte nach diesen Symptomen sich nicht um Curare handeln». 3) It does not appear to follow from what RAI.EGII says of the poi- son used by the Indians on the Rio Orinoeo- (p. 70) that it was curare. tury from Guiana to Upper Amazonas that curare came to be of great importance in a considerable portion of S. America. It is still to-day the Hianacoto-Umaua or Carijona who are the chief makers of poison in Upper Amazonas. Thus, WHIFFEN1) writes from the Indians on the Rio Yapura, «Good poison is very rare, and very much in de- mand. The most potent preparation is made by the Kara- hone (Carijona), who have great knowledge of poisons and are by far the cleverest toxicologists. The Menimehe un- derstand poisons to some extent, but are not the equals of the Karahone, from whom most of the tribes obtain their poisons by barter.» KOCH-GRÜNBERG2) relates that the Umaua (Carijona) barter with the Kobeua on the Cuduiary for European wares, iron tools, glass beads, and other articles in exchange for arrow-poison. Very few other tribes on the Upper Amazon are mak- ers. of poison, from which we may draw the conclusion that the preparation of arrow-poison is comparatively re- cent in these parts.3) The curiously isolated occurrence of curare among the Huanyam, Huari (?), and Mojo4) might possibly be explain- ed by its having been introduced here by the Caribbean Palmela. According to SEVERIANO DA FONSECA, as men- tioned, these Indians formerly lived at the Mission of San *) P. 144. On p. 91 WHIFFEN writes, «the poison of the Karahone reaches tribes unknown to the makers.» J) (2) Vol. 2, p. 65. s) According to CHANTRE Y HERRERA p. 97, the Ticuna and their neighbours were the only tribes who made poisons. RivET (1) (p. 50) writes about the poison of the Jivaro, «II n'est pas fabriquö par les Jibaros, qui l'acquierent par voie d'<5change des In- diens Ticunas, Yaguas ou Orejones de l'Amazone.» *) EDER p. 256. It is doubtful whether he refers here to a tribe in Mojos or to the Mojo tribe. Miguel, to which they had eome as fugitives, but they do not know themselves from where. There are now but few of them, and they are quite decultured.1) Possibly they also introduced the blow-gun here. The Palmela may have come in post-Columbian times to the Rio Guapore as fugitives from Guiana, like so many other Indian tribes, in order to escape the aggression of the whites, and per- haps to flee from diseases. It should be noted that the Chapacura, who are closely related, linguistically, with the Huanyam, have neither blow-gun nor curare, a further proof that the latter only learnt the use of these things in late times. The Pellet-bow. The pellet-bow is to be found here only among the Yuracare and Churapa, and among the mestizos around Sta. Cruz de la Sierra. This post-Columbian cultural de- ment (see Parts I and II) has reached these districts from the south-east. The Blow-pipe. In the area investigated, the blow-pipe now only oc- curs among the Huanyam. It consists of a bamboo stem, the diaphragms of which have been perforated with hard wood, sand, and water. From the Mojo, blow-pipes are mentioned by EDER; but this tribe no longer uses them. There is already a mention of blow-pipes from the district of Madre de Dios or Rio Beni in MALDONADO'S journey (1567) .2) FRIEDERICI, and after him PATER SCHMIDT, have written about the distribution of the blow-pipe in America. In Map 7 I have also tried to show the distribution of the blow-pipe, and have found it much more restricted than There are possibly also Palmela who are independen t of the whites. 2) It is impossible to determine with certainty how far east of the Andes MAI,DONADO went. He may have been as far as the Rio Ma- deira. (See ALONSO.) FRIEDERICI did. JOAO DANIEL, who does not localize his statements, cannot be cited as a proof of the Tapuya-Gez having had blow-pipes. FRIEDERICI, on the authority of NIEUHOF, says that the Tapuya-Gez had blow-pipes; but the latter speaks of throwing-sticks, not blow-pipes.1) It is evidently also a mistake to cite STADEN as a proof that the Tupinaquin had blow-pipes. In the Mar- burg edition (1557) we find about these Indians in Chap- ter XIX: «Und sie kereten mit den nachen wider umb zu denen ans landt und die off dem land schössen mit roren und pfeilen zu uns ein.» In the Hakluyt Society's edition «roren» is rendered by «blowpipe», and in the Säo Paulo edition by «sarabatana.» FRIEDERICI remarks, rightly enough, that the arrows could not be poisoned, as the In- dians here were not acquainted with arrow-poison. He should have known that blow-pipes with unpoisoned arrows are useless weapons against men. Nor, indeed, was it blow- pipes that the Tupinaquin Indians used, but channel-shaped throwing-sticks like the one from the Tapuya in the Museum at Copenhagen. UßRY, CLAUDE D'ABBEVILLE, SOARES DE SOUZA, and other important authors who have written about the Indians on the coast of Brazil, do not say a word about blow-pipes among these Indians. The distribution of the blow-pipe is much restricted, owing to the difficulties in obtaining suitable material for its manufacture. Many tribes, as is well known, have to procure it by barter from far away. Excellent material for blow-pipes is afforded by the uniformly thick canes of Arundinaria, especially when inserted into the scooped out stems of palms. We find this type of blow-pipe on the Rio Orinoco and in Guiana. In Upper Amazonas the blow- l) On p. 225, which FRIEDERICI cites, is written: «Eenige natien of volken der Tapuyers gebruiken gene boogen; maer Schieten hunne pij- len of javelijnen slechts met enn hantwerp uit een uitgeholt hout als een loop of buis, die en het midden in de lengte doorsneden is. De Ka- riri daer en tegen gebruiken bogen.» pipe, as is well known, is made of two sections of a palm- wood bound together (Iriartea etc.) in which a groove has been made. When these sections are fitted together, the grooves form a fine even bore, like the cane of Arun- dinaria. When made of the latter the calibre is fixed, whereas it is determined by the artificer in the case of the former. But the result seems to be about the same, i. e. 9 to 12 mm. The Huanyam blow-pipe of bamboo has a bigger 1 Fig. 13. Blow-pipe Quiver. Huanyam. /10. G. M. —15. 1. 646. calibre, i. e. 21 to 25 mm. It must therefore require greater power to blow from these. Nor is a bamboo reed of uniform thickness, since it widens somewhat, which must render it somewhat unsuitable for a blow-pipe. When, as in the case of the Huanyam, bamboo reeds are used as blow-pipes, it is for lack of more suitable material. Since the calibre of the blow-pipes used by the Huan- yam is unusually large, the ammunition must follow suit. The arrows for the Huanyam blow-pipes are about 73 mm. in length, while those we have from Guiana are about 33 mm., those from the Rio Negro area about 38 mm., and those from Jivaro about 32 mm. The Huanyam arrows are very heavy. There are very few statements from the iöth eentury about the use of blow-pipes. They are confined to Colom- bia and eastern Peru. On the coast of Peru has been found a woven fabric,' described by MAX SCHMIDT,1) representing a blow-pipe shooter. Presumably the Indians did not make much use of the blow-pipe in the iöth eentury. This, as has already been pointed out, is probably connected with the circumstance that curare was not then commonly spread among the Indians, and without a very rapidly effective poison the blow-pipe loses its importance. The explanation may also be that the blow-pipe made of two pieces of palm wood is a post-Columbian invention. Without a know- ledge of this ingenious