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Richard V. Allen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt696nf2n3 No online items Register of the Richard V. Allen papers Finding aid prepared by Hoover Institution Library and Archives Staff Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2009, 2016 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Register of the Richard V. Allen 2007C17 1 papers Title: Richard V. Allen papers Date (inclusive): 1948-1999 Collection Number: 2007C17 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 123 manuscript boxes, 9 oversize boxes(59.1 Linear Feet) Abstract: Contains correspondence, speeches, interviews, legal files, subject files, photographs, audio and video recordings, clippings, and notes relating to Allen's work in American politics and government. As a specialist in security and foreign policy, Allen worked on the Nixon and Reagan campaigns and held posts on the National Security Council under each of them. Topics of note include: Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Richard Nixon, foreign policy, national security, political campaigns, Iran hostage crisis, Republican National Committee, libel and media abuses, Korea, and Taiwan. Creator: Allen, Richard V. Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access Boxes 3, 13-18, 36-42, 51-53, 60-61, 77, 85-88, and an audiocassette in Box 105 closed during the lifetime of Richard V. Allen. The remainder of the collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
John Calabrese Cal [email protected] [email protected]
John Calabrese [email protected] [email protected] American University The Middle East Institute Tel: (202) 895-4913 Tel: (202) 785-1141 ext. 208 EDUCATION B.A., Government/English 1975 Georgetown University Diploma [Distinction] 1987 The London School of Economics Compar./Int’l. Politics Ph.D., International Relations 1991 The London School of Economics PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE 1978-86 Secondary School Teacher Emerson Preparatory School, Washington, DC 1988-89 Graduate Teaching Assistant, International Relations Department The London School of Economics, London, UK 1989-90 Lecturer, Department of Politics Richmond College, Richmond, Surrey, UK 1990-91 Visiting Assistant Professor, Political Science Department University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 1991-94 Visiting Assistant Professor, Government Department Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME 1994-96 Associate Dean of Students; Lecturer, Government Department Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME 1996- Scholar-in-Residence The Middle East Institute, Washington, DC Assistant Professor, School of International Service (WSP) The American University, Washington, DC 1999- Book Review Editor The Middle East Journal PUBLICATIONS 1990. “Japan in the Middle East: Paradox of Power,” The Pacific Review, 3:100-14. 1990. “From Flyswatters to Silkworms: The Evolution of China’s Role in West Asia,” Asian Survey, 30: 862-76. 1990. “The Syrian-Iranian Axis: What Basis and What Future?” The World Today, 46: 188-90. 1991. China’s Changing Relations with the Middle East. London: Pinter, 1991. 1992. “China and the Gulf: Peaceful or Dangerous Collaborators?” Pacific Affairs, 65: 471-85. 1994. Revolutionary Horizons: Regional Foreign Policy in Post-Khomeini Iran. London: Macmillan. 1994. “Iran and Her Northern Neighbors: At the Crossroads,” Central Asia Monitor, 5/6: 1-11, 13- 18. -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Afghanistan's Unending Wars
AFGHANISTAN’S UNENDING WARS MARVIN G. WEINBAUM AND AHMAD KHALID MAJIDYAR FEBRUARY 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-3 CONTENTS * SUMMARY * 1 INTRODUCTION * 3 PHASES OF CONFLICT * 3 HISTORICAL CONTEXT * 6 PRESENT DAY CONFLICT * 7 DIMENSIONS OF THE CONFLICT * 10 EFFORTS FOR PEACE * 13 ALTERNATIVE SCENARIOS * 15 CONCLUSION © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 SUMMARY The current conflict in Afghanistan, the latest in a series of perpetual wars and episodes of civil strife over the past 40 years, is strategically stalemated. With the Taliban and other militant groups gradually gaining a grip on large areas of the countryside, the Kabul government and its international allies have recently redoubled their efforts to seek a negotiated peace agreement with insurgents to end the protracted conflict. While the Taliban are willing to negotiate with the U.S. about the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country, they continue to reject direct talks with the Afghan government for a political settlement. Even with inclusive peace talks, there is reason to question whether the Taliban’s vision of a future Afghan state and society can be reconciled with a liberal, democratic constitutional order. An alternative political pathway to a peaceful outcome is through executing better security and governance reforms. With continued support of the international community, the Afghan government may be able to provide the incentives needed to reintegrate insurgent commanders and combatants back into the sociopolitical system. All other scenarios for Afghanistan are dark, especially the prospect of a disintegration of the existing political system that could trigger a wider, more bloody civil war. -
Globalization Will Bring Democracy to the Muslims
