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WRONGFUL CONVICTION ESSAYS by Julius Wachtel

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WRONGFUL CONVICTION ESSAYS by Julius Wachtel WRONGFUL CONVICTION ESSAYS By Julius Wachtel As originally published in POLICEISSUES.ORG (c) 2007-2021 Julius Wachtel Permission to reproduce in part or in whole granted for non-commercial purposes only POLICEISSUES.ORG Posted 3/30/08 .027 RULES! How many wrongful convictions have there been? A lot more than what’s known! By Julius Wachtel, (c) 2010 “Better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer.” Known to first- year law students as the “Blackstone ratio”, these words by legal scholar William Blackstone were intended to frame critical legal decisions within a moral context and remind prosecutors of the need to exercise restraint when invoking an admittedly imperfect process. Were he alive today Blackstone would be appalled that his numerical ratio has been turned on its head and used to justify serious miscarriages of justice. Unfortunately, that’s exactly what’s happened. Consider, for example, Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia’s concurring opinion in Kansas v. Marsh (no. 04-1170, 6/26/2006): Like other human institutions, courts and juries are not perfect. One cannot have a system of criminal punishment without accepting the possibility that someone will be punished mistakenly. That is a truism, not a revelation. But with regard to the punishment of death in the current American system, that possibility has been reduced to an insignificant minimum. Scalia was upset at an academic study on wrongful conviction authored by Samuel Gross, a law professor at the University of Michigan. Examining 340 exonerations between 1989 and 2003, a number that they took pains to emphasize represented only a fraction of the wrongfully convicted, Mr. Gross and his colleagues concluded that these unfortunate events were not rare. Anxious to undermine their findings, Justice Scalia referred to a New York Times opinion piece by Clatsop County, Oregon D.A. Joshua Marquis deriding Gross’ work, going so far as to insert a substantial chunk of the op-ed into the Court’s written opinion: Let's give the professor the benefit of the doubt: let's assume that he understated the number of innocents by roughly a factor of 10, that instead of 340 there were 4,000 people in prison who weren't involved in the crime in any way. During that same 15 years, there were more than 15 million felony convictions across the country. That would make the error rate .027 percent--or, to put it another way, a success rate of 99.973 percent. POLICEISSUES.ORG Leaving aside for now D.A. Marquis’ estimate of their prevalence, dividing wrongful convictions by all convictions seems an appallingly wrongheaded way to estimate the accuracy of the adjudication process. A goodly number of felony convictions -- probably a clear majority -- are what police call “slam-dunks”. When officers find someone standing over a dead body, holding a smoking gun, or, more realistically, listen to a spouse tearfully admit they killed their partner, and so forth, the chances of prosecuting let alone convicting the wrong person are zero. When we choose a hospital for critical surgery, we’re not interested in its record for treating hangnails; if we’re interested in how well the system discriminates between the innocent and guilt when it really counts, cases where the evidence is essentially uncontested don’t belong in the pool. Here’s what the formula should look like: Wrongful convictions Accuracy of the process = -------------------------------------------------------- All convictions subject to significant processing What constitutes “significant processing” is something for another time. For now let’s turn to the numerator, the number of wrongful convictions. According to the Innocence Project, which handles only DNA-based cases, there have been 215 post- conviction DNA exonerations in the U.S. How did they come to be? Many can be blamed on faulty eyewitness identification. Other major causes include suggestive witness interviewing, false and coerced confessions, lying informants and junk science. Actually, since DNA is recovered in only a small proportion of violent crime, mostly rape and murder, these exonerees were in a sense “lucky”, as once someone is adjudged guilty the burden of proof shifts to them to demonstrate their innocence, something that’s awfully hard to do without DNA. In a recent column a New York Times writer reported that the adjudicative system’s opacity makes it impossible to estimate the prevalence of wrongful conviction. That hasn’t stopped those who seem determined to make the issue go away. Only days ago D.A. Marquis posted a blog entry regurgitating his criticisms of Mr. Goss’ work, and particularly the researcher’s definition of “exoneration,” which includes (the very few) instances where a convict was retried and acquitted. According to the D.A., “such a