way of constructing blow-pipes, it must have been exceedingly difficult, or quite impossible, for many tribes to find the material for making them. The blow-pipe that consists of two ribs of palm wood, and which is unknown outside S. America, must have been invented there. The blow-pipe quivers (Fig. 13) used by the Huanyam consist of a piece of bamboo reed enclosed in a palm spathe. KOCH-GRÜNBERG describes similar quivers from the Yekuanä.2) The Throwing-stick. According to what a Movima Indian told me, the first missionary who came to these Indians was killed by a wo- man with an arrow slung from a throwing-stick. EDER, in his well-known work, depicts an Indian from Mojos sling- ing an arrow with a throwing-stick. (See Fig. on Map. 12) This remarkable weapon has therefore also existed in the area under consideration. It has now disappeared. A peculiarity of the throwing-stick depicted by EDER is that it is provided with a so-called sword-knot, which prevents the weapon from being dropped by the thrower. ') (6). «) (4) Vol. 3, PI. 54. Much has been written1) about the distribution of dif- ferent kinds of throwing-sticks in S. America, and I will therefore confine myself to adding a few notes. Whereas the blow-pipe is seldom mentioned in the literature of the i6th Century, the throwing-stick is men- tioned from a number of tribes in Venezuela, Colombia, Upper Amazonas, Peru, and Ecuador. Numerous throw- ing-sticks have been found on the Peruvian coast. In ORKLLANA'S time the throwing-stick was in common use in Upper Amazonas,2) Düring the times of the Missions in the I7th and i8th centuries, the throwing-stick was in general use in Upper Amazonas.3) It has now, as we know, practically disappeared from there altogether. With regard to the distribution of the throwing-stick, it should be noted that it is evidently not a Guarani de- ment, as it is used neither by the Tupinamba on the coast of Brazil, nor by the Guarani in Paraguay. These Indians use mainly the bow and arrow. The throwing-stick is also foreign to the Caribs in general; they were, and are, In- dians of the bow. The Arawaks, on the other hand, have 1) See KRAUSE (2) and UHLE (13), (14). 2) OVIEDO Vol. 4, p. 555. 3) CHANTRE Y HERRERA (p. 88) gives such a good description of the throwing-sticks used by the Cocamas-Oniaguas that its shape is made clear to us. * Fue la estolita, arma muy usada de los guerreros del Inga, y viene & ser un palo tableado, de una vara de largo y tres dedos de ancho, es- trechandose ä proporcion hacia los extremos hasta rematar en punta. En el medio, donde mas se ensancha, tiene una figura de rosa, y por la parte interior que se junta a la mano hace una concavidad correspon- diente, & un dedo que se mete en ella, y con los demäs dedos se afi- anza. En la punta de arriba esta fijo un diente de hueso, en que hace presa una cana ö flecha de ocho palmos ...» See also: RIBEIRO DE SAMPAIO p. 73; SAUNAS p. LXXX; VEIGI, p. 265; PALOMINO p. XLVII; XUX, SAABEDRA p. CXLV; ORTIGUERA p. 322, JORNADA DE OMAGUA Y DORADO p. 429, 431; LAUREANO DE LA CRUZ p. 109; NOTICTAS AUTÄNTICAS (MARONI) p. 196; HERIARTE p. 48, 5°. 51. 55- evidently contributed to the spread of the throwing-stick. Its occurrence among the Gez tribes on the coast of Brazil points to its being very old. It has not been observed at a more southerly loeality in post-Columbian times than in the area here under consideration, save only on the Bra- zilian eoast. The most remarkable thing about the throwing-stiek in S. America is that it was the chief weapon among the primitive Tapuya on the east coast, just as it was the chief weapon in large parts of the cultural area in the west. As in most other places the throwing-stick has fallen into disuse in this area, while the blow-gun and, above all, the bow and arrow are left; even among the civilized Movima I have found the bow and arrow, but not of course the throwing-stick. How is this to be explained? I think a partial explanation is that when curare had be- come generally known in Upper Amazonas in post-Colum- bian times, the blow-gun must have superceded the throw- ing-stick. But even where the blow-gun does not occur, the throwing-stick has disappeared. There, for some rea- son or other, it has given place to the bow and arrow. Clubs. Only the following tribes have clubs: the Chacobo, small short clubs for the dance; the Huanyam, very short flat clubs, for dancing and possibly also for fighting; and the Huari, long double edged clubs, for fighting and dan- cing. Of the remaining tribes we know that in D'ORBIGNY'S time1) the Guarayü still had clubs like those used by the Huari, and also somewhat shorter clubs of a very similar shape. We find the same shape of club as among the Huari in the digging-spades and war-clubs of the Tsirakua and ') (2) See Atlas, costumes, no. 9. Mataco in the Gran Chaco, and in the digging-spades of the Mosetene. One of the clubs I brought away from the Huari is partly covered with wicker-work oi a pretty pattern. This custom of covering the clubs is also to be found among the Caraja (G. M. 23. 4. 4), the Caingua (G. M. 15. 8. 13), in N. Brazil and pretty generally in Guiana. In the older literature we have a mention by LIMA1) of clubs from the Indians on the Upper Rio Guapore, whict. could be used as both paddles and clubs.2) Slings. In this area the sling is only to be found among the Canichana and Itonama. I have already dealt with the distribution of this weapon in S. America in Part I. It is evidently a very old cultural element in the west and south. It was quite possibly introduced into this area as late as in post-Columbian times, together with stock-raising. Bolas. EDER mentions the bolas from the Mojo Indians. It was probably introduced in this area in post-Columbian time3) Traps, Snares etc. EDER4) mentions a curious system of catching birds by means of calabashes, which I only know from the An- tilles.5) Where there are wild ducks, some calabashes are thrown into the water. After the ducks have grown ac- customed to these, the fowler approaches with a calabash ') P- 404. ') It is quite possible that MAX SCHMIDT came across examples in the old literature of implements being put to two uses, such as he speaks of in his valuable article in Z. f. E. 1918. *) See NORDEXSKIÖLD (22) p. 45—46. «) P. 293- ®) LOVÄN p. 410. on his head. The ealabash is all that rises above the wa- ter. He now comes up and simply catches the bird with his hands. Pit-traps for jaguars are mentioned by AI.TA- MIRANO1) from Baure. Deep pits are dug, and covered over with twigs, etc., so that they look like ordinary ground. A jaguar that had fallen into one of these pits and been caught, was reserved for the chieftain to kill. Several of the early authors speak2) of these pit-traps for animals, and also for men, especially in connection with palisades. I have a number of models of traps and snares from the Mosetene, Guarayü (Guarayos and Pauserna), Cavina, and Tumupasa. Unfortunately we know very little about the traps and snares of the Indians, so that it is impossible to draw up maps of the distribution of the different types. The majority of the tribes presumably have some kind of trap- ping device of this nature, though it has escaped the no- tice of most explorers. It would be valuable to determine to what extent the different types of traps and snares are indigenous to America. Thus, for instance, the trap from the Tumupasa Indians, shown in Fig. 14, has its exact counterpart in West Africa.3) I have traps from the Cavina, Guarayos, Mosetene and the Tacana in Tumupasa. They are all constructed in a very similar fashion, as can be seen from the pic- tures (Fig. 14—22). The Caingua have similar traps.4) The traps mentioned by CHANTRE Y HERRERA5) from Mainas were probably constructed on the same principle. The Cavinas sometimes set a gun up as a trap. They have learnt this from the whites, but possibly they used to ') P- H3- J) See my treatise No. 20. 