Marx for a Postcommunist Era: on Poverty, Corruption, and Banality Does Not Doomsay

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Marx for a Postcommunist Era: on Poverty, Corruption, and Banality Does Not Doomsay MARX FOR A POSTCOMMUNIST ERA When the Iron Curtain collapsed, capitalism reigned triumphant and the ‘end of history’ was declared. However, peace and prosperity have been short-lived. In recent years, anti-globalization protests have returned viol- ence to the streets, nations have been ravaged by ethnic genocide, and fundamentalist radicals have intensified their war with the West. In this uncertain climate, Marx for a Postcommunist Era: On Poverty, Corruption, and Banality does not doomsay. It does, however, seriously question the ability of market forces to deliver the greatest good to the greatest number. It rejects the class hatred and social engineering that has discredited Marxism in the past and it does argue that Marx’s emphasis on social equity, real democracy, and human capital still forcefully resonates in the modern day. After reviewing Marx’s philosophical roots and his twentieth-century re- ception, Sullivan applies Marx’s ideas to three major phenomena—poverty, corruption, and banality—that remain obstacles to freedom in the twenty- first century. Drawing on the 2000 US presidential elections, Russian tax evasion, the mixed success of privatization, the ascent of Hollywood and Silicon Valley, and our fascination with fake theme bars, ethno-chic fashion, and the retro trend in design, Sullivan also highlights the breadth of Marx’s legacy both inside and outside the academic world. Marx for a Postcommunist Era combines a deep understanding of Marxist thought with journalistic engagement in real-world themes. This compre- hensive and timely book will be of interest to students and academics in the areas of philosophy, sociology, politics, and cultural studies, and to anyone with an interest in Marx and his legacy. Stefan Sullivan is the author of numerous articles on international affairs and one novel, The Final Slum, which won a Discovery Award at the 2001 Hollywood Film Festival. In 1994 he received his PhD in political philo- sophy from Oxford University with a dissertation on Hegel and Marx. He lives in Washington, DC. MARX FOR A POSTCOMMUNIST ERA On poverty, corruption, and banality Stefan Sullivan London and New York First published 2002 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 2002 Stefan Sullivan All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by an electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A library record of this data has been requested ISBN 0-203-99616-X Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0–415–20193–4 (Print Edition) CONTENTS Acknowledgments vi Preface vii 1 Introduction 1 2 The twentieth-century reception 21 3 Poverty 59 4 Corruption 95 5 Banality 135 Notes 161 Bibliographical essay 173 Index 183 v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Duncan Foley, Gerald McDermott, Marc Pachter, and Miguel Szekely for their insights and critical comments on various chapters. Jonathan Rée, the Ideas series editor at Routledge, had the audacity to suggest that a fresh look at Marx would be a worthwhile undertaking. He has been a valuable sounding board throughout. I also owe a large debt to my Oxford doctoral supervisors, Leszek Kolakowski and John Torrance, for initially nourishing my interest in the Hegel/Marx tradition. The US Library of Congress offered a godsend to the independent scholar in the form of an office space where most of my research was carried out. My wife, Marina, not only assiduously reviewed the manuscript but, as an economist in her own right, was a formidable sparring partner on issues of poverty and development during the evening meal. Finally, my parents, David and Anneliese, are owed special gratitude for their unflagging love and support. vi PREFACE In the course of writing this book, I was subjected to countless sermons by taxi drivers, academics, journalists, and particularly East Europeans who, as schoolchildren, had digested a dumbed-down Marxist-Leninist catechism. They all had an explanation why Marxism failed and why capitalism now reigns triumphant. I realized then that to address a subject that many people consider obsolete is a thankless task. Even more so when it is a subject like Marxism on which everyone claims an expert opinion. The unseemly associations with totalitarianism, genocide, and unviable economic planning are, indeed, hard to ignore. Yes, even though the euphoria that greeted the fall of communism has since been tainted by the rapacious greed of the ex-nomenklatura, and their carpetbagging Western