The Rise of Emerging Economies & Its Impact
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Organizational Framework of the G-77
17 CHAPTER 2 ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK OF THE GROUP OF 77 by Lydia Swart …neither the Western media nor Western scholars pay much attention to the multilateral policies and practices of the states variously described as the South, the third world, or developing countries. In particular, patterns of cooperation among these states in pursuit of common interests at the UN are often ignored or dismissed as of little consequence. Sally Morphet, 2004 Institutional Arrangements: UNCTAD The institutional arrangements of the G-77 developed slowly. In its first years, the G-77’s activities primarily coalesced around UNCTAD as it was regarded by the South as the key locus to improve conditions of trade for development and to form a counterbalance to the Bretton Woods Institutions dominated by the North. The G-77 focus on UNCTAD was so pronounced that until 1976—when it held a Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries—the group only convened high-level meetings in preparation for UNCTAD sessions. These ministerial meetings to prepare for UNCTAD started in 1967 at the initiative of the Group of 31, consisting of developing countries that were members of UNCTAD’s Trade and Development Board (TDB), represented by Ambassadors in Geneva.10 The first G-77 ministerial meeting in 1967 adopted the Charter of Algiers, which details the G-77’s programme of action but is rather short on internal institutional issues. It is only at the very end of the Algiers Charter that a few organizational aspects are mentioned. The G-77 decided to meet at the ministerial level as “often as this may be deemed necessary” but “always prior to the convening of sessions” of 10 Later referred to as preparatory meetings. -
Greater China: the Next Economic Superpower?
Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Murray Weidenbaum Publications Government, and Public Policy Contemporary Issues Series 57 2-1-1993 Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower? Murray L. Weidenbaum Washington University in St Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers Part of the Economics Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Recommended Citation Weidenbaum, Murray L., "Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower?", Contemporary Issues Series 57, 1993, doi:10.7936/K7DB7ZZ6. Murray Weidenbaum Publications, https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers/25. Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Government, and Public Policy — Washington University in St. Louis Campus Box 1027, St. Louis, MO 63130. Other titles available in this series: 46. The Seeds ofEntrepreneurship, Dwight Lee Greater China: The 47. Capital Mobility: Challenges for Next Economic Superpower? Business and Government, Richard B. McKenzie and Dwight Lee Murray Weidenbaum 48. Business Responsibility in a World of Global Competition, I James B. Burnham 49. Small Wars, Big Defense: Living in a World ofLower Tensions, Murray Weidenbaum 50. "Earth Summit": UN Spectacle with a Cast of Thousands, Murray Weidenbaum Contemporary 51. Fiscal Pollution and the Case Issues Series 57 for Congressional Term Limits, Dwight Lee February 1993 53. Global Warming Research: Learning from NAPAP 's Mistakes, Edward S. Rubin 54. The Case for Taxing Consumption, Murray Weidenbaum 55. Japan's Growing Influence in Asia: Implications for U.S. Business, Steven B. Schlossstein 56. The Mirage of Sustainable Development, Thomas J. DiLorenzo Additional copies are available from: i Center for the Study of American Business Washington University CS1- Campus Box 1208 One Brookings Drive Center for the Study of St. -
The Emerging Economies and Climate Change
SHIFTING POWER Critical perspectives on emerging economies TNI WORKING PAPERS THE EMERGING ECONOMIES AND CLIMATE CHANGE A CASE STUDY OF THE BASIC GROUPING PRAFUL BIDWAI The Emerging Economies and Climate Change: A case study of the BASIC grouping PRAFUL BIDWAI* Among the most dramatic and far-reaching geopolitical developments of the post-Cold War era is the shift in the locus of global power away from the West with the simultaneous emergence as major powers of former colonies and other countries in the South, which were long on the periphery of international capi- talism. As they clock rapid GDP growth, these “emerging economies” are trying to assert their new identities and interests in a variety of ways. These include a demand for reforming the structures of global governance and the United Nations system (especially the Security Council) and the formation of new plurilateral blocs and associations among nations which seek to challenge or counterbalance existing patterns of dominance in world economic and political affairs. BASIC, made up of Brazil, South Africa, India and China, which acts as a bloc in the negotiations under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is perhaps the most sharply focused of all these groupings. Beginning with the Copenhagen climate summit of 2009, BASIC has played a major role in shaping the negotiations which were meant to, but have failed to, reach an agreement on cooperative climate actions and obligations on the part of different countries and country-groups to limit and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. These emissions, warn scientists, are dangerously warming up the Earth and causing irreversible changes in the world’s climate system. -
Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps by Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E
Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps By Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E. Weller September 6, 2021 The United States faces large wealth divides, particularly by race and ethnicity. The median white family has about 10 times the wealth of the median Black family and more than eight times the wealth of the median Hispanic family.1 Wealth is also much more unequally distributed than income, with the top 5 percent of families hold- ing about 250 times as much wealth as the median family.2 Unions play a key role in redressing these large wealth gaps. They increase wealth for all households—no matter their race or ethnicity—and tend to provide larger increases for Black and Hispanic households than for white households. Unions help households by raising incomes, increasing benefits, and improving the quality and stability of jobs.3 All these things lead to both direct and indirect increases in wealth. When workers earn more money through union contracts, for example, they are able to set aside more of their paychecks and enjoy the additional tax incentives that come with saving.4 Moreover, benefits such as pension plans grow wealth, while others such as health or life insurance reduce the amount union members need to spend from their own savings during periods of illness or income loss. This helps cushion families’ savings against downturns like the recent COVID- 19-induced recession, and additional savings can be put toward a child’s college education or the purchase of a home.5 Finally, strong union -
2 the Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project
2 The Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project Stephen Blank The Eurasian Economic Union and its component Customs Union comprise Vladimir Putin’s “flagship” policies.1 But these organizations are merely the latest iteration of an increasingly crystallized Russian policy aspiration dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Jeffrey Mankoff recently observed, “In one form or another, re-integrating the states of the former Soviet Union has been on Russia’s agenda almost since the moment the Soviet Union col- lapsed.”2 Arguably, Russia has never reconciled itself to losing an empire. The reintegration program that is proceeding under Putin in fact began under Boris Yeltsin’s leadership, notwithstanding the fact that the Commonwealth of Inde- pendent States (CIS) was first thought of as “divorce court” for former Soviet Republics. Furthermore, these organizations are not the only elements of Putin’s reintegra- tion plan. The overall project has always had a military dimension, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) that grew out of the 1992 Tashkent Collective Security Treaty (CST).3 And the leitmotif of all these plans has not just been economic or military integration, but equally crucially, the privileging of Russian sovereignty over that of CIS countries, a hallmark of neo-imperial and sphere of influence policies. Russian leaders do not refrain from admitting this openly. In August 2008, immediately after the war in 1 Iwona Wisniewska, Eurasian Integration: Russia’s Attempt at the Economic Unification of the Post-Soviet Area, OSW Studies: Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, 2013. 2 Jeffrey Mankoff, Eurasian Integration: the Next Stage, Central Asia Policy Brief, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, 2013, p. -
Weathering the Climate Crisis: the Way of Ecological Agriculture
WEATHERING THE CLIMATE CRISIS: The Way of Ecological Agriculture PESTICIDE ACTION NETWORK ASIA AND THE PACIFIC WEATHERING THE CLIMATE CRISIS The Way of Ecological Agriculture 1 PESTICIDE ACTION NETWORK ASIA AND THE PACIFIC WEATHERING THE CLIMATE CRISIS The Way of Ecological Agriculture Copyright © Pesticide Action Network Asia and the Pacific, 2010. All rights reserved. Pesticide Action Network Asia and the Pacific (PAN AP) encourages the reproduction and use of this publication as long as PAN AP is properly acknowledged as the source and provided with a copy of the final work. For further information, contact: EMPOWERING PEOPLE FOR CHANGE ANAP PESTICIDE ACTION NETWORK ASIA & THE PACIFIC Pesticide Action Network Asia and the Pacific (PAN AP) PO Box 1170, 10850 Penang, Malaysia Tel: (604) 657 0271/656 0381 Fax: (604) 658 3960 Email: [email protected] Webpage: www.panap.net Writer: K Prabhakar Nair Editor-in-Chief: Sarojeni V Rengam Editors: Biju Negi and Gilbert Sape Production Assistants: Teh Chun Hong, Mohd. J. Firdaus, Brione Bruce, Tersem Kaur, Evelyn Cubelo, Virgilio Tamayao, Jr. Copy Editor: Patrick Limcaco Cover Design: Dennis Longid (Red Leaf Designs) WEATHERING THE CLIMATE CRISIS: The Way of Ecological Agriculture TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD vii INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1: WHAT IS CLIMATE CHANGE? 7 Sources and shares of GHGs 9 Chapter 2: THE IMPACTS OF CLIMATE CHANGE 10 Climate change consequences and impacts 15 Changes in rainfall patterns and distribution 15 Sea level rise and the threat of coastal flooding 16 Depleting water resources -