3) See AVELOT et GRITTY Fig. 8. 4) AMBROSETTI (7) p. 731. 5) P. 88. Fig. 15. Bird-trap from the Cavina Indians. Fig. 16. Trap for marsupials. From the Pauserna. An aminal stepping on the peg (A), makes it drop down, whereby (B) comes away, and the snare is pulled tight. Fig. 17. Model of trap for jaguars and stnaller felinae from the Mose- tene Indians. Bolivia. The bait is fastened to the stick B, which stretches between A and C. If an animal touches the bait, B falls, C goes up, and the logs covered with stones fall and crush it. ih Fig. 18. Trap for large and small mammals from the Mosetene Indians, Bolivia. The bait A is fastened to the stick B. If an animal touches the bait, B falls, and the logs with stones fall and crush it. Fig. 19. a. Trap for fairly large rodents, armadillos, etc. b. Trap for pigeons. Guarayu (Guarayos). Fig. 20. Trap for pigeons. Cavina. If the pigeon alights on the perch (A), the latter drops down, and the snare closes. Fig. 21. Snare for a large rodent, COELOGENYS PACA, From the Cavina. A 2. Side view. Fig. 21. Snare for a large rodent, COET.OGEXYS PACA, From the Cavina. A 3. An animal's gnawing away at the manioc root (A), which by means of (C) secures the spring, will cause (C) to work loose and the spring to fly upwards, drawing tight the noose formed by the string (D—B), and strangling the animal. Fig. 21. Snare for a large rodent, COELOGENYS PACA. From the Cavina. A i. Showing the strangled animal suspended by the string (B—D). Fig. 22. Snare for small rodents. From the Cavina. An animal stepping on the peg (A), makes it drop down, whereby (B) comes away, and the snare is pulled tight. Fig. 23. Fox-trap from the Toba. set up bows and lances as traps, and then employed the gun instead. The most primitive snares are those of the Cavina (Fig. 15). Most of the snares are constructed on the prin- ciple that the bird or mammal knocks or presses down a stick. When this is loosened, the snare is drawn together, as the pictures show. This type, .with variations, is to be found among the Pauserna and Cavina, of the tribes in this area. It is also known from the Choroti, the Chane, the Cainguä, and from the nortli-west of Brazil. A cleverly constructed snare is used by the Cavina to catch Hochi pintado.1) The pieture indicates its construc- tion. (Fig. 21). The Pauserna have also snares for alliga- tors. Although it is really out of place, I give a pieture of a snare from the Toba (Fig. 23). The snare itself is sup- lied by a cleft-stick in which the animal is strangled. Fox- es are caught in this ingenious contrivance. Climbing Trees. The Indian hunter must be a good climber in the for- ests, or eise too many wounded monkeys will escape him. In climbing up tall, straight stems some Indian tribes use climbing-rings that are fastened to the feet. J have seen similar climbing-rings, braided for the imniediate purpose from a liana, among the Atsahuaca. 'l'he Chäma have climbing-rings of rope which they take with them when they go hunting, in case they should be wanted. There are not many references in books to climbing- rings, and it is always temporary ones that are referred to. B1.EYER2) mentions them from the Schokleng, WIED3) from ') COELOGENYS PACA. ') P- 833. 3) P. 27. the Puri, WHIFFEN1) from the North-West Amazon Indi- ans, CREVAUX2) from the Apalay, and GILIJ3) from the Rio Orinoco Indians. We have here presumably a eultural element with an extensive distribution, but one that has been noticed by only a few travellers. *) P. 106. 2) P. 298. (See also p. 255). *) (2) P- 252- TABLE TO MAP 4. Xingü sewed feathering. Number on the Tribes Authors Map 14 Bororo MEYER PI. LX, 17. G. M. — 24. 1. 4. 28 Bakairi, » » — » » 18. Auetö, MEYER. Yaulapiti, G. M. — 17. 13. 11. Kamayura, » » — » » 10. Trumai » » — » » 12. 43 Huanyam G. M. — 15. 16. 98. 254 Kayabi MAX SCHMIDT (8). TABLE TO MAP 5. East Brazilian feathering. Number on the Tribes Authors Map 13 Caraja PATER SCHMIDT. G.M. -23.4-I0' 14 Bororo » » » » 24.1-5- 15 Cayapo » » » » 16.5.113. 16 Guato MAX SCHMIDT » » 24.1. 24. 21 Cainguä » » 15.8.25. 28 Trumai, PATER SCHMIDT. Kamayurä » » 29 Caingang » » (Came) 30 Guayaqui » » 33 Campa » » » » 21.10. 103. 40 Guarayü » » 13. 1. 622. (Guarayos) 4I Guarayü » » 15. 1. 823. (Pauserna) 45 Botokuds » » 50 Savaje KRAUSE (I). 56 Mundurueü PATER SCHMIDT. 60 Apiaca » » 77 Tapirape » I> 97 Puri » » 98 Tembe LANGE. 255 Chavante PATER SCHMIDT. Number on the Tribes Authors Map 2ÖI Tapuya PATER SCHMIDT. 262 Crenem G. M. — 15. 1. 1234. 293 Canella KISSENBERTH (I). 294 Craos PATER SCHMIDT. 301 Coeruna » » I S Mtira » » 3P Maue » » 5« Parintintin G. M. — 23. 3. 168. X Yuruna PATER SCHMIDT. V 8 Peba » » TABLE TO MAP 6. Strengthening of the butt end of the arrow. By inserting Butt end Number a wooden bound 011 the Tribes Authors plug or th~ round with Map like thread 14 Bororo + MEYER PI. LX, Fig. 16. 16 Guato + MAX SCHMIDT (3) Fig. 58 a—51 c. 22 Yuraeare + G. M.—15.1.265. Very seldom. 23 Churapa + R. M.— TJ. 103. 28 Trumai + G. M.— 24. 1. 18. 31 Trio, Ovana + G. M.— 23. 1.26. 32 Atsahuaca, Yami- + R.M.—05. 16. aca. 40 Guarayü + G.M. —13.1.622. 1 41 Pauserna + » —15.1.818. 47 Patamona, etc. + G.M.--12.1.237. 48 Guariua + KOCH-GRÜN- (Rio Yapura) BERG (2) Vol 2, p.316, Fig. 218. 5I Siriono + R. M. — S. 28. 62 Chacobo + R. M. —Ch. 143. 133 Schirianä + KOCH-GRÜN- BERG (4) Vol 3, PI. 47. FIG- 8. 150 Movima + R. M. 183 Unknown Tribe. + G. M. — 15. 1. Upper Rio Guapore 1614. 184 Pano-Indians + G. M. — 17. 13. iE Cayubaba + R. M. — F. 11. 6X Tambopata-Gua- + R. M. — 05. 16. rayo (Chäma) 8o =1a öi l« i s« w0 Ö .5 »- <1 0S«;»B3 o u Q a5 + B » "o rt— 0 *0 „ -»•gg. 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The Indians fish with the bow and arrow, with poison, with a fish-gig, with small wicker traps, land- ing-nets, baskets, and hooks. The S. American Indians have as a rule very little fishing-tackle. Of real impor- tance are only the shooting of fish, fishing with poison, and nowadays also angling. Fishing with the bow and arrow presumably occurs here among all the tribes that still retain their true Indian civilization, and even among tribes that have lost it, such as the Maropa and the Cayubaba, who do not now use the bow and arrow for hunting. Special arrows are gener- ally used for fishing, often with several prongs. I have already dealt with the distribution of multipronged arrows in Part II of this series. They have a distinctly north- easterly distribution. The Churapa fish with very long arrows, the single prongs of which are made of Chonta wood, and are heavy. I did not see any harpoons among the tribes I visited, and the harpoon-arrow only among the Yamiaca, where the chieftain, Mama, made them. A Tuyoneiri Indian whom I came across among the Atsahuaca, had obtained one of these arrows from Mama, and was very proud of it. On the Map (8) I have tried to show the distribution of the harpoon-arrow and of the harpoon. In several places the possibility is not precluded of the Indians having learnt the use of the harpoon from the whites and negroes. The oecurrence of this weapon from Cumana to Tierra del Fuego and its occurrence in old graves, such as Arica, shows, how- ever, that it must be an extremely old cultural element in S. America. In fact, I would call it one