definition would seriously wound if not torture the true definition of exonerated, a word of great power that most people equate with actual innocence.” That, sadly, is how many prosecutors see it. Happy enough to convict based on a legal construct (beyond a reasonable doubt) that has sent innocents to prison, and a few probably to death, D.A. Marquis has the cheek to demand that the few who get a second bite of the apple and are found not guilty must somehow prove themselves “factually innocent” -- meaning, to his satisfaction -- before he’ll add them to his formula’s POLICEISSUES.ORG numerator. But not to worry, he coos, “Americans should be far more worried about the wrongfully freed than the wrongfully convicted.” .027 rules! POLICEISSUES.ORG Posted 4/8/12 A RAILROAD JOB? Dueling experts and manipulative interrogation cast a shadow over a conviction By Julius (Jay) Wachtel. In November 2009, following a two-week trial, a New York judge sentenced Adrian Thomas, 27, a father of seven, to the maximum term of 25 years to life for second-degree murder in the death of his 4-month old son thirteen months earlier. Thomas was largely convicted on the basis of his admission, after nearly nine hours of interrogation, that he flung the infant onto a mattress to stop him from crying on three successive days, including the day of the boy’s death. Thomas said he was frustrated over being jobless and hounded by his wife and in-laws. At trial, prosecution medical experts testified that the acts described by Thomas caused the child to suffer severe brain trauma, leading to death. Defense experts disagreed. They said that the boy’s death resulted from septic shock caused by a serious bacterial infection. While there was no disagreement that a serious infection was indeed present – the coroner listed it as a secondary cause of death – the prosecutor criticized the defense experts as being bought and paid for. (Click here for an appeals decision that discusses the case in depth.) Dueling experts are nothing new, and we’ll have more to say about controversies surrounding the diagnosis of traumatic brain injuries in children later. What makes this case stand out were the circumstances of Thomas’ interrogation, which was videotaped in its entirety. (To watch two extracts that precede the one linked above click here and here.) Police isolated Thomas in an interview room. Once he waived Miranda officers interviewed him twice; shortly after his son was hospitalized, for two hours, then on the following day for seven hours. Thomas was relentlessly manipulated using techniques that seem to have come straight out of the “Reid” playbook. Commercially marketed to police agencies, the system instructs detectives to counter all attempts to deny guilt while encouraging suspects to shift blame for their actions and to “bond” with interrogators. Here are some examples from the above clip: Detective: I thought we had something going on here, I thought we had a little trust-relationship going on...The chief wanted me to arrest you and I convinced the chief that I wasn’t going to arrest you...I said “hold on, I dealt with this guy POLICEISSUES.ORG [accused] last night and I think he’s telling the truth.” I put my ass on the line for you... (Thomas insists he’s telling the truth. Detective gets angry, stands up, talks about the baby’s severe head swelling, accuses Thomas of lying.) Detective: It’s a lot worse than you make it out to be, a lot worse...You’re lying to me, I know it...Adrian, maybe you didn’t throw the baby against the wall, maybe you took the baby and went like that (demonstrates with notebook) and threw him in the crib. Maybe you did that...Maybe it wasn’t five or six inches, maybe it was five or six feet....Maybe when that baby was crying the other night, maybe you picked that baby up and you slammed it on the bed like that (demonstrates with notebook)... (Thomas denies it.) Detective: Remember I told you about post-partum depression...men can go through that too...you’ve got seven kids and two four-month old babies...you’re feeling severe depression right now, you went to the hospital night and said about killing yourself... (Detective suggests that depression and pressure from family members to get a job might be responsible for what happened. Detective again demonstrates dropping the baby on the bed.) Thomas: But that’s intentional... Detective: That’s not intentional. Maybe you did what you did intentionally, but it’s not intentionally to cause the injury that you caused...Adrian, you already admitted that you caused an injury...you threw the baby on the bed Saturday night... Thomas: It was an accident... (Detective keeps interrupting Thomas’ protests, doesn’t let him finish a sentence) Detective: Look, Adrian, we’re trying to make a relationship here...you’re lying to me, you’re lying to me! POLICEISSUES.ORG (Detective hands Thomas the notebook and tells him to demonstrate how he threw baby on the bed.
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