International Climate Negotiations – on the Road to Paris Issues at Stake in View of COP 21
DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT A: ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC POLICY International Climate Negotiations – On the Road to Paris Issues at Stake in View of COP 21 STUDY Abstract This study presents a brief history of the climate negotiations, with a focus on the preparations for a legally binding agreement, to be finalised at the climate change conference in Paris in December 2015. The positions of the main Parties, negotiating groups and other stakeholders are highlighted, as well as the Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) submitted during 2015. The study was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI). IP/A/ENVI/2015-09 November 2015 PE 569.970 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI). AUTHORS Lorenz Moosmann, Umweltbundesamt (Austria) Katja Pazdernik, Umweltbundesamt (Austria) Andrea Prutsch, Umweltbundesamt (Austria) Klaus Radunsky, Umweltbundesamt (Austria) RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Tina Ohliger EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Eva Asplund LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny over EU internal policies. To contact Policy Department A or to subscribe to its newsletter please write to: Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in November 2015 © European Union, 2015 This document is available on the Internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. -
Climate Change Diplomacy
Climate Change Diplomacy EU-AsiA DiAlogUE Shaping a Common Future for Europe and Asia – Sharing Policy Innovation and Best Practices in Addressing Common Challenges Climate Change Diplomacy The Way Forward for Asia and Europe © 2014 Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung and European Union All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. Editors: Dr. Wilhelm Hofmeister Patrick Rueppel Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd. Regional Programme Political Dialogue Asia 36 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089850 Registration Number: 201228783N East Asian Institute 469A Bukit Timah Road Tower Block #06-01 Singapore 259770 European Policy Centre Résidence Palace 155 rue de la Loi B-1040 Brussels / Belgium European Union Centre in Singapore 11 Slim Barracks Rise, #06-01 Executive Centre, NTU@one-north campus Singapore 138664 Design, Layout and Typeset: Select Books Pte Ltd 65A, Jalan Tenteram #02-06, St Michael’s Industrial Estate Singapore 328958 Website: www.selectbooks.com.sg National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Climate change diplomacy : the way forward for Asia and Europe / editors, Dr. Wilhelm Hofmeister, Patrick Rueppel. – Singapore : Konrad Adenauer Stiftung : East Asian Institute : European Union Centre in Singapore ; Brussels, Belgium : European Policy Centre,¬ [2014] pages cm ISBN -
Adaptation Under the Copenhagen Accord
Adaptation under the Copenhagen Accord Briefing Note Linda Siegele February 2010 Overview The most discussed outcome of the December 2009 Copenhagen climate change conference is a decision by the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC or Convention) to ‘take note’ of a twelve-paragraph political declaration. The process of negotiating this political declaration, called the Copenhagen Accord (Accord), was conducted primarily by Heads of State and their Ministers, working in parallel with negotiations going on in the Ad hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action (AWG-LCA) and the Ad hoc Working Group on further commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP). The final version of the Accord is attributed to the work of five countries late on the last official day of the conference (Friday, 18 December). The five countries were Brazil, South Africa, India and China (a newly visible coalition called the BASIC countries) and the United States. When this draft was presented to Parties in the final plenary session objections were raised by a number of Parties including Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, Sudan, Tuvalu and Venezuela. After many hours of further discussion, all Parties could agree to do was ‘take note’ of the Accord; and in a notification to Parties, the Executive Secretary of the Convention clarified that …since the Parties…merely took note of [the Accord], its provisions do not have any legal standing within the UNFCCC process even if some Parties decide to associate themselves with it.1 The Executive Secretary went on to say that ‘the Accord is a political agreement, rather than a treaty instrument…’. -
BPC Policy Brief - V
