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Count to Ten First COUNT TO TEN FIRST ON PUNISHMENT AND THE HOT -COLD EFFECT by Cora Hollander, 10215115 // second version: October 28, 2013 MSc Behavioral Economics and Game Theory // Supervisor: prof. dr. F.A.A.M. van Winden “When angry, count to ten before you speak. If very angry, count to one hundred.” Thomas Jefferson 1. INTRODUCTION “When you are upset, count to ten before you react.” This piece of folk wisdom captures the idea that how we react in the heat of a debate or dispute might not be the reaction that we prefer when we are in a more thoughtful state. Moreover, the heated reaction may be costly to oneself and something that we later regret. Does this advice contains a truth? Do you behave differently when you would 'count to ten first'? This is not only a relevant question in social life, but for economists as well. Each economic transaction takes place in a relationship between two or more parties, for example an employer and an employee or a customer and a supplier. Trust is a vital element of such a relationship. In the absence of complete contract enforcement, parties rely on each other to stick to their part of the deal. When trust is violated, there often exists the opportunity for retaliation or punishment. This can take many forms. Think for example of a misled customer that starts to spread negative rumors about a certain supplier, or of an employer leaving bad references about a former employee. Retaliating behavior often destroys wealth, meaning that both (or even more) parties suffer from it. However, its existence is not all bad. The threat of punishment can help deter exploitative behavior. Understanding when and why people punish, helps to explain this inefficient behavior and may help designing mechanisms that prevent it or enforce its power toward stimulate cooperation. This study investigates one particular feature of punishment, that is the timing of the punishment decision. Provided that there occurs no new information during the delay, there seems to be no reason why a difference in timing influences the decision. This point of view disregards the impact of the emotional state the decision maker is in. Emotions, or more generally visceral factors, are known for Count to ten first page 1 of 37 their ability to override deliberative reasoning and have shown to be very influential in decision making (Zajonc, 1984; Damasio, 1994; LeDoux, 1996; Loewenstein, 1996). When in a state of high emotional intensity or 'hot' state, people often act in ways they themselves view as against their self-interest. When in a less intense or 'cold' state, it is hard to imagine how one would behave in hot state and vice versa. This phenomenon has been dubbed the 'hot-cold empathy gap' and is thought to be particularly present for negative emotions (Loewenstein, 2000). The motivation for punishment rises from a negative experience, when people feel that someone misbehaved. This can come with feelings of disappointment, anger or wrath and therefore induce the urge to punish even when this is costly to oneself. When the flood of emotions has waned, so may the urge to punish. Investigating that suggestion is the focus of this study. I aim to answer the question: Does costly punishment occur less frequently when a time lag is imposed on the punishment decision? To answer this question properly we have to establish first that people engage in a trust relationship, second that violation of trust gives a distinct emotional response, and third that this emotional response is a decisive factor in the consideration of punishment. In order to study this, I conducted a behavioral laboratory experiment. How trust and its violation are exactly measured will be explained in Section 2 (p. 4-5). To reflect on the impact of emotions, I need a situation in which people can feel angry or disappointed about another persons behavior and subsequently have the option to act on these feelings in a costly manner. The trust game or investment game (Kreps, 1990; Berg et al. 1995) is a very useful vehicle to realize this. The game allows for engaging in a relationship of trust, and the violation of this trust. The main outline of the game applied in this study is as follows (see Section 3 for more details). Two players are anonymously coupled in a pair. One of them – called the Investor – is endowed with an amount of money and has to decide how much to transfer to the other participant – called the Trustee. The transferred amount is multiplied by three. The Trustee then has to decide how much to transfer back to the Investor. A variant of the game adds a third stage in which the Investor has the possibility to punish the Trustee by giving up some of its own money in order to reduce the other person's earnings. When the decision to punish has to be made directly after observing the Trustee's transfer, the reaction to this transfer and the decision to punish almost coincide. In other words, when contemplating punishment the Investor is still in the emotional hot state that might arise from observing its counterpart's choice. In the control condition, the game is played exactly as just described. In the treatment Count to ten first page 2 of 37 condition, participants perform a intermediate task before Investors have the opportunity to punish. This task consists of three reasoning questions and takes approximately five minutes. Its main purpose is to cause a small delay between observing the outcome of the mutual transfers and the punishment decision. Specifically, the intermediate task serves to make time for any emotions to ware off and bring the Investors in a cold state before they decide on punishment. If punishment occurs significantly less often in the treatment condition, the folk wisdom to count to ten first indeed contains a truth. This study is a pilot study, which means that there are limited resources available in terms of location, money and time. I will discuss the consequences of these practical restrictions in Section 7. I originally planned to collect 48 observations (48 people in 24 pairs playing the game twice). If Trustees would send back zero about half the time (as is common), there would occur ten situations per treatment that are likely to provoke punishment. This is still a very small sample, but could be enough to offer an indication on the hypothesized treatment effect. While performing the sessions, I noticed that Trustees almost always choose the equal split, leaving no motivation for punishment. Since it was clear that in this pattern I would never observe enough punishment situations to be able to do statistical testing, I terminated the experiment. Hence the amount of data collected is not sufficient to answer the research question. To answer the question whether there is a difference in frequency of punishment between treatments, a first requirement is that punishment is observed at all. I observed zero instances of punishment, so I cannot tell whether there is a systematic difference between the control and treatment condition. The presentation of the results will therefore focus more on how the observed behavior can be explained rather than delivering an answer to the research question. The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents an overview of the existing literature on trust games, punishments, and hot-versus-cold studies. Section 3 describes the experimental design and derives hypotheses. Section 4 provides a theoretical analysis. Section 5 proposes a set-up for empirical analysis. Section 6 presents the results. Section 7 discusses the results and procedures of this study and provides suggestions for improvements in future research. Section 8 concludes. Count to ten first page 3 of 37 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Traditionally economics has assumed that people are rational decision makers with perfect foresight who pursue only their self-interest. It is now widely recognized that other than selfish considerations play an essential part in both social and business life. A large body of experimental evidence established that people do take factors of trust, reciprocity, and fairness into account (see Camerer, 2003 for a review). Several simple games have been developed that mimic the key features of economic interactions and that can measure social preferences (i.e. displaying behavior that deviates from rational and selfish choice). Consider for example the ultimatum game in which one player, the proposer, offers a split of a certain amount of money between himself and a second player, the responder. The responder can then accept this split or reject it such that both players receive nothing. Although accepting any offer is always the best response in the traditional economic sense, people often reject offers in which they would get only a small part of the pie. Rejection in the ultimatum game can be viewed as punishment, since the responder pays a cost (foregoing a positive amount of money) such that the other player is left with no earnings as well. Many proposers seem to anticipate this and offer (close to) a fair split. Proposers offer substantial amounts even in dictator games, when the responder does not have the option to reject (see again Camerer, 2003). In gift-exchange games, two players sequentially choose how large a gift that want to send to each other. Second movers often reimburse large amounts sent by first movers (e.g. Charness, 2004; Fehr and Gächter, 2000). Fehr, Gächter and Kirchsteiger (1997) added a third stage to the game in which first movers can reward or punish the other party. First movers utilized this option frequently, and the amount sent by second-movers increased dramatically.
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