Introduction of Chief Justice Arthur Chaskalson Clinton Bamberger
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The Constitutional Court of South Africa: Rights Interpretation and Comparative Constitutional Law
THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA: RIGHTS INTERPRETATION AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Hoyt Webb- I do hereby swear that I will in my capacity asJudge of the Constitu- tional Court of the Republic of South Africa uphold and protect the Constitution of the Republic and the fundamental rights entrenched therein and in so doing administerjustice to all persons alike with- out fear,favour or prejudice, in accordance with the Constitution and the Law of the Republic. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Schedule 3 (Oaths of Office and Solemn Affirmations), Act No. 200, 1993. I swear that, asJudge of the ConstitutionalCourt, I will be faithful to the Republic of South Africa, will uphold and protect the Consti- tution and the human rights entrenched in it, and will administer justice to all persons alike withwut fear,favour or prejudice, in ac- cordancewith the Constitution and the Law. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, Schedule 2 (Oaths and Solemn Affirmations), Act 108 of 1996. I. INTRODUCTION In 1993, South Africa adopted a transitional or interim Constitu- tion (also referred to as the "IC"), enshrining a non-racial, multiparty democracy, based on respect for universal rights.' This uras a monu- mental achievement considering the complex and often horrific his- tory of the Republic and the increasing racial, ethnic and religious tensions worldwide.2 A new society, however, could not be created by Hoyt Webb is an associate at Brown and Wood, LLP in NewYork City and a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. -
Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
Download 2014 Annual Report
Faculty of Law 2014 Centre for ANNUAL Faculty of Law Human Rights REPORT 2 The Centre for Human Rights, based at the Faculty of Law, CONTENTS University of Pretoria, is both an academic department and a non- DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE 4 governmental organisation. ACADEMIC PROGRAMMES 6 The Centre was established in the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, in 1986, as part of domestic efforts against the apartheid system of the time. RESEARCH 8 The Centre for Human Rights works towards human rights education in Africa, a greater awareness of human rights, the wide dissemination of publications on human rights in Africa, and the improvement of the PROJECTS 10 rights of women, people living with HIV, indigenous peoples, sexual minorities and other disadvantaged or marginalised persons or groups across the continent. PUBLICATIONS 31 Over the years, the Centre has positioned itself in an unmatched network of practising and academic lawyers, national and international civil servants and human rights practitioners across the entire continent, with a CENTRE PERSONNEL 33 specific focus on human rights law in Africa, and international development law in general. Today, a wide network of Centre alumni contribute in numerous ways to the advancement and strengthening STAFF ACTIVITES 36 of human rights and democracy all over the Africa continent, and even further afield. FUNDING 40 In 2006, the Centre for Human Rights was awarded the UNESCO Prize for Human Rights Education, with particular recognition for the African Human Rights Moot Court Competition and the LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa. In 2012, the Centre for Human Rights was awarded the 2012 African Union Human Rights Prize. -
Top Court Trims Executive Power Over Hawks
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Sunday 26 September 2021 Top court trims executive power over Hawks The Constitutional Court has not only agreed that legislation governing the Hawks does not provide adequate independence for the corruption-busting unit, it has 'deleted' the defective sections, notes Legalbrief. It found parts of the legislation that governs the specialist corruption-busting body unconstitutional, because they did not sufficiently insulate it from potential executive interference. This, notes a Business Day report, is the second time the court has found the legislation governing the Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, unconstitutional for not being independent enough. The first time, the court sent it back to Parliament to fix. This time the court did the fixing, by cutting out the offending words and sections. The report says the idea behind the surgery on the South African Police Service (SAPS) Act was to ensure it had sufficient structural and operational independence, a constitutional requirement. In a majority judgment, Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng said: 'Our anti-corruption agency is not required to be absolutely independent. It, however, has to be adequately independent. 'And that must be evidenced by both its structural and operational autonomy.' The judgment resolved two cases initially brought separately - one by businessman Hugh Glenister, the other by the Helen Suzman Foundation (HSF), notes Business Day. Because both cases challenged the Hawks legislation on the grounds of independence, the two were joined. Glenister's case - that the Hawks could never be independent while located in the SAPS, which was rife with corruption - was rejected by the court. -
JSC Rejects Hlophe Bid for Recusal of Five Members
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Thursday 30 September 2021 JSC rejects Hlophe bid for recusal of five members The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) will for the first time hold an inquiry that could be the prelude to the impeachment of a judge, after it rejected a request that five of its members should recuse themselves, says a report in the The Sunday Independent. The JSC, which met at the weekend to consider the complaints by the Constitutional Court and Cape Judge President John Hlophe, found that in view of the 'conflict of fact' on papers before it, oral evidence would be required from both sides. The report quotes an unnamed leading senior counsel as saying: 'The inquiry that is going to be held is of huge importance. If this matter is proved, it is difficult to imagine anything more serious.' The request for recusal by counsel for Hlophe was based on concerns that he would not get a fair hearing because last year the five had felt the Judge President should face a gross misconduct inquiry relating to his 'moonlighting' for the Oasis group of companies. At the time, during the Oasis matter, the JSC had been split largely on racial lines, and it was Chief Justice Pius Langa who cast the deciding vote that saw Hlophe escape an inquiry that could have led to his impeachment. According to a report on the News24 site, JSC spokesperson Marumo Moerane said both parties made presentations regarding the future conduct of the matter. He said notice of the date and venue of the oral hearing would be made known once arrangements had been finalised. -