advisers, few would now invoke a return to Marx. As critics of my project have been quick to point out, the human costs of social engineering have far outweighed the consequences of a capitalist system that, with ruthless logic, simply allocates to each worker the rewards appropriate to his skills on an open marketplace. To read Gulag memoirs, as apparently many communist sympathizers chose not to, or to visit Tuol Sleng prison, the unassuming secondary school in Phnom Penh where Pol Pot’s henchmen tortured and killed, is to face the sobering reality that dogma and its reckless certitude are far more dangerous to human freedom than the misery of a subsistence level wage. But I entered this crowded field not just to say something fresh and readable about Marx, but because I had an intuition that much of what Marx said about capitalism in his day still holds true in ours. This intuition has been borne out. The destabilizing impact of roaming speculative capital, the subhuman conditions in Third World industrial parks, and the corrosive impact of market forces on the democratic process and cultural goods all reflect the unhealthy dominance of the capitalist system. The evidence was too overwhelming to shy away from the common neoliberal challenge that any attempt to expose the flaws of capitalism raises a totalitarian specter. As Slavoj Aiaek, a leading contemporary theorist on the left, remarks in some- what heated terms: “liberal scoundrels can find hypocritical satisfaction in their defense of the existing order: they know there is corruption, exploitation, vii PREFACE and so on, but every attempt to change things is denounced as ethically dangerous and unacceptable, recalling the ghost of Gulag or Holocaust.”1 Indeed, though individual liberty has a compelling grip on the modern consciousness, I suspected that there was intellectual dishonesty at play among those who misconstrue freedom as the unbridled pursuit of personal gain. The only response can be to argue one type of freedom against the next, the freedom of public safety versus the freedom of gun ownership, the freedom of global health coverage, a living wage and humane work environ- ments versus the freedom of individual preferences (including how personal tax income should be allocated) on an open marketplace. In short, from the perspective of the left, the social allocation of surplus wealth and the inter- vention of the state in the name of the public good bring far greater freedoms to a far greater number than the neoliberal and conservative alternatives. But to do this, I also felt the need to restore to Marxism its intellectual integrity, one battered by the often appealing counter-arguments of neoliberal trium- phalism, the unsavory apologias for the Gulag in the past, and, often, just plain bad writing—either the sweeping generalizations of the pamphleteer, or the jargon-heavy overkill often found in academic studies. The purpose of this book is to explore Marx’s relevance in the post- communist world. I have framed this project primarily in terms of a contribu- tion to a critique of three major obstacles to freedom: poverty, corruption, and banality. They not only encompass the economic, political, and cultural consequences of a society driven by profit and greed, they also give us a fairly comprehensive understanding of the vastness of the Marxian project. For, at its core, it is motivated by a concern no less noble than to expose the impedi- ments to a human life worth living in an alienated world. This implies, in turn, challenging the postmodernist sensibility that denies that there is any coherent world to be alienated from. By claiming that society is frag- mented into heterogeneous subjective viewpoints, the postmodernist denies the ideal forms of freedom that afford us our only hope. We may now be wary of rigid notions of the optimal social organization, but we must still strive for improvement in the regulation of the market, in the accountability of states and political agents, and in the aesthetic education of the global citizenry. For to fail to do so will allow unregulated capitalism, disguised as freedom, to continue to impede progress toward a more just and humane society. But if poverty, corruption, and banality are obstacles to freedom for many countries, at many different stages, Western civilization has now, and rather suddenly, been forced to contend with a more primal threat to the values it holds dear. Until recently this, the scourge of terrorism, seemed containable within the geographic boundaries of the Middle East and the seemingly intractable Palestinian conflict. But with 11 September 2001 the battlefield widened to encompass the whole civilized world.