of the very oldest. On the Map (8) I have also tried to show the distribution of monopronged and mtfltipronged fish-gigs. The Mojo had three-pronged ones, the Guarayü monopronged ones which were always used by twos in fishing for eel. Ofthe possible development of the fish-gig from the pole used to propel rafts and canoes, I have already spoken in Part II. This is no Caribbean cultural element, nor is it typieal for the Guarani. Those Guarani Indians who have them are the Guarayü and Chiriguano, who migrated from their original habitat in late times. It is possibly Arawakian, or may even have been invented in several different places.1) Of fishing with poison I have already spoken in Part II. It is probably practised here by all, or almost all the tribes, though I was not able to witness it everywhere. It is a cultural element with a very wide distribution in S. America. The plants I have seen used for poisoning fish are «barbasco» (Serjania perulacea) and «ochohö» (Hura crepitans). In the area I explored, the Indians now never use nets or seines. In places where they were used in the i8th Cen- tury they had been introduced, according to EDER,2) by Europeans. As can be seen from the Map (9), a small num- ber of tribes have small dip-nets mounted on a round ring. Among the Guarayü I have seen women catch small fish with these dip-nets. In the Chaco, on the other hand, the dip-nets are mounted on two pliable or stiff rods, as can be seen from the illustrations in my «Indianerleben», and on the Map 9 here. ') Dr EOEWENTHAI, speaks of spearing with fire-light in different parts of the world. %) P- 303. In considerable areas of S. America there are 110 nets, seines, or dip-nets. Thus, they are not mentioned by EH- RENREICH or STEERE in dealing with the Indians 011 the Rio Purus, nor by AMBROSETTI from the Caingua, nor, as far as I know, from any Gez tribe. ACUNA1) says nothing of fishiug with dip-nets or nets in Rio Amazonas. The nets mentioned by Si'ix from the half-civilized Indians of Ama- zonas, were probably introduced by the whites. The same may be assumed of the big nets used by the Carajä. But in the west and in the soiith the seine is presumably pre- Columbian, for there is already a pieture of one in BEN- ZONI from tlie Peruvian coast, and GOICUETA already men- tions them from Clionos. Nets or seines with sinkers only occur in the west from I,ago Titicaca to Jivaro. One should therefore be cautious in deelaring stones that are bored through or grooved to be sinkers when they are found else- where in archaeological excavations. In old aecounts, e. g. in GOMARA, there is a mention of «redes.» In rendering this word we must bear in niind that it may mean 'dip-net' rather than 'net'. KRAUSE is the only author known to nie who speaks of nets set out overnight, i. e. nets that the fislierman quits. As I have already stated, I am of opinion that the Carajä learnt this mode of fisliing from the whites. The seines in I,. Titicaca are liauled long from two rafts. This was also the old way of fisliing along the coast of Peru. The Guarayos catch sniall fish in swampy places with large baskets resembling sieves.2) The method of basking- fishing is to push the basket carefully under the aqueous ]>lants and then raise it, tliereby bringing up the siuall fish that have been hing among them. Big oval baskets are used for catching eel, etc. Two men hold the basket3) obliquely to the bed of the stream, while one or more ') i>. 70. !l E. N-n (9) 1 ig. 105. 3) E. N-d (•>) Fig. 100. others strike the bed with poles to frighten the fish into the basket, which is then swiftlv raised so as to capture the fish. In the partially overgrown part of the lake at Yaguarü in Guaravos, weirs of palm-leaves are wattled where the fish collect, which makes the basket-fishing more productive. In the wliole of the area explored by nie, it was only the Tambopata-Guarayo who had genuine Indian fish- hooks. They are made of wood (see Fig. 6X, Map 10). The fish-hook is evidently a western cultural element in S. America, and the Tupinamba Indians presumablv got it Fig. '/12. Fisli-Trap. Huanyam. (1. M. — 15. 1. 01S. from the west. It was probably through them, however, that the Ineas first became acquainted with European fish- hooks.1) On Map 10 is shown the distribution of the fish- hook according to RIVET and others. The Figs. in Map 10 show the most important varieties of it. The fish-hook must be a very old cultural element in S. America, with an arrested diffusion in the area of the Amazon owing to the frequent occurrence of the greedv palometa (Serro- saluio). The Huanyam and the Guarayü (Guaravos) have a kind of simple little wicker-work trap without a bar (Fig. 24). Among the former I saw how they barricaded a brook with a palisade. In the openings of the palisade •) ]•;. N-d. (-M). were placed junkets of this type. When the fish got into these they could not turn, stuck, and were thus caught. Similar junkets are mentioned by KOCH-GRÜNBERG1) from the Indians on the Rio Aiary in N. W. Brazil, and from the Taulipang2) and the Yekuana.3) The Leiden Museum has one of these junkets from Surinam. A trap for pec- eary, constructed on the same principles, is reprodueed by FARABEE from the Waiwai in Guiana.4) The Cayubaba have a curious kind of basket (Fig. 185 on Map 11) that they use in swampy places. They creep up and throw the basket over the fish, which they then take out of the upper opening in the basket. I have already spoken of these baskets in Part I. They are known to us from the Ashluslay, I,engua, Taulipang, MacuJi, Tembe and Wapisiana, as well as from the Indians on the Upper Rio Xingu. They are probably to be found among other tribes in the intervening country as well, though they have not been observed by explorers. Fishing-tackle that is only used for a short time of the year, easily escapes the notice of a traveller who may not be visiting the tribe at that season. Fishing-tackle of precisely the same type is also found in the Congo and in the Dutch Indies. Though KARL V. D. STEINEN came across it 011 the upper Rio Xingu, I am by no means convinced that it was not introduced into S. America by negro slaves. It may have reached the Upper Rio Xingü through escaped negroes. We have another example of a cultural element found among the Indians of Rio Xingü which is of African origin, viz. the side-blown trumpet. ') (2) Vol. 2, Fig. I5. 2) (4) Vol. 3, PI. 18, Fig. 1. ') (4) Vol. 3, P. 342. 4) (3) Fig. 38. TABLE TO MAP 8. Harpoon and Fish*gig. Od QH harpoon- arrow har- fish- Tribes Authors and Notes poon g'g M used for used for fishing hunting 4 Chiriguano 4- v. ROSEN (I) PI. XIV. (Two-pronged). J. DE ACOSTA Vol. I, p. 236. 8 Lengua 4- GRUBB p. 81. 10 Araucanians 4- 4- GUEVARA (I) p. 90. MOUNA (2) p. 194. (Monopronged). 12 Mbaya + SÄNCHEZ-LABRADOR Vol. I, p. 223. 13 Caraja 4- KRAUSE (I) p. 249. 14 Bororö + STEINEN (3) Fig. 137. 9. 16 Guatö + MAX SCHMIDT (3) Fig. 71. 19 Aymara 4- NEVEU-LEMAIRE p. 75. (Three-pronged). 25 Mojo 4- EDER p. 306. (Three-pronged). 37 Motilon 4- BOUNDER (2) G. M. — 16. 3- 315- 38 Tupinambä 4- CLAUDE DABBEVILLE Fol. 307. SOARES DE SOUZA p. 282. 39 Goajiro 4- 4- BOLINDER. G. M. — 24. 2.330. G.M. —24.2.340. 40 Guarayü 4- R. M. — G. 175. (Monopronged). 46 Conibo 4- IZAGUIRRE Vol. 1, p. 309. FARABEE (2) p. 83. 47 Patamona etc. + THULIN. G. M. — 12. 1. 461. 48 Yahüna + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (2) Vol. 2, p. 32. c o ft harpoon- arrow har- fish- Xi Tribes Authors and Notes £ V used for used for poon gig 3 -0 fishing hunting z ** 48 Huhutene and + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (2) other Indians Vol. 2, p. 34, Fig. 9. (Three-pronged) 55 Galibi + BARRERB p. 156. 