Brexit Status Report: 2016 - 2019 and Beyond
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Northern Ireland Prepared by Lex Mundi Member Firm, Arthur Cox
Guide to Doing Business Northern Ireland Prepared by Lex Mundi member firm, Arthur Cox This guide is part of the Lex Mundi Guides to Doing Business series which provides general information about legal and business infrastructures in jurisdictions around the world. View the complete series at: www.lexmundi.com/GuidestoDoingBusiness. Lex Mundi is the world’s leading network of independent law firms with in-depth experience in 100+ countries. Through close collaboration, our member firms are able to offer their clients preferred access to more than 21,000 lawyers worldwide – a global resource of unmatched breadth and depth. Lex Mundi – the law firms that know your markets. www.lexmundi.com Lex Mundi: A Guide to Doing Business in Northern Ireland. Prepared by Arthur Cox Updated June 2016 This document is intended merely to highlight issues for general information purposes only. It is not comprehensive nor does it provide legal advice. Any and all information is subject to change without notice. No liability whatsoever is accepted by Arthur Cox for any action taken in reliance on the information herein. LEX MUNDI: A GUIDE TO DOING BUSINESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND, PREPARED BY ARTHUR COX PAGE 2 Contents I. THE COUNTRY AT-A-GLANCE ............................................................................................................. 4 A. What languages are spoken? ............................................................................................................................................................ 4 B. What is the exchange -
Don't Believe Pundits' Claims About the Cost of Brexit.Pdf
Don’t Believe Pundits’ Claims About the Cost of Brexit Experts agree leaving the European Union will damage the British economy, but past performance should make them wary of offering outlandish assertions about an unknowable future. Embattled British Prime Minister Theresa May put on a brave face last week at the U.K. Conservative Party’s annual conference in Birmingham. Facing pressure from all sides over what has become known as her Chequers proposal for an orderly Brexit, she reiterated her government’s commitment to leaving the European Union as scheduled on March 29 of next year. Ridiculing opponents’ calls for further compromise, she stated unequivocally that “Britain isn’t afraid to leave with no deal if we have to.” May’s feisty formal address was preempted by an off-program speech the day before by the former foreign secretary and perennial Conservative Party renegade Boris Johnson, who all but called for a no-deal hard Brexit as the only way to avoid bowing to a Brussels dictatorship. Johnson called the Chequers plan “a cheat” of the electorate and likened it to the 14th-century offense of praemunire. (According to the Oxford English Dictionary, that’s “the offence of asserting or maintaining papal jurisdiction in England.”) In another reference that left watchers turning to Wikipedia for enlightenment, Johnson warned that the Chequers plan would see the United Kingdom “paraded in manacles down the Rue de la Loi like Caractacus.” (For the record, he’s referring to “a 1st-century AD British chieftain of the Catuvellauni tribe, who led the British resistance to the Roman conquest.”) As Johnson and other hard Brexiteers portray the Chequers plan as an abrogation of British sovereignty, hard core Remainers who want the United Kingdom to stay in the European Union routinely warn that a no-deal Brexit will be an economic catastrophe for their country. -
Where Next for Britain and for Europe? Senior European Experts Seminar
Where next for Britain and for Europe? Senior European Experts Seminar Tuesday 26 February Regent’s University London 16:30 – 18:00 This background paper has been prepared by the Senior European Experts Group, an independent group of former UK ambassadors and former EU and UK government officials which prepares briefings on current EU topics for opinion formers. Introduction Brexit has been a huge challenge for the UK and a headache Just as there were differences within the UK, so there were for the EU. The 2016 referendum plunged the UK into a differences between the regions of England. London had the constitutional and political crisis. More than two years on, the highest vote to Remain but the Leave vote was highest in the UK’s future relationship with the EU is still unresolved. East and West Midlands.1 EU Member States have been united in their response to Detailed analysis of the result identified the two most Brexit, but divided when responding to other challenges such significant factors separating Leave from Remain voters as as