Constituent Assembly of India Debates (Proceedings) - Volume Xi
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No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
The Impact of Instant Universal Suffrage
July 2017, Volume 28, Number 3 $14.00 India’s Democracy at 70 Ashutosh Varshney Christophe Jaffrelot Louise Tillin Eswaran Sridharan Swati Ramanathan and Ramesh Ramanathan Ronojoy Sen Subrata Mitra Sumit Ganguly The Rise of Referendums Liubomir Topaloff Matt Qvortrup China’s Disaffected Insiders Kevin J. O’Brien Dan Paget on Tanzania Sergey Radchenko on Turkmenistan Marlene Laruelle on Central Asia’s Kleptocrats What Europe’s History Teaches Sheri Berman Agnes Cornell, Jørgen Møller, and Svend-Erik Skaaning Ramanathan.PRE created by BK on 4/17/17. PGS created by BK on 5/25/17. India’s Democracy at 70 THE IMPACT OF INSTANT UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE Swati Ramanathan and Ramesh Ramanathan Swati Ramanathan and Ramesh Ramanathan are cofounders of the Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy in Bangalore, Kar- nataka. This essay was written when the authors were visiting fellows at the Center for Contemporary South Asia, Watson Institute for Public and International Affairs, Brown University. On 15 August 2017, India will celebrate the seventieth anniversary of its independence. Acting just a few years after independence in 1947, the authors of the Constitution of 1950 took the extraordinarily bold step of establishing universal suffrage.1 All adult citizens—at that time they numbered 173 million—received the right to vote. With this singular act, India became the world’s first large democracy to adopt universal adult suffrage from its very inception as an independent nation.2 We call India’s move “instant universal suffrage,” to distinguish it from “in- cremental suffrage,” which is the more common historical experience by which the vote is extended more gradually.3 In nearly all Western democracies, suffrage rights broadened only over an extended period of time. -
Constituent Assembly Debates Official Report
Monday, 15th November, 1948 Volume VII 4-11-1948 to 8-1-1949 CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DEBATES OFFICIAL REPORT REPRINTED BY LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT, NEW DELHI SIXTH REPRINT 2014 Printed by JAINCO ART INDIA, New Delhi CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF INDIA President : THE HONOURABLE DR. RAJENDRA PRASAD Vice-President : DR. H.C. MOOKHERJEE Constitutional Adviser : SIR B.N. RAU, C.I.E. Secretary : SHRI H.V. IENGAR, C.I.E., I.C.S. Joint Secretary : SHRI S.N. MUKERJEE Deputy Secretary : SHRI JUGAL KISHORE KHANNA Under Secretary : SHRI K.V. PADMANABHAN Marshal : SUBEDAR MAJOR HARBANS RAI JAIDKA CONTENTS ————— Volume VII—4th November 1948 to 8th January 1949 Pages Pages Thursday, 4th November 1948 Thursday, 18th November, 1948— Presentation of Credentials and Taking the Pledge and Signing signing the Register .................. 1 the Register ............................... 453 Taking of the Pledge ...................... 1 Draft Constitution—(contd.) ........... 453—472 Homage to the Father of the Nation ........................................ 1 [Articles 3 and 4 considered] Condolence on the deaths of Friday, 19th November 1948— Quaid-E-Azam Mohammad Ali Draft Constitution—(contd.) ........... 473—500 Jinnah, Shri D.P. Khaitan and [Articles 28 to 30-A considered] Shri D.S. Gurung ...................... 1 Amendments to Constituent Monday, 22nd November 1948— Assembly Rules 5-A and 5-B .. 2—12 Draft Constitution—(contd.) ........... 501—527 Amendment to the Annexure to the [Articles 30-A, 31 and 31-A Schedule .................................... 12—15 considered] Addition of New Rule 38V ........... 15—17 Tuesday, 23rd November 1948— Programme of Business .................. 17—31 Draft Constitution—(contd.) ........... 529—554 Motion re Draft Constitution ......... 31—47 Appendices— [Articles 32, 33, 34, 34-A, 35, 36, 37 Appendix “A” ............................. -
The Role of Constituent Assemblies in Constitution Making
The Role of Constituent Assemblies in Constitution Making Yash Ghai1 Introduction With the increase in constitution making around the world, there is a growing interest in the role of a constituent assembly. The distinguishing characteristic of a constituent assembly is that it is established to make a constitution, or at least that this is its primary role. The constituent assembly is still the most common mode of making a constitution. Unlike past times, a constitution is no longer accepted as an imposition by a victor or dominant group over others (or a grant by a monarch or a president), or even that the military would promulgate the constitution (though both these situations happened in the last few decades—Nigeria’s democratic constitutions of 1979 and 1989 were promulgated by the military, although based to some extent on the work of constitution commissions and constituent