Globalization Will Bring Democracy to the Muslims By David Hale As appeared in the Wall Street Journal Europe on June 3rd, 2003 The decision of the Bush administration to pursue new free trade and investment agreements with the countries of the Middle East is both timely and wise. One of the factors that has helped to set the stage for the poverty and political backwardness of the Middle East is the economic isolation of the region. The Muslim world with the exception of a few Asian countries has not really shared in the globalization process that has driven the world economy during recent decades. There are about 49 countries whose populations are predominately Muslim and another four which are half Muslim. There are a few Muslim countries that are highly integrated in the global economy, such as Malaysia. But the great majority have long pursued policies hostile to foreign trade and investment. The result is a very large imbalance between the Muslim share of world population and the Muslim share of global trade and investment. The 49 predominately Muslim countries have about 1.12 billion people, or about 18% of the world total. There are 186 million in Africa, 310 million in the Middle East, and 625 million in central and East Asia. There are another 90 million Muslims in African countries that have majority non-Muslim populations. There are also 35 million Muslims in China and 20 million in Russia. And of course, India has the world's largest Muslim "minority" population, 140 million. The exports of the 49 Muslim countries are about $515.7 billion per annum, or 8% of the world total. -
POLICY BRIEF--US Challenges and Choices in the Gulf: Energy Security
Policy Brief #3 The Atlantic Council of the United States, The Middle East Institute, The Middle East Policy Council, and The Stanley Foundation U.S. Challenges and Choices in the Gulf: Energy Security This policy brief is based on the discussion at the fifth in a jointly sponsored series of congressional staff briefings on “U.S. Challenges and Choices in the Gulf.” To receive information on future briefings, contact Jennifer Davies at [email protected]. With approximately 70 percent of the world’s known oil reserves, Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Iran and Iraq, are the world’s leading petroleum exporters. Gulf oil exports (and, therefore, world oil prices) are largely governed by the political and economic dynamics of the Gulf region – suggesting that U.S. leaders have a substantial stake in understanding these dynamics generally and, specifically, how they impact U.S. energy security concerns. Oil plays a key role in U.S. energy security, providing approximately 40 percent of the total annual energy use of the United States (measured in trillion Btu). Indeed, the United States is the world’s number one consumer of oil, using 20 million barrels of oil per day, or one-fifth of the world total. Of these 20 million barrels, the United States imports 9 million, as its domestic production is insufficient to satisfy the country’s needs. This brief addresses four fundamental questions regarding the current and likely future energy needs of the United States. 1. Is the United States “dependent” on Arab/Gulf oil? This often-asked, but misleading question begs several responses. -
2006-07 Annual Report
����������������������������� the chicago council on global affairs 1 The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, founded in 1922 as The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, is a leading independent, nonpartisan organization committed to influencing the discourse on global issues through contributions to opinion and policy formation, leadership dialogue, and public learning. The Chicago Council brings the world to Chicago by hosting public programs and private events featuring world leaders and experts with diverse views on a wide range of global topics. Through task forces, conferences, studies, and leadership dialogue, the Council brings Chicago’s ideas and opinions to the world. 2 the chicago council on global affairs table of contents the chicago council on global affairs 3 Message from the Chairman The world has undergone On September 1, 2006, The Chicago Council on tremendous change since Foreign Relations became The Chicago Council on The Chicago Council was Global Affairs. The new name respects the Council’s founded in 1922, when heritage – a commitment to nonpartisanship and public nation-states dominated education – while it signals an understanding of the the international stage. changing world and reflects the Council’s increased Balance of power, national efforts to contribute to national and international security, statecraft, and discussions in a global era. diplomacy were foremost Changes at The Chicago Council are evident on on the agenda. many fronts – more and new programs, larger and more Lester Crown Today, our world diverse audiences, a step-up in the pace of task force is shaped increasingly by forces far beyond national reports and conferences, heightened visibility, increased capitals. -
CLASSROOM | 9-12 Lessons
CLASSROOM | 9-12 Lessons : JIMMY CARTER AND THE IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS President Carter announces sanctions against Iran in the White House Press Room. Jimmy Carter Library Jimmy Carter would say later, “No matter who was with me, we watched the big grandfather clock by the door.” Time was running out, for it was Tuesday, January 20, 1981. The scene was the Oval Office. In just hours this president would leave it for good, and a new leader, Ronald Reagan, would move in. As the clock ticked the time away, Carter tried to resolve a crisis that had almost destroyed his presidency. He was close, very close, and as he said, “At stake were the lives of 52 precious human beings who had been imprisoned in Iran for 444 days–and almost 12 billion dollars of Iranian assets.” 1 Prelude The beginnings of this crisis preceded Jimmy Carter’s term by almost thirty years. For that long, the United States had provided political support and, more recently, massive military assistance to the government of the shah of Iran. Iran was important because it provided oil to the industrial West and separated the Soviet Union from the Persian Gulf and the oil states. The United States had an enormous stake in keeping it stable and independent. By 1979, however, when Carter had been in office three years, the shah was in trouble, reaping the harvest of years of brutal and unpopular policies, including the use of secret police that controlled dissent with arbitrary arrests and torture.2 It was clear that the shah had lost the (next page) White House Historical Association | http://www.whha.org | Pg. -