61 Indians of Rio + WHIFFEN p. 113, PI. Putumayo XXVIII, Fig. 6. (Three- pronged). 63 Yaiftiaca + R. M. — 05. 16. 557. E. N—D. 68 Omagua + I,AUREANO DE LA CRUZ p. 100. » Indians in + CHANTRE Y HERRERA Mainas p. 106. 90 Curuaya + SNETHLAGE (2) p. 413. 97 Coroado + FREYREISS p. 271. (Two-pronged). 99 Cumanagoto + GOMARA p. 207. (Did their spearing by torch- light). I35 Totumaco + RIVERO p. 20. I43 Capina + HERIARTE p. 60. (Point of bone). 172 Condagua + OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. 276. 173 Churruyes + SAENZ. 174 Indians of Rio + GUMILLA Vol. 1, p. 323. Orinoco 175 Indians of Rio + » » » » 292. Orinoco 176 Indians of Rio + OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. 222. Orinoco 195 Pioje + COLINI (3) p. 371. 239 All tribes of + 1) IM THURN p. 245. British Guiana Also for turtles Savanna tribes. 2) True Caribs. s O D. harpoon- L. har- fish- S arrow .0 S Tribes Authors and Notes poon s s used for used for gig 3 Ä Z fishing hunting 240 Tama + PREUSS (I) p. 21. 295 Cabo Blanco + OUTES (9). IS Müra + THERESE OF BAYERN (I) PI. II. 3. 2 M Wapisiäna + FARABEE (I) p. 59. STEGELMANN 136. 4A Tauare + p. 7S Arawak + QUANDT p. 205, 227. 8 A Maxoruna + OSCULATI p. 213. 8 X Guarauno +2 ) + +1) G. M. — 12. 1. 500. SCHOMBURGK (2)1) Vol. 1. p. 126. (Light spears). PLASSARD2) p. 590. IV Alakaluf + COOPER. XI Yamamadi + EHRENREICH (2). (Two-pronged). XV Yahgan + COOPER. A Indians of the + GARCILASSO Vol. 1, p. 262. coast of Peru B Finds by Arica + UHLE (10) p. 6. MASON (3) p. 214. G. M. 19. 1. 2. (SKOTTSBERG'S collection). am Finds by Taltal + ' + EVANS (I) p. 21. X4 Payagua AZARA (2) p. 365. (To hunt Yacare and Capybara). Not ACUSA p. 69, 71. on the Indians of the + + Map Rio Amazon » o 0« ) rt™ tfiä •3 -3 3 3 S 3 o aj o ü « s V 3 "S D IAo ^ =C3d HJ o Ctdj bre- •o Ph d 1 O, v -O o-> £ ^ s 00 •ca ü^ «U; 41 3 o CL V H 0! {H o - T3 " £ A S is .9 ? 'S - -3 f S ! »I 0 + + + 4-4- + + + ^5 s i> S C -J ü ~ o g3 3cd ,o3 cd *3 t3 o '3 •a:£h ls> l§> cq Ct MOOOTj-in^OI^OOOrO no l.lquiu\ + + + scd U •ö -cd -cd ß t cd cd E H -cud I & cd o cd ß » ß M ü s s 'S* ^ cd ^ cd cd b C >-? > S « £ a, 3 m H >o ü« £ " « d st « ••3 0 s* s y1 o oi d W + s * <1 + + + + + 3§ S 9 o . tJ « •§ -p 2 u Z N 5 -fl •^b ~o , 3§ II H°B o o _o E c O CS SO -cj c« 05 3 5a e a.s - 5 »« 3c S 3 I 3 '-3 £ '-3 £ > •o O £ Ü ft H c dujv aq^ o t^ uo J3quxn^ Ml Cj C J3 tn rv. oi •4 tJ - + + + + + + + + S S B ' rt ra2 s ^ a C n 5 No cS cS es ° ° « ^ < in tn bp h n <3 cSd OfH aÖ fl ^d «Og Ja .2 a § 5 -a.3 3 J=l •jt^ Tl3ä c^d -P •s s 2 CS CS u o Ö Ö HH H-% Q H H ft v>OJ MIN 3 H cd 5 2 cn cd —.2i &w Iß a a tu B > 2 « n-> PO V 3 Ol « B "S -o er o .2 <" o S PJ p* cn pV< •o ü .s. m ä PO B 13 3 o tu cd .p Ö n , • |H 8 •8 o o RT O 43 CJ ä > 2 Cd bo •o oö; -csd Cd tn a ^ 3 S W -o O o a N V -O + 'S * < SS 3 n C + + •J s ä 9 v ^ O £ •*a« - XI tn 03 0 cd CJ B J(LSI '3 ' -4-> o * 2 a -cd~ tn V B B CÖo dl £ § tn ^ 1 ° 0 oi >-H a > m 00 U-) no JaqranNj O > TABLE TO MAP 10. Fishhooks. Number on the Tribes Authors Notes Map 8 Lengua GRUBB p. 81. Of bone or wood. 10 Araucanians MEDINA p. 186. Of spines. 33 Campa G. M. — 21. 10. 148. Of wood. OTTONORDENSK J ÖLD 's collection. 38 Tupinambä LFIRY Vol. 2, p. 7. Of spines. CLAUDE D'ABBEVILLE P- 307- 48 Indians of the WALLACE p. 351. Palm spine fish-hooks. Rio Uaupes 61 Uitöto etc. WHIFFEN p. 112. «For fish-hooks these tribes have hardly any- thing but those that they contrive for them- selves from wood, bone or spines . . . The Witoto fakwasi is a fish-hook made of wood or palm spine. A spine is fastened to a fine stick...» FARABEE (2) p. 138. «A very effective hook is made by tying the spine of Astrocaryum to a stick.» 141 Southern Chile GOICUETA p. 518. Of wood. See also COOPER p. 188. 142 Finds in the BRYCE-WRIGHT Fig. Of gold. district of Je- 84. rico, Antioquia 143 Capinas HERIARTE 60. Of bone. Mainas FIGUEROA p. 208. Of wood. Number on the Tribes Authors Notes Map I96 Ubirajara SOARES DE SOUZA Of spines. P- 348- 197 Anioipira SOARES DE SOUZA «Pesca este gentio com P- 347- uns espinhos tortos que lhe servem de anzoes.» 226 Uitoto PREUSS (I) p. 71 etc. «Als Lohn gab ihm der Geheilte einem Angel- haken aus dem Ellbo- gen der Fledermaus mit einem natürlichen Wie- derhaken. » 236 Ciones HARDENBURG p. 82. 237 Copiapo,1) MEDINA Fig. 123. Of copper. Chile 238 Paine, near MEDINA Fig. 120. Of stone and bone. Santiago1) 242 Taltal1) CAPDEVILLE Lam 4, «De concha nacarada» Fig. 10. 288 Anza, etc.1) ARSANDAUX and Of gold. (Prof of Antio- RIVET (15) p. 172. quia) 289 Popayan1) UHLE (I) Vol. 1, PI. » 22, Fig. 5. 290 La Tolita et Is- ARSANDAUX and » land of Tola1) RIVET (15), p. 173. (Ecuador) 291 Chilintomo near JIJON Y CAAMANO (2). » Babahoyo1) (Ecuador) 6X Tambopata- R. M. — 05. 16. 358. Of wood. Guarayo E. N—D (2) Fig. 35. 8N Zaparo ORTON p. 169. Of bone. I Guarani DOBRIZHOFFER Vol. 1, P- 343- AZARA (I) Vol. 2, P- 57- Of wood. *) Archceological finds. Number on the Tribes Authors Notes Map Coast of Peru1) REISS and STÜBEL Vol. 3, PI. 82, Fig. 32—34- COBO Vol. 4, p. 226. Of copper. B Arica1) UHLE (I) Vol. I, PI. Of stone and bone; 25, Fig. 20; UHLE (10) PI. XI. Fig. 1. 4. 5. G. M. — 19.1.154; 20. Of spines. 1. 25. SKOTTSBERG'S collec- tion. ') Archceological finds. TABLE TO MAP n. The Cayubaba*basket. Number on the Tribes Authors Map 2 Ashluslay E. N—D. 8 Lengua GRUBB p. 81 and Fig. p. 231. 28 Baka'iri K. v. D. STEINEN (3) p. 236. 47 Taulipang and KOCH-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3, p. Macusi 74—75- 98 Tembe Letter from NIMUENDAJÜ. 185 Cayubaba R. M. — F 1. KELLER-LEUZINGER« (from Mojo Indians?) 2 M Wapisiana FARABEE (I). VI. Weapons for Attack and Defence. All the Indians in this area who still use native wea- pons, fight with the bow and arrow. They have the same weapon for the fight and the chase. The Huari, and pos- sibly the Huanyam, have war-clubs. The Siriono use their bows as clubs. I have already dealt with clubs. Accor- ding to ARLET the Canichana used to have javelins. Lan- ces are unknown here. The shield is no longer in use, but was formerly employed, just as was the throwing-stick mentioned in a previous section. Palisades are mentioned in «Eettres edifiantes» and by ALTAMIRANO from the Baure. With the distribution of this cultural element in S. America I have dealt in a special article published in Ymer, to which I beg to refer. Palisades appear to me to be a predominantly north-wes- terly cultural element, spread by the Arawaks and Gua- rani. They are used by the larger and more important tribes. That there should have been palisades in this area among the highly developed Arawakian Baure, strikes me as very natural. Shields are mentioned by ALTAMIRANO from the Baure, and by CASTIIXO and EDER from the Mojo. There are now no tribes in Mojos with shields, and, in fact, there are very few tribes indeed in S. America that use shields. In the old literature, on the other hand, there are frequent references to shields. The shield has disappeared because the stronger and more important tribes have lost their ori- ginal culture.1) The shield is not a defensive weapon of any importance to the small tribes that fight with bow and arrow. It was preeminently a defensive weapon against the lance, as it still is among the Jivaro, against the dart flung by the throw- ing-stick, and in fighting against clubs. From Map 12 we can see that the shield was used in the west and north-west of S. America, in Upper Amazonas, and by the Tupi on the coast of Brazil. The Caribs had as a rule no shields. KARL V. D. STEINEN found no shields on the Upper Rio Xingü. Migratory tribes never have shields. Fig- 25- Vr Curious and unique in S. America are tThooün'g hhdl the three-cornered arrow-heads (Fig. 10) Chan ') Modern investigators have, as a matter of fact, only studied re- mote and uneivilized tribes, or tribes that have now lost their original culture to a large extent. the bone of the upper-arm as arrow-heads. ARLET states that the Canichana made bowls of the skulls of their fall- en enemies. Touching the distribution of similar trophies among the American Indians, I beg to refer to FRIEDE- RICI'S well-known work, «Skalpieren, etc.» TABLE TO MAP 12. The Shield. Material Form 0e cu rt TJ S S V Tribes u Authors and Notes •O I a v S 5 I Woo d m 1 5 S.S Roun d (0 £ E" 5 10 Araucanians + + MEDINA p. 129. 