assemblies). Distinguishing a constituent assembly from other constitution making mechanisms might suggest that it is a distinct species (with its generally accepted characteristics). But the fact is that between constituent assemblies there can be (and have been) enormous differences in the composition, functions and modes of operation. These differences have a major impact on the manner in which the process of making a constitution is conducted as well as its orientation and outcome. The paper reviews these various possibilities, drawing on the experiences of many countries’ constitution making processes, from the American Convention and the French Assembly of the 1790s to the Kenyan National Constitutional Conference 2001-4 and the Transitional National Assembly of Iraq 2005. -
Diet 3-54.Pmd
ISSN : 2321-3957 Edu - Reflections March 2015 CONTENTS Editors’ note Titles Page No TRAINING COMMUNICATORS Bereket Yebio....................................................................................................................................................... ..... 1-4 SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND MANIFESTATIONS OF INEQUALITY: A REFLECTION ON THEORIES AND A CASE Dr. Sreekala Edannur ......................................................................................................................................................... 5-10 A STUDY OF GIRLS’ EDUCATION IN RELATION TO AWARENESS AND PERCEPTION OF PARENTS AND TEACHERS Dr. Javed Akhtar ............................................................................................................................................................... 11-17 INTEGRATING CLASSROOM DRAMA INTO ENGLISH CLASSROOM Dr. K.M. Unnikrishnan .................................................................................................................................................... 18-22 PROBLEMS IN THE MANAGEMENT OF PRE- PRIMARY EDUCATION IN THE TRIBAL SETTLEMENT OF PALAKKAD DISTRICT M.Shaheed Ali & K.Mohamed Basheer........................................................................................................................... 23-27 TEACHING COMPETENCE OF SECONDARY SCHOOL TEACHERS IN RELATION TO THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARDS TEACHING PROFESSION Dr.M.G.Remadevi ............................................................................................................................................................ -
THE Bolsheviks' Destruction of the Russian Constituent Assembly and the Making of the FIRST COMMUNI
57 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31577/SPS.2019-2.4 Pieter C. van DUin - ZUZana POLÁČKOvÁ1 Pieter C. van Duin, University of Leiden, Leiden, Holandské kráľovstvo Zuzana Poláčková, Historický ústav SAV, Bratislava THE BIG BANG OF COMMUNISM: THE BOLsheviKs’ DestrUCtiOn Of the rUssian COnstitUent assemBLy anD the maKing OF THE FIRST COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP (NOVEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918) This essay examines the suppression by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 of Russia’s first democrati- cally elected parliament, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, and the various steps taken and argu- ments used by them during the preceding weeks to achieve this goal. Although Lenin and his Bolshevik party had never intended to tolerate the emergence of the Constituent Assembly as a competing political institution to their so-called Soviet democracy, they had to take care to present their repressive interven- tion as a rational and inevitable act from a revolutionary point of view. This crucial historical episode reveals the true character of the communist movement and communist ideology, which developed into one of the most dangerous threats to European democracy. There were several socialist parties in Rus- sia who tried to fight the Bolsheviks and to present a democratic-socialist alternative, in particular the moderate (‘Right’) wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The last section of this essay pays some additional attention to Viktor Chernov, a leader of the democratic group of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the President of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921 he fled to Czechoslovakia, where he lived until 1929. Key words. Communism; Bolshevism; democracy; Russia; Socialist-Revolutionaries; Viktor Chernov The Bolshevik seizure of power in Petrograd on 7 November 1917 (25 October on the Old Russian calendar), known among faithful communists as the ‘Great October Revolution’, was shocking to most non-Bolsheviks and even to some Bolshevik party members themselves. -
1 Populism, Constitutional Courts and Civil Society1 Andrew Arato