Recommended publications
  • Streeten's Major Writings Paul Marlor SWEEZY
    .... 642 Paul Marlor SWEEZY Paul Marlor SWEEZY 643 I out agreeing with the late David McCord Wright, who once said, 'When It was under these circumstances that acquired a mission in life, not all at once and self-consciously, but gradually and through a practice that had a logic of its people tell me I am fuzzy, I reply, "life is fuzzy'", the heterodox dis�enters own. That mission was to do what I could to make Marxism an integral and prefer, I think, to be accused of fuzziness. They prefer to be vaguely nght to respected part of the intellectual life of the country, or, put in other terms, to take being precisely wrong. It is a matter of taste. The orthodox may say, part in establishing a serious and authentic North American brand of Marxism. 'Reductionism is not the occupational disease of economists, it is their occu­ pation.' But if in the process they throw out the baby instead of the bathwater, In pursuing these interests at Harvard, Sweezy received encouragement the reduction surely loses its point. from the great conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, whose analysis of the origins, development and impending decline of capitalism revealed a Streeten's Major Writings complex and critical appreciation of Marxist analysis. 17 (1949), 'The Theory of Profit', The Manchester School, (3), September. Obtaining his Ph.D. in 1937, Sweezy took a job as an instructor at Harvard (1950a), 'Mangel des Preismechanismus', Vo//beschdftigung, Cologne: Bundverlag. (l 950b), 'The Inappropriateness of Simple "Elasticity" Concepts m the Analysis of Interna­ until 1939 when he rose to the rank of assistant professor.
    [Show full text]
  • Sociology As Self-Transformation
    SOCIOLOGY AS BOURDIEU'SSELF-TRANSFORMATION CLASS THEORY The Appeal &The Limitations Academic of as the Revolutionary Work of Pierre Bourdieu DYLAN RILEY ierre Bourdieu was a universal intellectual whose work ranges from P highly abstract, quasi-philosophical explorations to survey research, and whose enormous contemporary influence is only comparable to that previously enjoyed by Sartre or Foucault. Born in 1930 in a small provincial town in southwestern France where his father was the local postman, he made his way to the pinnacle of the French academic establishment, the École Normale Supérieur ( ENS), receiving the agrégation in philosophy in 1955. Unlike many other normaliens of his generation, Bourdieu did not join the Communist Party, although his close collaborator Jean-Claude Passeron did form part of a heterodox communist cell organized by Michel Foucault, and Bourdieu was clearly influenced by Althusserian Marxism in this period.1 Following his agrégation, Bourdieu’s original plan was to produce a thesis under the direction of the eminent philosopher of science and historical epistemologist Georges Canguilhem. But his philosophical career was interrupted by the draf. The young scholar was sent to Algeria, evidently as 1 David Swartz, Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 20. Catalyst SUMMER 2017 punishment for his anticolonial politics,2 where he performed military service for a year and subsequently decided to stay on as a lecturer in the Faculty of Letters at Algiers.3 Bourdieu’s Algerian experience was decisive for his later intellectual formation; here he turned away from epistemology and toward fieldwork, producing two masterful ethnographic studies: Sociologie de l’Algérie and Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique.