18 Quichua + + + COBO Vol. 4, p. 193.«Y todas traian en las espaldas unas rodelas oequenas tejidas de varas de palma y algodon: y lo mismo traian otras algo mayores en las + manos, no redondas sino prolongadas como escudos, para amparar la cabeza de los palos y pedrados.» Incas, XEREZ 99: «Traen rodelas Cajamarca que ellos mismos hacen de tablillas angostas y muy fuertes.» BERTONIO. 19 Aymara Prim. Parte p. (Pacajes) 17. «querari.» MERCADO DE PENALOSA t + p. 59. «rodelas traidas de los Yungas.» 25 Mojo + CASTILLO p. 341. «Adargas que tienen algunos muy fuertes y bien hechas, de unas canuelas redondas trenzadas con hilo fuerte de algodon y unidas muy apretadamente.» 4- EDER (Fig. 25 on Map 12). 34 Jivaro 4- 4- G. M. — 20. 7. 275. RrvET (1) p. 51. o Material Form I o p. * ? 'S 5 E Tribes -o T3 II Authors and Notes g j. g •Va II M § <3 ä 0 er Es 3 8.S n « CFL 15 ® V" 35 38 Tupinamba PERO LOPES DE SOUZA p. 18. «Todas apavezadas de pa- vezes pintados como os # nossos.» Bahia + SOARES DE SOUZA p. 329. «Alguns pavezes, que fa- cem de um päo molle e muito leve.» Maranhao + + CLAUDE D'ABBEVILLE Fol. + 289. « Rondaches.» Rio de Janeiro LßRY Vol. 2, p. 33. «Ron- + delles faites du dos y du plus espais cuir sec de cest animal qu'ils nomment Tapiroussou . . . y sont de + fa$on larges, plates & ron- des comme le fond d'un tabourin d'Alemand.» Santos + STADEN p. 154. (The English edition). 48 a Desäna + + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (2) Vol. I, p. 344. (Only for dance) G. M. — 16. 5. 59. 48 b Yahuna + + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (2) Vol. 2, p. 287. 55 Galibi + BIET p. 381. « Rondaclies.» 61 Menimehe + + WHIFFEN p. ri6. 65 Baure + ALTAMIRANO p. 109, « Adar- gas entretejidas de hilo de algodön y de canas + bastantes para resistir el golpe de las flechas.» BARAZE p. 113. Ö Material Form •o T3 V Ü* Tribes •e V Ii J4 C Authors and Notes 0 rt o ä 3 rS * 5 ffl er p (4 Cß 68 Omagua + OVIEDO Vol. 4, p. 555. « Pa- vesses.» + + MARONI p. 196. «Las rodelas que llevan para su de- fensa son de canas hendidas y tejidas apreta- damente, a distinetion de las de los Tapuyas1) que son de cuero, de Danta, raigon de palo 0 tejidas con Iiilos de chambira.» Mainas + + + + CHANTRE Y HERRERA p. 88. «Los Omaguas en lugär de estos mimbres 0 bejueos se valen de hojas de caiia que llaman brava, que bien entretejidas, unidas + + + y guarnecidas de buen cerco, forman unas rode- las impenetrables a cuan- tas armas usan los demas indios.» FIGUEROA p. 255. «Las armas defensibas son rodelas, que las hacen de pellejos de dantas y de cana 0 bejueo texidas, 6 de raigones de higuerones A estas tambien las ador- nan con plumas de varios colores, 0 las pintan.» 1) Tapuya Was the name given bythe Omagua to the Indians who did not speak Guarani. e Material Form o •O s a ja u W Tribes -d •0 ü Authors and Notes 0 •o a JS M ci a v 0 V O S JS 3 tn ti « er 55 3 O. O CO •tnC ^ Indians of + G. DE CARVAJAL p. 31. Machifaro « Pabeses que son de con- chas de lagartos y cueros de manaties.» Upper Amazon + ORTIGUERA p. 331. + LAUREANO DE LA CRUZ p. 4- 100 « Rodelas.» RIBEIRO DE SAMPAIO p. 77, 4- 82 « Broqueis.» Rombos, not far 4- HERIARTE p. 60. from Omaguas 79 Maquiritare + + ERNST (I) PI. IX, Fig. 8. «Mit Rehfell überzogen.» 85 Juri 4- + MARTIUS (I) p. 505. 94 Manacicas Indi- FERNANDEZ Vol. 2, p. 72. ans inChiquitos «Fabricaban de plumas Bolivia bellisimos eseudos.» 95 Chibcha 4- RESTREPO p. 147. «Grandes paveses de cortezas de ar- boles con que los guer- reros tundamas se eubrian hasta la cabeza.» 137 Achagua + + RlVERO p. 112. «Rodela de caiias delgadas y flexibles.» 186 Palicur 4- 4- BARRERE PI. p. 168. «D'un bois extremement leger.» 199 Indians of the ANDAGOYA p. 41. province of «Large shields covering Biru the whole body.» 200 Indians of the 4- HENESTROSSA p. 85. province of « Broquelejos de madera.» Xauxa, Peru 204 207 206 205 203 202 201 Number on the Map 1 Valle Umäua Indians Chogues Colombia Indians Corbagos Naua, Guypunavis Rio Rio Juruä Amazonas de Tribes of of Patia, the the + + + + Wood Material + + + + T3 W V Strips lashed together + n u + + + + Form TS « 0 a + Square OVIEDO SOLANO CHANDLESS TOLOSA OVIEDO CASTELEANOS GASPAR PATER « «Paveses «Adargas bien zaderas de mente largo biertos cuero brazo rodela y hechas. pies duras.» corte^as con delas.» de Cada estrellas.» danta danta rodelas ä hechas Authors SCHMIDT. forrada de izquierdo.» cual 234. Vol. DE de p. de la Vol. totalmente pintadas aseguran de de que garganta.» medianos (2) 277. CARVAJAL venados que cuatro la indio 2, and arboles, 2, de «su p. palo.» sus gruesa cubre p. p. madera p. «estan Notes dos exterior 457. 309,«Ro- con pelea embra5a- 306. con 282. pies con en y 0 de abra- p. paves de soles muy piel bien una cu- el 47. de es los de B Material Form 0 a. | Tribes V * Authors and Notes Ma ] 1 O lashe d & •v «c 3 th e Squar e X Roun d logethe r Numbe r Strip s Not on SIMON (2) Vol. 1, p. 195. the Map Llanos, + + Venezuela «Con pabeses de un palo liviano y muy trabado, ä modo de una tabla larga con su manija, que les cubre desde la cabeza ä la rodilla.» 208 Indians near the + ORTIGUERA p. 372. mouth of Rio « Paveses de cuero de dan- Amazonas + tas.» 209 Tapanyuna + + KRICKEBERG Fig. 103. 210 Cario + SCHMIDEN p. 80. + «Grosse rodeile oder pa- bessen.» 211 Karkhokhie + SCHMIDEN p. 94. «Pabessa «Corocotoque » vonn annda gemacht oder rodella.» 212 Guaypi + + OVIEDO Vol. 2, p. 305. «Traen fuertes adargas de dantas 0 de tales animales que nuestras saetas no las pueden passar; y son tan grandes que cubre una adarga de aquellas un + hombre, e son de un cuero e pieca sola, sin costura ni pintura, puesto que son redondas y en medio tie- nen sus manijas muy bien hechas.» TOLOSA 234. «Adarga.» Ö Material Form o •V * 5 V ^ s JS u 213. Indians of the MARTYR p. 83 (GAFFAREI/S Island of edition) Trinidad MICHELENA Y RÖJAS p. 122 + + VESPUCIO in NAVARRETE Vol. 3, p. 5237. «quorum quoque complures parmas + etiam quadratave scuta / / gerebant.» CASTELEANOS p. 93. «Ro- delas. » CASTEEEANOS p. 96.«Paves.» 214 Peba + POEPPIG Vol. 2, p. 420. «Schilde aus Krokodils- haut. » . 215 Indians of + Relaciones geogräficas Vol. Chachapoyas 4, p. V. «Rodelas.» 216 Indians of ANDAGOYA p. 75. Popayan « Painted». 2x7 Anckuteres + OSCUEATI p. 194. 2x8 Encabellados HERIARTE p. 62. Not on Panches + OVIEDO VDI. 2, p. 392. the Map « Paveses huecos.» 11 Indians of Rio + GUMILEA Vol. 2, p. 113. Orinoco + 300 Indians of + + MARTYR p. 137. «boucliers Cartagena longs et de boucliers echan- cres.» 4A Tauare + STEGELMANN p. 136. 1 7V Indians + PALOMINO ) p. L. Broque- Chuquimayo +1) + letes y rodelas de palo, Cherinos +2) +2) 2) p. LI. Rodelas de anta Loma de viento y de palo. 8 N Zaparo + + OSCULATI p. 175, Taf. XIII, Fig. 2. 8 X Guarauno + + IM THURN p. 327. «Made of parallel strips of the pith of the seta palm + lashed together by means of three long transverse sticks.» BRETT Fig. p. 350. 