1 Frank Michelman Constitutional Court Oral History Project 28Th
Frank Michelman Constitutional Court Oral History Project 28th February 2013 Int This is an interview with Professor Frank Michelman, and it’s the 28th of February 2013. Frank, thank you so much for agreeing to participate in the Constitutional Court Oral History Project, we really appreciate your time. FM I’m very much honoured by your inviting me to participate and I’m happy to do so. Int Thank you. I’ve not had the opportunity to interview you before, and I wondered whether you could talk about early childhood memories, and some of the formative experiences that may have led you down a legal and academic professional trajectory? FM Well, that’s going to be difficult, because…because I didn’t have any notion at all prior to my senior year in college, the year before I entered law school, that I would be going to law school. I hadn’t formed, that I can recall, any plan, hope, ambition, in that direction at all. To the extent that I had any distinct career notion in mind during the years before I wound up going to law school? It would have been an academic career, possibly in the field of history, in which I was moderately interested and which was my concentration in college. I had formed a more or less definite idea of applying to graduate programs in history, and turning myself into a history professor. Probably United States history. United States history, or maybe something along the line of what’s now called the field of ideas, which I was calling intellectual history in those days. -
The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 60 Issue 1 Twenty Years of South African Constitutionalism: Constitutional Rights, Article 5 Judicial Independence and the Transition to Democracy January 2016 The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa STEPHEN ELLMANN Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation STEPHEN ELLMANN, The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa, 60 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2015-2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Stephen Ellmann The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa 60 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 57 (2015–2016) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Stephen Ellmann is Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School. The author thanks the other presenters, commentators, and attenders of the “Courts Against Corruption” panel, on November 16, 2014, for their insights. www.nylslawreview.com 57 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE RULE OF LAW IN SOUTH AFRICA NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 I. INTRODUCTION The blight of apartheid was partly its horrendous discrimination, but also its lawlessness. South Africa was lawless in the bluntest sense, as its rulers maintained their power with the help of death squads and torturers.1 But it was also lawless, or at least unlawful, in a broader and more pervasive way: the rule of law did not hold in South Africa. -
Natalia V28 Obituaries Didcott.Pdf
Obituaries John Mowbray Didcott (1931-1998) John Didcott spent 23 years as a judge, first in the Natal Supreme Court and, since 1994, as a member of the Constitutional Court. He became a human rights legend because of his strong support ofjustice and individual liberties. During the worst years of apartheid his scathing attacks on the unjust policies of the previous government were pored over with delight by opponents of those policies. Chief Justice Ismail Mahomed recalls his 'sparkling moral courage' and says Judge Didcott's instinctive abhorrence of injustice will ensure he is remembered as one of the greatest figures of South African law. John Mobray Didcott was born in Durban on 14 August 1931, and matriculated in 1948 from Hilton College. He graduated from the University of Cape Town with a B A degree in 1951 and an LI.B in 1953. But he was not merely a successful swot he also flourished in student politics. In his first year he was elected to the Students' Representative Council and served as its president from 1952 to 1954. He was also vice-president of the National Union of South African Students in 1953 and 1954, and its president for the next two years. Durban attorney Graham Cox, a long-time friend, recalls those days with relish. 'He was a brilliant fellow, but in addition to being an incredible scholar, he was a magnificent speaker - quite superb as a demagogue. When he, Zach de Beer and Sharkey King (now judge-president-elect of the High Court in Cape Town) debated the government's race policies, there would be standing room only in Jamieson Hall. -
The Judiciary As a Site of the Struggle for Political Power: a South African Perspective
The judiciary as a site of the struggle for political power: A South African perspective Freddy Mnyongani: [email protected] Department of Jurisprudence, University of South Africa (UNISA) 1. Introduction In any system of government, the judiciary occupies a vulnerable position. While it is itself vulnerable to domination by the ruling party, the judiciary must at all times try to be independent as it executes its task of protecting the weak and vulnerable of any society. History has however shown that in most African countries, the judiciary has on a number of occasions succumbed to the domination of the ruling power. The struggle to stay in power by the ruling elite is waged, among others, in the courts where laws are interpreted and applied by judges who see their role as the maintenance of the status quo. To date, a typical biography of a post-independence liberation leader turned president would make reference to a time spent in jail during the struggle for liberation.1 In the post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa, the situation regarding the role of the judiciary has not changed much. The imprisonment of opposition leaders, especially closer to elections continues to be a common occurrence. If not that, potential opponents are subjected to charges that are nothing but a display of power and might. An additional factor relates to the disputes surrounding election results, which inevitably end up in court. The role of the judiciary in mediating these disputes, which are highly political in nature, becomes crucial. As the tension heats up, the debate regarding the appointment of judges, their ideological background and their independence or lack thereof, become fodder for the media. -
Do Women on South Africa's Courts Make a Difference?