Populism, Constitutional Courts and Civil Society1 Andrew Arato, November- December 2018 Introduction The antagonism of populist governments to apex courts is, as I will show, a matter of historical record. It started with Peronism, the first time that an openly populist movement established its own government.2 In section 1 below I will summarize current efforts by dominant executives to pack and disempower supreme and constitutional courts in Peru, Russia, Venezuela, Israel, Hungary, Turkey and Poland. After a preliminary definition of populism in section 2, I will consider, in the next section, the reasons why populist movements once in government attack the independence of apex courts. I will argue that such an effort is a key indication of populism in government moving toward establishing itself as a regime. I will next try to summarize the harm involved in these cases to constitutional democracy. In the final fourth section, using the examples of Poland and the United States, I will maintain that the way to oppose populist authoritarianism and its attack on courts requires a strategy that is both legal and political, based on the mutual support of associations and initiatives of civil society and courts. I will argue that such an effort requires facing the democratic deficit of liberal representative democracy, and reliance on an alternative conception, namely the “plurality of democracies.” I. Admittedly, no current populist government has gone as far Peron’s in 1947 when he has initiated the impeachment and trial of 4 out of 5 Supreme Court justices, with one of them resigning before impeachment succeeded.3 As indicated by the table below, removal and/or packing are only two of the possible forms of bringing a court under government control. -
Authoritarian Constitutionalism
Authoritarian Constitutionalism The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Mark V. Tushnet, Authoritarian Constitutionalism, 100 Cornell L. Rev. 391 (2015). Published Version http://cornelllawreview.org/files/2015/01/100CLR391.pdf Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17367412 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA 1 Authoritarian Constitutionalism Mark Tushnet1 I. Introduction Within days of the Singapore parliamentary election in May 2011, Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Chok Tong announced that they had decided to leave the nation’s Cabinet, where they had been serving as “Minister Mentor” and “Senior Minister,” positions created for them as former Prime Ministers.2 The reason was that the People’s Action Party (PAP), which Lee Kuan Yew had founded with others in the 1950s and which had governed the nation since its separation 1 William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law, Harvard Law School. I thank William Alford, Rosalind Dixon, Vicki Jackson, Jack Lee, H.K.M. Ewing-Chow, Rahul Sagar, Li-Ann Thio, Arun Kumar Thiruvengadam, and Po Jen Yap for comments on a draft, and participants at workshops at the University of Georgia Law School, Cornell Law School, New York University Law School, and Rutgers-Camden Law School for their comments. Geoffrey Curfman, now Research Intern in the Middle East Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and Al-Amyn Sumar provided important research assistance at an earlier stage of the project, as did --- at later stages. -
Most Eminent Indian Women Who Contributed to the Constitution of India
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Written & Conceptualized by: Bonani Dhar Development Sociologist, Gender & Human Resource Specialist Ex-World Bank & UN Adviser CDGI, Students & Faculty Development Cell & Chairperson WDC Phone: 9810237354 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Most Eminent Indian Women who contributed to the Constitution of India The Constitution of India was adopted by the elected Constituent Assembly on 26 November 1949 and came into effect on 26 January 1950. The total membership of the Constituent Assembly was 389. While we all remember Dr. B R Ambedkar as the Father of the Constitution and other pioneering male members who helped draft the Indian Constitution, the contribution of the fifteen female members of the Constituent Assembly is easily forgotten. On this Republic Day, let’s take a look at the powerful women who helped draft our Constitution. 1. Ammu Swaminathan Image Credit: The Indian Express Ammu Swaminathan was born into an upper caste Hindu family in Anakkara of Palghat district, Kerala. She formed the Women’s India Association in 1917 in Madras, along with Annie Besant, Margaret Cousins, Malathi Patwardhan, Mrs Dadabhoy and Mrs Ambujammal. She became a part of the Constituent Assembly from the Madras Constituency in 1946. In a speech during the discussion on the motion by Dr B R Ambedkar to pass the draft Constitution on November 24, 1949, an optimistic and confident Ammu said, “People outside have been saying that India did not give equal rights to her women. Now we can say that when the Indian people themselves framed their Constitution they have given rights to women equal with every other citizen of the country.” She was elected to the Lok Sabha in 1952 and Rajya Sabha in 1954. -