9X Passe + + MARTIUS (I) p. 505. V3 Caripou +? + MOCQUET Fig. p. 157. = Palicur (BIET p. 371). A Coast of Peru. + G. M. — 21. 7. 13. + Old pottery + + BAESSLER (2). Chicama, LEHMANN and DOERING. Moche, + Round and Square shields Recuay + painted on the same vessel. Fig. 18. LEHMANN and DOERING PI- 53- II4 Domestic Animals. In this area the Indians have had no other domestic animal than the dog, and it is a question whether even this was very general. The Atsahuaca and Huari have still no dogs. The dogs to be seen here are evidently not of an original Indian breed, or are at least much crossed with dogs iiftroduced by the whites. The dogs are of no impor- tance anywhere for Sport, scarcely even for protection. Cattle raising has been introduced into Mojos by the whites. The Indians with cattle of their own are not to be sought among the tribes that have preserved their ori- ginal culture. When the Indians have any cattle, it is at the Missions, as at Guarayos, or they are civilized Indians, who live under approximately the same conditions as the poorer mestizos. It is also only among the civilized Indians that horses are ridden. In the Chaco, on the other hand, even the independent Indians breed cattle, which play an important part for them, and there, too, a good many of the Indians can ride. The Indians keep no sheep or goats. Most of the tribes have fowls, but breeding fowls plays no important part anywhere among the independent tribes. Llamas have certainly never been kept here: they could not stand the climate. Indirectly, cattle may possibly play a part for certain Indians. The Chacobo, who in their country have large herds of wild cattle, are said to regard them as by no means contemptible quarry. These may be the cattle that have rooted up the arrow-grass in the parts occupied by the Chacobo, thus forcing these Indians to cultivate this grass, which is so excellent for arrow shafts. Implements. Not much is left among the extant tribes of their ori- ginal implements. In the whole of this area we only know the hafted stone axe from two localities. The one type (Fig. 27) is from the Rio Beni territory, and the other from the Huari (Fig. 26). Those of the former type are hafted in the same way as the T-shaped metal axes from Peru. I only know the shafting of the Huari axes from the Nam- bicuara. An implement that is still to be found among quite a number of tribes is the hafted rodent-tooth1). I have ex- amples from the Siriono, Huanyam, and Huari. The two last-named tribes, at least, use rodent-teeth for sharpening their arrows or otherwise cutting them (Fig. 28). Some- times these implements are provided with extremely long shafts, in order that they may be carried with the arrows on hunting expeditions. I know of no parallel to this among the other tribes of S. America. The Huanyam also carry them so that the hafted tooth rests on the back, fastened by a string round the forehead. In the same way the Yura- care carry the iron knives (Fig. 29) they have obtained from the whites, when the blades are broken and have been ground down to cross-edges, evidently that they may be perfect Substitutes for the hafted rodent-tooth. The Atsa- huaca also use the teeth of the agouti as implements, the lower jaw serving as a haft. The Chacobo use the tusks of the peccary as planes to smooth their bows. These Indians also use the jaw of the ') Generally of the Dasyprocta aguti. 26 27 29 1 Fig. 26. /l. Hafted stone axe from the Huari. G. M. — 15. 1. 44 Fig. 27. 1/,. Hafted stoae axe from the Huachipairi. R. M. — 05. 16. 406. Fig. 28^ '/«• Hafted rodent-tooth from the Huanyam. G. M. — 15. 1. 626. 1 Fig. 29. /i. Iron knife from the Yuracdre. G. M. — 15. 1. 272. palometa fish as a knife. These have, or have had, a wide distribution in those parts of S. America where this fish is found. HASEMAN speaks of knives made of bamboo splin- ters, from the Huanyam. When I was with these Indians I could not find any such knife. Nor have I seen here knives of hard wood such are in common use among the Indians of El Gran Chaco. It is impossible to study the distribution of small imple- ments of this kind in S. America, as they are no longer used by the majority of the tribes, and are seldom described in the older works. Appliances for fire*drilling and lighting. In some of my previous works I have tried to establish the fact that in South America there are two1) varieties of fire-drilling appliances, both based on the principle of rubbing wood against wood. One of these varieties (Type A) — the one that is generally known — is of the kind where a wooden stick is twirled in a hole in another stick, and where a narrow groove, more or less marked, on one side leads down to the tinder, which is placed underneath the stick (Fig. 6 X on Map 13). In the other kind of fire-drilling apparatus (Type B), a wooden stick (usually an arrow-shaft, of Gynerium)is drilled into a slab of bamboo or wood, which is -pierced, whereby glowing particles of powdered wood, produced by the friction, drop down on the tinder. In this latter kind of fire-drilling appliance there is, therefore, no such groove down the side (see Fig. 62 on Map 13) as MAX SCHMIDT says is found on the bottom stick in all South American fire-drills. This latter kind of fire-drilling implement (Type B) I have found among the Yuraeare, Chacobo, and Guarayü. Arrows that have been used for this purpose, the Gothen- burg Museum possesses from the Atsahuaca and Parin- l) According to RENGGER p. 130, Fig. 19, the Caingud Indians of Pa- raguay produce fire by «sawing». «11 prit deux morceaux de bois, l'un tendre, l'autre dur, et frotta l'un contre l'autre, de maniere que les fibres se croisaient». This is a third variety of fire-kindling apparatus, but R.'s Statement has not been corroborated by later investigators. The fire-plow is also used by the Onondaga of Canada; see Handbook, p. 460. tintin. From the latter, NIMUENDAJÜ has also sent the Museum fire-drilling implements, consisting of a slab of wood for piercing with a wooden stick. Hence in these, too, the groove at the side is absent. What appears to me as a very interesting point, is that an arrow can be used as a fire-drilling implement; that is to say, the drilling, which is referred to above, is done with an arrow-shaft through the arrow-head. Among some South American Indian tribes the first mentioned variety of fire-drilling implements (Type A) is used in such a way that the drilling stick is fixed into an arrow-shaft, whose proper arrow-head has been removed. FREYREISS1) describes such a fire-drilling implement from the Coroado in this way: «They take a stick of some hard wood, of the length and thickness of a finger, and thrust it into the (reed) shaft of an arrow, the head of which has been removed; another piece of wood is placed on a flat stone, where it is kept steady, and a small notch is cut into it. Into this notch the stick, fixed in the arrow-shaft, is pressed and twirled round » . . . The same method of using an arrow- shaft for lengthening the drilling stick is used by the Guato, Botokuds, Caingua, Choroti, Ashluslay and Mataco. BOMAN is also of opinion that the fire-drilling imple- ments, which he found at Pucara de Rinconada in northern Argentina, • were used by lengthening the drilling stick with an arrow-shaft. Evidently BOMAN is right. Only in this way was it possible to handle these small sticks. Without being shafted, they are simply unworkable. Fire-drilling implements consisting of a bottom stick for boring at — with a more or