Novembro, 2017 BPC Policy Brief - V. 7 N. 2 BPC Policy Brief The Monitoring, Reporting and Verification Mechanisms for Developing Countries under the UNFCCC: an analysis of the BASIC countries Biennial Update Reports Alice Amorim BRICS Policy Center Centro de Estudos e Pesquisas - BRICS BRICS and Climate The impact of the actions of the countries that constitute the BRICS goes beyond the scope of the economic sector, reaching, among others, the BRICS Policy Center Centro de Estudos e Pesquisas - BRICS socio-environmental agenda through issues such as the exploitation of natural resources, land use, the promotion of rights as a crucial part of this agenda, About the BRICS Policy Center and most of all climate change. Hence the growing need, in recent years, to promote researches and The BRICS Policy Center is dedicated to the disseminate. study of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and other middle In order to engage this debate and contribute positively powers, and is administered by the Institute of to the climate agenda, the BRICS Policy Center and International Relations of PUC-Rio (IRI/PUC-Rio). the GIP —Gestão e Interesse Público Pesquisa e Consultoria— have established a partnership aiming All papers are submited to external evaluation before at stimulating and strengthening researches and published. The opinions expressed herein are the sole debates between scholars, civil society, government, responsability of the author and does not necessarily and other sector of Brazilian society on the subject. reflect the position of the institutions involved. This is the context in which the BRICS and Climate project is born. -
African American Inequality in the United States
N9-620-046 REV: MAY 5, 2020 JANICE H. HAMMOND A. KAMAU MASSEY MAYRA A. GARZA African American Inequality in the United States We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. — The Declaration of Independence, 1776 Slavery Transatlantic Slave Trade 1500s – 1800s The Transatlantic slave trade was tHe largest deportation of Human beings in History. Connecting the economies of Africa, the Americas, and Europe, tHe trade resulted in tHe forced migration of an estimated 12.5 million Africans to the Americas. (Exhibit 1) For nearly four centuries, European slavers traveled to Africa to capture or buy African slaves in excHange for textiles, arms, and other goods.a,1 Once obtained, tHe enslaved Africans were tHen transported by sHip to tHe Americas where tHey would provide tHe intensive plantation labor needed to create HigH-value commodities sucH as tobacco, coffee, and most notably, sugar and cotton. THe commodities were tHen sHipped to Europe to be sold. THe profits from tHe slave trade Helped develop tHe economies of Denmark, France, Great Britain, the NetHerlands, Portugal, Spain and tHe United States. The journey from Africa across tHe Atlantic Ocean, known as tHe Middle Passage, became infamous for its brutality. Enslaved Africans were chained to one another by the dozens and transported across the ocean in the damp cargo Holds of wooden sHips. (Exhibit 2) The shackled prisoners sat or lay for weeks at a time surrounded by deatH, illness, and human waste. -
Shifting Economic Power1
Shifting Economic Power1 John Whalley University of Western Ontario Centre for International of Governance Innovation and CESifo Munich, Germany Abstract Here, I discuss both alternative meanings of shifting economic power and possible metrics which may be used to capture its quantitative dimensions. The third sense of power is very difficult to quantify. That economic power is shifting away from the OECD to rapidly growing low wage economies seems to be a consensus view. How to conceptualize and measure it is the task addressed here, although shifts in relative terms may not be occurring in the same way as in absolute terms. I focus on economic power both in its retaliatory and bargaining senses, as well as soft power in terms of intellectual climate and reputation. September 2009 1This is a first draft for an OECD Development Centre project on Shifting Global Wealth. It draws on earlier work by Antkiewicz & Whalley (2005). I am grateful to Helmut Riesen, Andrew Mold, Carlo Perroni, Shunming Zhang a referee, and Ray Riezman for discussions and comments, and Yan Dong and Huifang Tian for help with computations. 1. Introduction The pre- crisis prospect of continuing high GDP growth rates in and accelerating growth rates of exports from the large population economies of China and India combined with elevated growth in ASEAN, Russia, Brazil and South Africa (despite the recent global financial crisis) has lead to speculation that over the next few decades global economic power will progressively shift from the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD) (specifically the US and the EU) to the non-OECD, and mainly to a group of large population rapidly growing economies which include Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN, Turkey, Egypt and Nigeria.2 With this shift in power, the conjecture is that the global economy will undergo a major regime shift as global architecture and rules, trade patterns, and foreign direct investment (FDI) flows all adapt and change.