    [Show full text]
  • British Anti-Communist Propaganda and Cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951. Andrew Defty
    British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951. Andrew Defty European Studies Research Institute School of English, Sociology, Politics and Contemporary History University of Salford Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, January 2002 British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951 Contents Acknowledgements................................................................................................. .......ii Abbreviations.................................................................................................................iii Abstract..........................................................................................................................iv Introduction....................................................................................................................! Chapter 1 The Origins of Britain's anti-communist propaganda policy 1945-1947.............................28 Chapter 2 Launching the new propaganda policy, 1948.....................................................................74 Chapter 3 Building a concerted counter-offensive: cooperation with other powers, 1948-1950 ........123 Chapter 4 'Close and continuous liaison': British and American cooperation, 1950-1951 .................162 Conclusion .....................................................................................................................216 Notes Introduction .........................................................................................................226
    [Show full text]
  • The Class Struggle in United States
    The Class Struggle in United States By Pavlito Geshos (nom d’plume) The objective conditions for a working class upsurge in the United States are ‘over-ripe’. By this I mean that, over the last twenty years, ‘objectively’, the workers have suffered under oppressive working conditions, extreme loss of jobs, wage cuts and denial of job rights by their employers. There has also been a systematic and deliberate failure to protect workers rights by the government agencies that are designed to defend workers rights. This means that the legal rights to organize unions or to demand safe and healthy working-conditions, are not being protected by the United States government. Those union leaders that are allowed to hold power in the United States are, in general, class collaborationists. These union leaders hold their power by making deals with or giving concessions to the capitalist class and capitalist state. Under the class-collaborationist leadership of the American labor unions, American workers have been led down the path of ‘least resistance’. Workers have tried every other option except struggle on a massive scale. Each labor contract, over the last twenty years, has involved concessions to corporate management on some level (loss of wages, benefits, jobs or job rights). Those union leaders who do fight for their members are put under a news media slander attack and/or under legal attack by the capitalist state. Effective ‘class struggle’ union leaders have been driven out of power. An example of this is the great Teamsters strike against United Parcel Service, which shut down a major sector of the parcel delivery industry in 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • Planned and Command Economies
    Pambazuka - Zambia: Less Than $1 Means Family of 6 Can Eat http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/6112 English DEVELOPMENT Français Português Zambia: Less Than $1 Means Family of 6 Can Eat Home 2002-02-28, Issue 55 Current Issue http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/6112 Author List Tag Cloud Printer friendly version Feedback She is sitting on a warped stool in a roofless market with the ferocious midday sun Back Issues bearing down on her. A sinewy woman with deep-set eyes and sharp features that About jut sphinxlike from under her black head scarf, Rose Shanzi awoke with a start this SUBSCRIBE FOR FREE! Advertising morning, and the primordial question that jarred her from sleep is stalking her again: Will she and her children eat today? Newsfeeds email: Broadcasts Less Than $1 Means Family of 6 Can Eat Publications Awards By Jon Jeter Washington Post Foreign Service DONATE TO PAMBAZUKA NEWS! Subscribe Tuesday, February 19, 2002; Page A01 Friends of Pambazuka MARAMBA, Zambia -- She is sitting on a warped stool in a roofless market Action alerts with the ferocious midday sun bearing down on her. A sinewy woman with GET INVOLVED Editors’ corner deep-set eyes Features and sharp features that jut sphinxlike from under her black head scarf, Rose Shanzi awoke with a start this morning, and the primordial question Announcements that jarred her from Dakar World Social Forum 2011 sleep is stalking her again: Comment & analysis Will she and her children eat today? PAMBAZUKA NEWS Tributes to Tajudeen Latest tweets Advocacy & campaigns It is always a compound question.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Full What Happened Collection [PDF]
    American Compass December 2020 WHAT HAPPENED THE TRUMP PRESIDENCY IN REVIEW AMERICAN COMPASS is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, launched in May 2020 with a mission to restore an economic consensus that emphasizes the importance of family, community, and industry to the nation’s liberty and prosperity— REORIENTING POLITICAL FOCUS from growth for its own sake to widely shared economic development that sustains vital social institutions; SETTING A COURSE for a country in which families can achieve self-sufficiency, contribute productively to their communities, and prepare the next generation for the same; and HELPING POLICYMAKERS NAVIGATE the limitations that markets and government each face in promoting the general welfare and the nation’s security. www.americancompass.org [email protected] What Happened: The Trump Presidency in Review Table of Contents FOREWORD: THE WORK REMAINS President Trump told many important truths, but one also has to act by Daniel McCarthy 1 INTRODUCTION 4 TOO FEW OF THE PRESIDENT’S MEN An iconoclast’s administration will struggle to find personnel both experienced and aligned by Rachel Bovard 5 A POPULISM DEFERRED Trump’s transitional presidency lacked the vision and agenda necessary to let go of GOP orthodoxy by Julius Krein 11 THE POTPOURRI PRESIDENCY A decentralized and conflicted administration was uniquely inconsistent in its policy actions by Wells King 17 SOME LIKE IT HOT Unsustainable economic stimulus at an expansion’s peak, not tax cuts or tariffs, fueled the Trump boom by Oren Cass 23 Copyright © 2020 by American Compass, Inc. Electronic versions of these articles with hyperlinked references are available at www.americancompass.org.