less pronounced groove down its side — and a longer stick, not hafted, for drilling with, I know from my area of investigation from the Huanyam, Pauserna, Atsahuaca, and Tambopata-Guarayo. If we look at the map, we find that fire-drilling by piercing — l) Freyreiss p. 271. principally by using arrow-shaft and arrow-head — chiefly obtains within the region inhabited by those Indian tribes that are here under especial investigation. Fire-drilling implements, in whieh the bottom stick has on its side a more or less distinctly marked groove along which the glowing pulverized wood drops on to the tihder, we find all the way from the Araucanians in the south, to northern Co- lombia. Of the tribes that make fire by piercing, the Guarayü must have learnt the method after having settled, in the post-Columbian aera, in their present territory. On the fire-drilling implement which I possess from them, in the side there is a small groove cut out — evidently a sur- vival from the time when the fire-kindling implements used were of Type A. The Pauserna, who, as we know, are Guarayü have, on the other hand, only fire-implements of Type A. Among other tribes here, fire-drilling implements of Type B are, presumably, a very old cultural element. Therefore it appears to me especially notewoiihy thac, within the area of investigation, there exists a fire-drilling method divergent from the one which is almost universal throughout the rest of South America. Has the practice of using the whole arrow as a fire- drilling implement — by drilling with the shaft into the arrow-head — in its origin anything in common with the practice of adding length to the drilüng stick by fixing it into an arrow-shaft? This is of course a question which is very difficult to answer satisfactorily. The advantage of being able to use an arrow-shaft as a handle lies in the fact that the stick one does the drilling with can be short, so that it is convenient for taking along on j ourneys. Hence it is nomadic tribes who, above all, use fire-kindling imple- ments of this kind. Whilst travelling, the Guarayü keep fire alight in the smouldering spadix of a certain palm. If this is prac- tised by any other tribes, I do not know. From the region investigated I know of torches from the Chimane and Pauserna. A Chimane torch consists of a stick made of a mixture of cotton fibre and bees-wax. A Pauserna torch consists of thick cotton threads which have been ribbed in with wax and twisted together. Both kinds of torches are simply excellent, and I therefore often used them in my camp. The question is whether the Chimane and the Pauserna took the idea of their torches from European wax candles. We may well believe that it is so, although the Chimane as well as the Pauserna torches are very superior to European candles in windy weather, for it takes more than a slight gust of wind to put them out. In the literature torches, or candles, are mentioned pretty frequently. CHANDLESS, for instance1) speaks of torches of strings of rubber from the Catiana; GILIJ2) saw torches of resin and bark among the Maipure. RIVET3) speaks of torches from the Jivaro. OSCULATI4) speaks of fiaccole di copal from the Zaparo. CASTELNAU5) mentions torches of a resinous bark from the Yagua. BOEINDER found torches of a resinous plant among the Ijca8). Even as early a writer as SIMON7) mentions torches from the Isthmus of Darien. Among the Tierra del Fuegians.the use of tor- ches of bark is common8). Torches of resin, or resinous wood, of some kind or other, are in use throughout the whole of South America. Their manufacture is not a thing the Indians have stood in any need of learning from the whites. Wax candles, on the other !) (i). p. 107. ') (2). P- 133. 3) (1). p. 42. ') P. 172. 5) Vol. 5, p. 14. 6) G. M. — 16. 3. 790. ') Vol. 4, p. 87. «alumbrändose con mechonas que Uevaban de re- sin a». 8) C00PER p. 192. hand, as said in the foregoing, may not here be of indi- genous origin, even though the Indians have known how to adapt them to the circumstances in which they are living. They are not found among such Indians as are untouched by contact with the whites. TABLE TO MAP 13. Firesdrilling. llnderlying stick with groove at Q* side from hole Drilling rt drilled at through s (See Fig. 62 on the Map.) a a a n 0a Tribes Authors and Notes sla b woo d int o arrow - bambo o wit h wit h stic k stic k 6 o f £> woo d o f o f long S arrow-shaf t Shor t Arrow-shaf t throug h 3 Stic k wedge d Drillin g Drillin g z throug h hea d + • • • • I Choroti + G. M—13.1.128; v. ROSEN (1) 2 Ashluslay + G. M.—13. 1. 313 4 Chiriguano + E. N—d. 6 Mataco + R. M.—M. 600 8 Lengua + HAWTREY PI. XL, Fig. 5. 10 Araucanians + MEDINA p. 174. 11 Chamacoco + MAX SCHMIDT (I). 13 Carajä + r KRAUSE (I) Fig. 87. 15 Cayapö + » » » 239. 16 Guato + MAX SCHMIDT (3) p. 209. 18 Quichua + ? GARCILASSO Vol. 2, p. 163. 20 Paressi + MAX SCHMIDT (4). 21 Cainguä + AMBROSETTI (7) p. 703. 22 Yuraeare + R. M.—Y. 313. 27 Ona The pyrites and flint COOPER p. 191. method 28 Bakairi etc. + K. v. D. STEINEN (3). 32 Atsahuaca + R. M.-05. 16. 467—468. 36 Ijca + G. M.—16. 3. 592. BOUN- DER'S collection. 37 Motilon + DE BOOY (3) Fig. 58. 38 Tupinambä + THEVET p. 266. 39 Goijiro + G. M.—24. 2. 341. BOLIN- DER'S collection. 40 Guarayü + R. M.—G. 21. (Guarayos) Underlying stick o. with groove a! Drilling $rt side from hole through drilled at CJ n cd a rt o f a Tribes 3M sa 0-3 Authors and Notes 0 Isj ts SSLÄ woo d M sla b 3 f 1 Do d ,8 abt 0 E 3.2 o f .a 0 0 g 3 •n •c « s Arro w u Z a Q S hea d t/3 Ä • • throug h • • 4i Pauserna 4- G. M.—15. 1. 778. 43 Huanyam 4- G. M.—15. 1. 622—524. 45 Botokuds 4- 4- WIED p. 18. 47 Patamona, 4- KOCH-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3, MacüSi etc. p. 46—47- Taulipang + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3. P- 47- 55 Galibi 4- BARRERE Fig. p. 178. 62 Chacobo 4- R. M.—Ch. 96. 79 Yekuana 4- KOCH-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3. P- 337- 133 Schirianä + KOCH-GRÜNBERG (4) Vol. 3, pl- 48. 148 Coroado 4- FREYREISS p. 271. 162 Indians of the Rio Javary 4- Trocadero-Museum no. 33389. 227 Apapocüva- 4- Letter from NIMUENDAJÜ. Guarani 246 Tunebo + ROCHERAUX Fig. 39. 302 Aparai 4- Letter from NIMUENDAJÜ. 303 Intogapid 4- » » » 2M Wapisiäna 4- FARABEE (I) PI. VII. 3M Haiti 4- LAS CASAS p. 35. 5C Nambicuara 4- RONDON PI. (without num- ber). 5H Parintintin (+)1) 4- G. M.—23. 3. 209. Coli. NIMUENDAJU. !) One arrow has evidently been used in this manner. G.M. 23.3.211. Underlying stick with groove at Drilling side from hole through s drilled at V — a a n a Tribes a Authors and Notes 0 sla b woo d wit h int o S bambo o arrow - wit h stic k stic k ,5 woo d o f o f a o f arrow-shaf t 3 Arrow-shaf t Drillin g wedgc d z hea d throug h shor t Stic k throug h Drillin g lon g 1 • ^ ^ Ä . _ 1 7P Oyampi + CREVAUX Fig. p. 214. 6X Tambopata- + (+)1) R. M.—05. 16. 364. !) One Guarayo arrow has evidently been + used in this manner. R. M. — 05. 16. 388. Tacana, Tu- E. N-D. (11) p. 468. mupasa. 8X Guarauno + G. M. — 12. 1. 529. D Finds at La + BOMAN p. 659. Rinconada Argentina IV Alakaluf The pyrites and flint COOPER p. 191. method. XI Yamamadi + EHRENREICH (2) Fig. 32. XV Yahgan The pyrites and flint COOPER p. 191. method. Not on the Indians of the + ? Trocadero Museum — 5046, Map Rio Orinoco 5047, 5050. rn CS M M p M) .S u o O OL S •O > a X" 13 H 15 IV •a u .a s >-4 o» a ntnt ™ a . C O, 3, o t^ —-* E a> n d -> 4-» CS O SS 3 8 | o9 o° O S fa U fa human bones are only to be found among the Huanyam. They use the shin-bone of fallen enemies as trumpets, the finger-joint bones as boxes, and pieces of