Do Women on South Africa’s Courts Make a Difference? Do Women on South Africa’s Courts Make a Difference? *By Ruth B. Cowan Research assistance provided by Colleen Normile Women’s presence on the bench in South Africa began in 1994 with the end of apartheid. As Justice Yvonne Mokgoro observes in the documentary Courting Justice, during the hundreds of preceding years “ I guess there was no thought that women could also serve.” More accurately, what kept women off the bench were the thoughts that women , unsuited by nature, could never serve. The post apartheid Constitution, setting forth a human rights- based constitutional democracy, dismissed these notions and mandated the consideration of women when making judicial appointments. The appointments were to be made to what was now to be an independent judiciary. The apartheid judiciary had not been independent—its charge was to assure the validation of apartheid’s legislation, executive regulations and official actions. Yet, these courts were to be retained, as were the judges and court personnel whose record was hostile to the very human rights which the judiciary was now charged to protect. The Constitution did create one new court ; i.e., the Constitutional Court . It was charged with and limited to considering cases in which constitutional issues were raised. Given the continued engagement of the apartheid judges --all but two of whom were white males and almost all of whom were energetic in support of apartheid’s oppressive and repressive laws and brutal actions, the transformation of the judiciary by race and gender was and continues to be verbally embraced as a high priority. -
Justice: a Personal Account the Centre for Social Science Research at the University of by Edwin Cameron Cape Town
THE JOURNAL OF THE HELEN SUZMAN FOUNDATION | ISSUE 73 | AUGUST 2014 BOOK REVIEW NICOLI NATRASS is a professor of Economics based in Justice: A Personal Account the Centre for Social Science Research at the University of by Edwin Cameron Cape Town. She has This gripping and well-written book is about the rule of law in South published widely on the political economy Africa and the Constitution in particular. It is especially appealing for its of AIDS, and on overtly personal lens. By situating himself in the story, Edwin Cameron unemployment, growth and inequality has produced a page-turning account of how progressive lawyers used the law to challenge key aspects of apartheid. He reveals the ways in which our democratic Constitution structures the often tricky relationship between law and politics. The book has enjoyed deservedly positive reviews with most focusing on Cameron’s extraordinary life, and how the challenges he has faced (notably poverty and AIDS) mirror the broader South African experience. For John Carlin, the personal story is so compelling he wants more detail, declaring that Cameron owes South Africa ‘a proper, full-blown autobiography’.1 But as Jonny Steinberg observes, Cameron’s biographical cameos are carefully selected and assembled to provide the ‘guts he gives to his defense of the rule of law’.2 Pointing out that it is through the stories of the lives of others that humans think about their world, Steinberg pens the following hope for Cameron’s book, referring to young readers in particular: ‘Alongside their image of Mandela in his cell, I want them to picture a white orphanage boy. -
The Formal Court Sitting to Mark the Departure of Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke from the Constitutional Court of South
The Formal Court Sitting to Mark the Departure of Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke from the Constitutional Court of South Africa Friday, 20 May 2016 Chief Justice, former President Thabo Mbeki and Mrs Mbeki; former President Kgalema Motlanthe and Mrs Motlanthe, President and Deputy President of the Supreme Court of Appeal. Justices of the Constitutional Court – both currently sitting and retired. Judges President, Heads of Courts and Judges of all our courts, the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, leaders of political parties and of social movements, all formations within the legal fraternity, Deans of Law Schools, members of my family, and in particular my wife, Kabo Moseneke and my mother, Karabo Moseneke. Allow me also to welcome all patriots, compatriots and citizens of our land and friends who have cared to come and observe this moment with us. I will cease to hold office as a Deputy Chief Justice of the Republic and retire from the Constitutional Court of South Africa at midnight today, 20 May 2016. I have had the distinct privilege of serving the judicial bench for 15 years; of which no less than a continuous period of 14 years I served in the Highest Court of the Republic. A formal ceremony, such as the present, is by now well etched in our judicial convention. The Judiciary knows no better way of celebrating and sending off one of its own than in the very forum in which it dispenses justice. It is a time honoured tradition that on an occasion as the present, fellow colleagues who 1 hold judicial office would robe and so would counsel and be in attendance as a mark of homage to the departing Justice.