    [Show full text]
  • The Poverty of Philosophy and Its Contemporary Relevance
    Crisis, Revolution, and the Meaning of Progress: The Poverty of Philosophy and its Contemporary Relevance Michael Joseph Roberto Proudhon and Marx ABSTRACT: In 1847, Marx wrote The Poverty of Philosophy, his polemical response to Pierre Joseph Proudhon’s System of Economical Contradictions Or, The Philosophy of Poverty, published a year earlier. Marx and Proudhon were the principal antagonists in the struggle for influence and control of the emerging European workers movement then fueled by the first great crisis of modern capitalism. While Marx propagated communist revolution as a solution to the crisis, Proudhon sought to preserve “good capitalism” by attempting to formulate a new political economy that would reconcile contradictions of capitalist exchange by means of reciprocal agreements and transactions; in a word, mutualism. In The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx took Proudhon to task for creating a massive “dialectical phantasmagoria” in the System of Economical Contradictions. Usually regarded as his first detailed treatment of political economy, Marx’s book also contains an implicit conception of social and historical progress based on the principles of contradiction, paradox, and Copyright © 2009 by Michael Joseph Roberto and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Michael Joseph Roberto 2 practice. Today, as the U.S. experiences an irreversible and possibly terminal capitalist crisis, Marx’s polemic against Proudhon remains instructive as an historical, theoretical, and practical-political guide. Key features of the Marx- Proudhon divide in the 1840s are now being recast in contemporary guises and forms. The Left must distinguish between revolutionary Marxist solutions and variations of the New Proudhonism. While Marxism holds the potential for revolutionary, socialist transformation and renewed social progress, the New Proudhonism seeks to save “good capitalism” – ironically and tragically, carrying with it the plausibility of a more coercive and barbarous system.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
    Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far.
    [Show full text]
  • John Jay College City University of New York Econ 213: Political Economy Spring2020
    John Jay College City University of New York Econ 213: Political Economy Spring2020 Instructor: Ian J. Seda-Irizarry, Ph.D. Email: [email protected] Office: 9.63.10 NB Office Telephone: 212-393-6425 Office Hours: Tu-Th: 2:00-3:00 pm or by appointment A) Overview: This course exposes students to one of the most sophisticated, yet misunderstood and marginalized, theories of social science. Focus will be on the contributions of the thinker who, perhaps better than anybody else, appropriated and critiqued a whole tradition of socio-economic analysis, which included thinkers such as William Petty, Francois Quesnay, Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Thomas Malthus, and John Stuart Mill. We are referring to Karl Marx. Marx is one of those figures from the history of thought whose contributions had been considered by many as redundant, inconsistent, simply outdated, and even dangerous. Still, his thought has ferociously knocked at the door once again in the face of capitalisms’ problems. The purpose of this course is to directly read Marx’s mature theorizations about how capital works to hopefully get a grasp of an understanding of capitalism as a system which suffers from recurrent crises, instabilities, business cycles and uneven development — all of them characteristics that mainstream economic theory tends to consider as secondary compared to the harmonious arrangement that is said to prevail in a market economy that is supposed to deliver the goods while providing the basis for a democratic political system. In this class we will mainly focus on Marx’s magnum opus, Volume 1 of Capital, and we will also read some excerpts from Volumes 2 and 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Road to Serfdom