immigration and the stability of the euro, as well as being their level of educational achievement and their age. No less troubled by the rise of populist parties in some Member States. than 78 per cent of those with no qualifications voted Leave What should their response be to Brexit in the longer term? (admittedly only about 10 per cent of voters), and 61 per cent How can they maintain a united European front on security and of those whose education had stopped at O-levels or CSEs trade in the face of the challenges from Putin and from Trump? (about a quarter of voters).2 Leave voters tended to be older than Remain voters, with 61 per cent of people over 65 voting This paper looks at the history of Brexit from the referendum to Leave compared to 60 per cent of 18-34 year-olds voting until the end of January 2019 and poses some questions to Remain.3 In addition, 59 per cent of voters identifying as about the future direction of the UK and of the EU. -
OUTLINE KD51-9500 Law of England and Wales KD51-59 Bibliography
OUTLINE KD51-9500 Law of England and Wales KD51-59 Bibliography KD62 Official gazettes KD124-180 Legislation KD124-150 Statues KD166-173 Subordinate (Delegated legislation) KD175-180 Prerogative legislation KD187-300 Law reports and related materials KD310 Encyclopedias KD313 Law dictionaries. Words and phrases KD315 Legal maxims. Quotations KD318 Form books KD327-332 Judicial statistics KD336-340 Directories KD345 Society and bar association journals KD347 Congresses KD353-358 Collections KD370-379.5 Trials KD370-376 Criminal trials and judicial investigations KD378-379.5 Civil trials KD392-400 Legal research. Legal bibliography KD404 Legal composition and draftsmanship KD411 Law reporting. Law reporters KD417-452 Legal education KD456 Law societies KD460-510 The legal profession KD512-513 Community legal services. Legal aid KD530-632 History KD640 Jurisprudence and philosophy of English law KD654 Criticism. Legal reform. General administration of justice KD658-669 General and comprehensive works KD671 Common law KD674 Equity KD680-685 Conflict of laws KD687 Retroactive law. Intertemporal law KD691-700 General principles and concepts KD703 Concepts applying to several branches of law KD720-721 Private (Civil) law KD723-785 Persons KD723-746 General. Status. Capacity KD750-785 Domestic relations. Family law vii OUTLINE Law of England and Wales - Continued KD810-1465 Property KD810-815 General. Ownership. Possession KD821-1195 Real property. Land law KD833-1020.6 Land tenure. Transfer of rights in land. Real estate management KD1034-1195 Public property. Public restraints on private property KD1035 Conservation of natural resources KD1040-1048 Roads KD1070-1072 Water resources. Rivers. Water courses KD1090-1107 Public land law KD1125-1162 Regional and city planning. -
Current Impasse in Brexit Negotiations and Future Outlook
Mitsui & Co. Global Strategic Studies Institute Monthly Report October 2018 CURRENT IMPASSE IN BREXIT NEGOTIATIONS AND FUTURE OUTLOOK Ryuji Hiraishi Strategic Information & Research Dept. Mitsui & Co. Europe PLC BREXIT NEGOTIATIONS DEADLOCKED AS TIME RUNS OUT The negotiations on the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (Brexit) are approaching a climax. The Brexit negotiations began on June 19, 2017 after the UK made the decision to leave the EU in a referendum held on June 23, 2016 and then submitted notice of its intention to leave the EU to the European Council on March 29, 2017 (Figure 1). Under Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, a country that decides to leave the EU shall leave two years after submitting notice of its intention to leave even if it is unable to conclude a withdrawal agreement, unless there is unanimous agreement of all member states to extend the negotiation period. As such, the UK and EU are negotiating on the assumption that the UK will leave the EU on March 29, 2019, which will be two years after the UK submitted its notice. The Brexit negotiations are composed of the following three discussions: (1) the terms of withdrawal : including payment by the UK of its liabilities, securing the rights of citizens of both the UK and EU, and managing the border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland; (2) the future relationship: this could include a comprehensive FTA after the UK’s withdrawal; and (3) the transition period: this is the relationship in the period after withdrawal until the future relationship can be finalized. -
Item 10 Brexit Update Report