Compilation of Venice Commission Opinions and Reports Concerning Courts and Judges, CDL-PI(2019)008
Strasbourg, 8 October 2020 CDL-PI(2020)012 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) COMPILATION OF VENICE COMMISSION OPINIONS AND REPORTS CONCERNING SEPARATION OF POWERS(*) (*) This document will be updated regularly. This version contains all opinions and reports/studies adopted up to and including the Venice Commission’s 124th Plenary Session (8-9 October 2020). This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-PI(2020)012 - 2 - Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3 II. Definition and main features of the principle of separation of powers ............................ 4 A. Definition - the possible political systems ................................................................... 4 B. Main features - checks and balances ......................................................................... 5 C. The re-election of the President ................................................................................. 8 III. Relationship between the Legislature and the Executive ............................................... 9 A. In general .................................................................................................................. 9 B. Legislative powers of the executive ......................................................................... 10 1. In general ......................................................................................................... -
Palakkad PALAKKAD
Palakkad PALAKKAD / / / s Category in s s e e Final e Y which Y Reason for Y ( ( ( Decision in 9 his/her 9 Final 9 1 1 appeal 1 - - house is - Decision 6 3 1 - - (Increased - 0 included in 1 (Recommen 1 3 3 relief 3 ) ) ) Sl Name of disaster Ration Card the Rebuild ded by the Relief Assistance e e o o o e r Taluk Village r amount/Red r N N N o No. affected Number App ( If not o Technically Paid or Not Paid o f f f uced relief e e in the e Competent b b b amount/No d Rebuild App d Authority/A d e e e l l change in a Database fill a ny other m e e i relief p p the column a reason) l p p amount) C A as `Nil' ) A 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1 Palakkad Akathethara T M SURENDREN 1946162682 yes Paid 2 Palakkad Akathethara DEVU 1946022862 yes Paid 3 Palakkad Akathethara PRASAD K 1946022923 yes Paid 4 Palakkad Akathethara MANIYAPPAN R 1946022878 yes Paid 5 Palakkad Akathethara SHOBHANA P 1946021881 yes Paid Not Paid 6 Palakkad Akathethara Seetha 1946022739 yes Duplication 7 Palakkad Akathethara SEETHA 1946022739 yes Paid 8 Palakkad Akathethara KRISHNAVENI K 1946158835 yes Paid 9 Palakkad Akathethara kamalam 1946022988 yes Paid 10 Palakkad Akathethara PRIYA R 1946132777 yes Paid 11 Palakkad Akathethara CHELLAMMA 1946022421 yes Paid Page 1 Palakkad 12 Palakkad Akathethara Chandrika k 1946022576 yes Paid 13 Palakkad Akathethara RAJANI C 1946134568 yes Paid KRISHNAMOORT 14 Palakkad Akathethara 1946022713 yes Paid HY N 15 Palakkad Akathethara Prema 1946023035 yes Paid 16 Palakkad Akathethara PUSHPALATHA 1946022763 yes Paid 17 Palakkad Akathethara KANNAMMA -
Constituent Assembly of India Debates (Proceedings) - Volume Ix
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF INDIA DEBATES (PROCEEDINGS) - VOLUME IX Thursday, the 25th August, 1949 ------------ The Constituent Assembly of India met in the Constitution Hall, New Delhi, at Nine of the Clock, Mr. President (The Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad) in the Chair. ------------ DRAFT CONSTITUTION-(Contd.) New Article 295-A-(Contd.) Mr. President: We shall take up the amendments to article 295-A. Shri S. Nagappa (Madras: General): Mr. President, Sir, I beg to move: "'That in amendment No. 38 above, at the end of the proposed new article 295-A, the following proviso be added:- 'Provided the people for whom seats in the Legislatures have been reserved are brought to the level of other advanced classes of people educationally, socially and economically."' My intention in moving this amendment is not to extend the period of reservation, but to see that Government takes effective care that, within this ten years' period, the people for whom seats have been reserved are brought to the level of other advanced classes. As it is, in the various provinces there are ministries which are in charge of Harijan uplift, but in the Centre, I do not find such a ministry and I would request the Government to create a Ministry of that sort and see that a Harijan is kept in charge of this Ministry and a plan is chalked out for ten years so that these people are brought to the level of other advanced classes, educationally, economically and socially. In order to achieve this object, I would request the Central Government to set apart 5 per cent., of its revenues in order to give grants to the Provincial Governments as they have been doing in the case of rural water-supply or in the case of medical relief to the rural areas.