    F. A. Hayek The Road to Serfdom ~ \ L f () : I~ ~ London and New York ( m v ..<I S 5 \ First published 1944 by George Routledge & Sons First published in Routledge Classics 2001 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, OX14 4 RN 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Repri nted 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006 Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor CJ( Francis Group, an informa business © 1944 F. A. Hayek Typeset in Joanna by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 10: 0-415-25543-0 (hbk) ISBN 10: 0-415-25389-6 (pbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-415-25543-1 (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-415-25389-5 (pbk) CONTENTS PREFACE vii Introduction 1 The Abandoned Road 10 2 The Great Utopia 24 3 Individualism and Collectivism 33 4 The "Inevitability" of Planning 45 5 Planning and Democracy 59 6 Planning and the Rule of Law 75 7 Economic Control and Totalitarianism 91 8 Who, Whom? 1°5 9 Security and Freedom 123 10 Why the Worst Get on Top 138 11 The End ofTruth 157 12 The Socialist Roots of Nazism 171 13 The Totalitarians in our Midst 186 14 Material Conditions and Ideal Ends 207 15 The Prospects of International Order 225 2 THE GREAT UTOPIA What has always made the state a hell on earth has been precisely that man has tried to make it his heaven.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxian Theory Winter 2006 Professor Micha
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Department of History History HITO 111/HIGR 211: Marxian Theory Winter 2006 Professor Michael A. Bernstein 3410 Literature [Warren Campus] 534-6270/534-1070 <[email protected]> historyweb.ucsd.edu/bernstein/ A survey and examination of some of the most important writings of Marx concerning economic and social theory and historical analysis. Emphasis on the theory of value, production, technical change, reproduction, and accumulation. Some consideration will also be made of certain neo-Marxist contributions and critiques. Required and Recommended Texts: +Karl Marx, Capital (3 volumes). +Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The German Ideology. +Karl Marx, The Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. +Karl Marx, Grundrisse. +Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Economic Formations. +Paul Sweezy, The Theory of Capitalist Development. E. von Böhm-Bawerk, Karl Marx and the Close of His Sytem. N. Bukharin, The Economic Theory of the Leisure Class. M. Dobb, Political Economy and Capitalism. I. Rubin, Essays on Marx's Theory of Value. J. Robinson, An Essay on Marxian Economics. R. Meek, Studies in the Labor Theory of Value. D. Horowitz, Marx and Modern Economics. M. Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism. M. Blaug, Economic Theory in Retrospect. W. Williams, The Great Evasion: An Essay on the Contemporary Relevance of Karl Marx and on the Wisdom of Admitting the Heretic into the Dialogue About America’s Future + -- Ordered at the University Bookstore in the Price Center. Course Requirements: There will be one class meeting per week. Student participation in class discussion is encouraged and expected. Those readings starred (*) on the reading list are especially important.
    [Show full text]
  • Mitchell's Musings Daniel J.B. Mitchell April-June 2017 for Employment
    Mitchell’s Musings Daniel J.B. Mitchell April-June 2017 For Employment Policy Research Network (EPRN) Employmentpolicy.org Note: There is no Mitchell’s Musings for January-March 2017 due to teaching obligations. 0 Mitchell’s Musings 4-3-2017: Making Borderline Policy Daniel J.B. Mitchell Note: We resume our weekly musings with this edition. Our practice is to omit the winter quarter due to teaching obligations. Much has happened since our last musing in late December. Some would say too much has happened. However, of particular note recently was the failure of Congressional Republicans to pass a “repeal and replace” bill for the Affordable Care Act. As numerous commentators have observed, the failure was due to an inability among House GOP members to decide on what should be the. That inability, combined with a seeming presidential indifference to the details of what the bill contained, doomed the effort. We can come back to the whys of that failure in a future musing. But, supposedly, the next big agenda item in Congress is to be tax “reform.” And, as in the case of health care, there seems to be no consensus among the Republic majority on what such reform should entail. One version of reform, sometimes said to be under consideration and sometimes said to be off the table, is a so-called border adjustment tax. So let’s look at what such a tax might entail. “Might” is the right word, since there is no explicit proposal. The idea seems to be that a tax (tariff) would be imposed on imports of, say, 20%, and a symmetrical subsidy would be given to exports at the same 20% rate.
    [Show full text]