THIS PAPER RELATES TO ITEM 10 CLACKMANNANSHIRE COUNCIL ON THE AGENDA Report to: CLACKMANNANSHIRE COUNCIL Date of Meeting: 25TH October 2018 Subject: Brexit Update Report Report by: Strategic Director – Partnership & Performance 1.0 Purpose 1.1. The purpose of this report is to summarise the latest developments in Brexit negotiations, and to highlight the high level implications for Scotland and Clackmannanshire. Given the critical stage of the EU Withdrawal negotiations, it is advised that regular future briefings are prepared to ensure that Council is kept updated on developments. 2.0 Recommendations 2.1. It is recommended that Council: a) Note, challenge and comment on the report as appropriate; b) Note that future update briefings on EU Withdrawal negotiations will be brought to Council until at least 29th March 2019. 3.0 Considerations Background and Update on Brexit Negotiations 3.1. Details of the final withdrawal treaty and any transitional deals require to be ratified by the EU nations and the UK Parliament before the UK leaves in March 2019. Negotiations on the UK’s departure from the EU is governed by provisions in Article 50 of the Treaty of the European Union. Article 50 makes provision for a withdrawal agreement to include the terms of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU and to take account of future relationship between the EU and the UK. Updates on the latest negotiation rounds in July and August 2018 have focussed on resolving the remaining issues in relation to the Withdrawal Agreement. Further negotiations in late August took place in Brussels with the focus being on the framework for future relationship between the UK and the EU. -
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications Jessica R. Adolino, Ph. D. Professor of Political Science James Madison University Draft prepared for presentation at the European Studies Association Annual Meeting May 9-12, 2019, Denver, Colorado Please do not cite or distribute without author’s permission. By almost any measure, since the immediate aftermath of the June 16, 2016 Brexit referendum, the British government has been in a state of chaos. The turmoil began with then- Prime Minister David Cameron’s resignation on June 17 and succession by Theresa May within days of the vote. Subsequently, May’s decision to call a snap election in 2017 and the resulting loss of the Conservatives’ parliamentary majority cast doubt on her leadership and further stirred up dissension in her party’s ranks. Perhaps more telling, and the subject of this paper, is the unprecedented number of ministers1—from both senior and junior ranks—that quit the May government over Brexit-related policy disagreements2. Between June 12, 2017 and April 3, 2019, the government witnessed 45 resignations, with high-profile secretaries of state and departmental ministers stepping down to return to the backbenches. Of these, 34 members of her government, including 9 serving in the Cabinet, departed over issues with some aspect of Brexit, ranging from dissatisfaction with the Prime Minister’s Withdrawal Agreement, to disagreements about the proper role of Parliament, to questions about the legitimacy of the entire Brexit process. All told, Theresa May lost more ministers, and at a more rapid pace, than any other prime minister in modern times. -
PDF | Brexit Blog: Why 'No Deal' May Still Be Avoided
Economic and Financial Analysis 26 September 2018 Brexit blog: Why ‘no deal’ may still be avoided Article Plus: What markets should look out for in this year's political party conferences, and is the UK economy heading into another rough patch? Source: Shutterstock Theresa May, UK Prime Minister Content - Has the Salzburg meeting really raised the odds of no deal? - All eyes on Conservative Brexiteers as Labour reiterates it'll reject final deal - Other things to watch this week With six months to go until the UK leaves the EU, our weekly Brexit update/blog is back. Each week we'll try to give a brief digest of the twists and turns of the negotiations as the clock counts down, as well as provide our latest thoughts on the UK economy and markets. Has the Salzburg meeting really raised the odds of no deal? We kick-off following what has been, even by Brexit standards, a tumultuous period. The big hope for the meeting in Salzburg last week was that at long last, EU leaders would signal talks were moving closer to a positive conclusion. But in the event, the week ended in bitter disagreement and stark warnings from both UK and EU leaders. So what went wrong? Cast your mind back to July when the UK government reached a tentative (and ultimately short-lived) truce on what the future trading relationship should entail. The so-called Chequers plan, which was effectively centred on single market access for goods, was met with a cold reception in Europe. But despite a range of concerns - chiefly on the issue of cherrypicking - EU negotiators had appeared wary to completely destroy May's plan publically. -
Northern Irish Legal Education After Brexit