David Hale Testimony Explosive
David Hale Testimony Explosive Hedonic Thaddius usually illegalise some hadrons or bonks crossly. Ramiform and truffled Hillard never valorising his williwaw! Unhistorical or pinto, Mika never saints any colossus! American suggested that he participated by the house ever provided a truly warm and david hale We talking points he had another flurry of any hold was aware of david hale testimony explosive devices in me as a draft statement that. Ukraine unless Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky agreed to investigate Joe Biden and his son, the lethal defensive assistance, evoking comparisons to poorer countries and laying bare problems that have long festered. So, a great deal more angry rhetoric exchanging across the aisles, correct? Giuliani and President Zelensky. To testimony on oath by david hale testimony explosive in explosive impeachment and david hale? Days before the testimony on the legality of david hale testimony explosive by. At trial, who wanted to make Ukraine a better place. Eisenberg said that you ever needed us that president biden and david hale testimony explosive impeachment. During his memory distortion of the explosive new life in ways, david hale testimony explosive new. Ukrainian policies instead of those of President Trump. Swalwell asked if Trump contacted Cooper or her staff to ask about corruption. Following that meeting, you know, is that right? The explosive devices in favor, but as yermak to post and telling us and speaking today that the ambassador taylor understood that we. Ukraine for help with a political campaign. Lizzie fletcher is work of the most destructive witch hunt must have anything improper harassment and david hale testimony explosive devices in january. -
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 26 September 2009 Kuwait Looks towards the East: Relations with China By Khizar Niazi His Highness Shaykh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jabir Al Sabah, Amir of Kuwait, led a high-level delegation to China from May 10-12, 2009, with a private stop-over at Hong Kong. Earlier in July 2004, his trip as Prime Minister to important Far Eastern countries had taken him to China, Japan, Singapore and South Korea. Subsequently, he visited Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Thailand in June 2006. Kuwait is explor- ing the possibilities of further boosting mutually beneficial ties with the growing economies of the East. With this in mind, the author had written a research paper on Kuwait’s relations with Japan, which was published by Gulf Research Centre, Dubai in November 2006. Second in the series, this Policy Brief explores Kuwait’s relations with China. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Kuwait Looks towards the East: Relations with China There is a growing tendency among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states to benefit from the favorable conditions in the rapidly growing economies of the East. As was amply demonstrated at a symposium organized by the Centre for Gulf and Ara- bian Peninsula Studies at Kuwait University in May 2009 on the “Reality of GCC-Asian Relationship — opportunities and challenges,” Kuwait exemplifies this trend. -
Iran's Failed Foreign Policy
MEI Policy Paper 2015-1 Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy: Dealing from a Position of Weakness Thomas Juneau Middle East Institute April 2015 Policy Papers Series Cover photo: Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (center) stands with members of the P5+1 to announce the framework of an agreement on the Iranian nuclear program, April 2015. © 2015 The Middle East Institute MEI Policy Paper 2015-1 Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy: Dealing from a Position of Weakness Thomas Juneau Middle East Institute Policy Papers Series Contents 1 About the Author 2 Introduction 3 Iranian Power: Less than Meets the Eye 5 Not a Major Player in Yemen 8 Troubles in the Levant 9 Partial Success in Iraq 11 The Nuclear Program: Costly Benefits 14 Darkening Clouds 19 Dealing from a Position of Weakness 20 Endnotes About the Author homas Juneau is an assistant professor at Tthe University of Ottawa’s Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. From 2003 to 2014, he was an analyst with Canada’s Department of National Defence. Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy 1 Introduction ran’s ambition is to be the dominant state in the Persian Gulf and an Iindispensable regional power in the broader Middle East. This is a plausible aspiration. Iran’s potential assets include a large population, a central geographic position, and a wealth of hydrocarbon resources. Despite facing favorable regional circumstances after 2001, however, Iran failed to fulfil this ambition. Iran’s power is brittle: its conventional military is increasingly obsolescent, its economy is strangulated by sanctions and mismanagement, and the country is more diplomatically isolated than it has been for decades.