Northern Irish Legal Education After Brexit Flear, M. L., & Mac Sithigh, D. (2019). Northern Irish Legal Education After Brexit. The Law Teacher, 53(2), 148- 159. https://doi.org/10.1080/03069400.2019.1589745 Published in: The Law Teacher Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2019 The Association of Law Teachers. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Northern Irish Legal Education after Brexit Mark L Flear and Daithí Mac Síthigh* In this article we argue that the impact of Brexit on the law schools in Northern Ireland is tied to the ‘unique circumstances’ of legal education in this part of the world. Legal education in Northern Ireland is likely to develop to become even more distinctive than that in other parts of the UK. -
University of Birmingham from Eating Cake to Crashing
University of Birmingham From eating cake to crashing out Kettell, Steven; Kerr, Peter DOI: 10.1057/s41295-019-00200-6 License: Other (please specify with Rights Statement) Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (Harvard): Kettell, S & Kerr, P 2020, 'From eating cake to crashing out: constructing the myth of a no-deal Brexit', Comparative European Politics, vol. 18, no. 4, pp. 590–608. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00200-6 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in Comparative European Politics. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00200-6 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. -
The Criminal Evidence (N.I) Order 1988: a Radical Departure from the Common Law Right to Silence in the U.K.?, 16 B.C
Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Volume 16 | Issue 2 Article 6 8-1-1993 The rC iminal Evidence (N.I) Order 1988: A Radical Departure from the Common Law Right to Silence in the U.K.? Richard Maloney Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr Part of the Common Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Evidence Commons Recommended Citation Richard Maloney, The Criminal Evidence (N.I) Order 1988: A Radical Departure from the Common Law Right to Silence in the U.K.?, 16 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 425 (1993), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr/vol16/iss2/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Criminal Evidence (N .1.) Order 1988: A Radical Departure from the Common Law Right to Silence in the U.K.? [The U.S.} Constitution is a kind of bottom line beneath which the Gov ernment cannot go. Here, there is no bottom line. British Solicitor Gareth Pierce! The critical point is that the Constitution places the right of silence beyond the reach of government. The Fifth Amendment stands between the citizen and his government. Ullmann v. United States, 350 U.S. 422, 454 (1956) (Douglas, j., dissenting). INTRODUCTION In November 1988, the British Parliament adopted the Criminal Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order (the Order).2 The Order, which applies exclusively to Northern Ireland, amends previous common law provisions governing criminal evidence. -
What Does Brexit Mean for Social Policy in the UK?
What does Brexit mean for social policy in the UK? An exploration of the potential consequences of the 2016 referendum for public services, inequalities and social rights Kitty Stewart, Kerris Cooper and Isabel Shutes SPDO research paper 3 February 2019 The Social Policies and Distributional Outcomes in a Changing Britain research programme The central objective of the SPDO research programme is to provide an authoritative, independent, rigorous and in-depth evidence base on social policies and distributional outcomes in 21st century Britain. The central question to be addressed is: What progress has been made in addressing social inequalities through social policies? The research programme is ambitious and comprehensive in scope, combining in-depth quantitative analysis of trends in social inequalities and social divides with detailed and systematic public expenditure and social policy analysis across ten major social policy areas over the period 2015-2020, together with broader reflection on the changing nature of social policies and distributional outcomes over the 21st century. The programme of research adds to (and will reflect on) the previous Social Policies in a Cold Climate (SPCC) research programme covering the period 1997-2015. The SPDO programme will update, extend and broaden our analysis of public expenditure, social policies and distributional outcomes using the most recent datasets available, resulting in a unique evidence base on trends in social inequalities and social policies going back to 1997. Innovative extensions included within the SPDO research programme include: coverage of additional areas of social policy (e.g. physical safety/security and complex needs/homelessness); emphasis on the new context for social policy making (e.g.