GARE Communications Guide May 2018
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REFLECTION REFLECTION the Freedom Riders of the Civil Rights Movement
REFLECTION REFLECTION The Freedom Riders of the Civil Rights Movement “I’m taking a trip on the Greyhound bus line, I’m riding the front seat to New Orleans this time. Hallelujah I’m a travelin’, hallelujah ain’t it fine, Hallelujah I’m a travelin’ down freedom’s main line.” This reflection is based on the PBS documentary, “Freedom Riders,” which is a production of The American Experience. To watch the film, go to: http://to.pbs.org/1VbeNVm. SUMMARY OF THE FILM From May to November 1961, over 400 Americans, both black and white, witnessed the power of nonviolent activism for civil rights. The Freedom Riders were opposing the racist Jim Crow laws of the South by riding bus lines from Washington, D.C., down through the Deep South. These Freedom Rides were organized by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Despite the violence, threats, and extraor- dinary racism they faced, people of conscience, both black and white, Northern and Southern, rich and poor, old and young, carried out the Freedom Rides as a testimony to the basic truth all Americans hold: that the government must protect the constitutional rights of its people. Finally, on September 22, 1961, segregation on the bus lines ended. This was arguably the movement that changed the force and effectiveness of the Civil Rights Movement as a whole and set the stage for other organized movements like the Selma to Montgomery March and the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. This documentary is based on the book Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Equality by Raymond Arsenault (http://bit.ly/1Vbn4sy). -
A 10-Year Perspective of the Merger of Louisville and Jefferson County, KY: Louisville Metro Vaults from 65Th Th to 18 Largest City in the Nation
A 10-Year Perspective of the Merger of Louisville and Jefferson County, KY: Louisville Metro Vaults From 65th th to 18 Largest City in the Nation Jeff Wachter September, 2013 Over the past 50 years, the idea of merging a city with its neighboring or surrounding county has been contemplated in many American cities, voted upon in a few, and enacted in even fewer. The most prominent American mergers have been Jacksonville, FL; Indianapolis, IN; Nashville, TN; and Lexington, KY. Other cities—including Pittsburgh, PA and Memphis, TN— have attempted mergers, but failed at various stages in the process. City/county consolidation has been a controversial topic, with advocates and opponents pointing to different metrics that support their expectations for the consequences of a merger. Louisville, KY, which merged with Jefferson County on January 1st, 2003, is the most recent example of a city/county consolidation executed by a major American city. This report examines how Louisville Metro has performed over the past decade since the merger took effect by analyzing the city’s economy, population, government spending and efficiency, and public opinion about the merger. In the late 1990s, business and political leaders came together in an attempt to address some of the issues facing the Louisville region, including a long declining population and tax- base, escalating government spending, and multiple economic development organizations fighting to recruit the same businesses (often to the detriment of the greater Louisville region at- large). These leaders determined that a merger of the Louisville and Jefferson County governments was in the best interests of the region, despite the contentious nature of merger debates. -
2012 Political Contributions
2012 POLITICAL CONTRIBUTIONS 2012 Lilly Political Contributions 2 Public Policy As a biopharmaceutical company that treats serious diseases, Lilly plays an important role in public health and its related policy debates. It is important that our company shapes global public policy debates on issues specific to the people we serve and to our other key stakeholders including shareholders and employees. Our engagement in the political arena helps address the most pressing issues related to ensuring that patients have access to needed medications—leading to improved patient outcomes. Through public policy engagement, we provide a way for all of our locations globally to shape the public policy environment in a manner that supports access to innovative medicines. We engage on issues specific to local business environments (corporate tax, for example). Based on our company’s strategy and the most recent trends in the policy environment, our company has decided to focus on three key areas: innovation, health care delivery, and pricing and reimbursement. More detailed information on key issues can be found in our 2011/12 Corporate Responsibility update: http://www.lilly.com/Documents/Lilly_2011_2012_CRupdate.pdf Through our policy research, development, and stakeholder dialogue activities, Lilly develops positions and advocates on these key issues. U.S. Political Engagement Government actions such as price controls, pharmaceutical manufacturer rebates, and access to Lilly medicines affect our ability to invest in innovation. Lilly has a comprehensive government relations operation to have a voice in the public policymaking process at the federal, state, and local levels. Lilly is committed to participating in the political process as a responsible corporate citizen to help inform the U.S. -
616 CONSTITUTIONAL COMMENTARY [Vol
616 CONSTITUTIONAL COMMENTARY [Vol. 3:616 THE ORIGINS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT: BLACK COMMUNITIES ORGANIZING FOR CHANGE. By Aldon D. Morris. 1 New York: The Free Press. 1984. Pp. xiv, 354. $19.95 Clayborne Carson 2 This important and provocative book reflects a trend in recent scholarship concerning the modern struggles for black advance ment. Scholars have increasingly moved from a national to a local perspective in their effort to understand the momentous changes in American racial relations since 1954. The newer scholarship has begun to examine the distinctive qualities of the local black move ments that both grew out of and spurred the campaign for national civil rights laws. Earlier studies have told us much about nationally prominent civil rights leaders such as King, but only recently have scholars begun to portray the southern black struggle as a locally based social movement with its own objectives instead of merely as a source of mass enthusiasm to be mobilized and manipulated by the national leaders. In short, what has been called the civil rights movement is now understood as more than an effort to achieve civil rights reforms. Revisionist scholarship such as Morris's has challenged many widely held assumptions regarding black activism of the 1950's and 1960's. In the 1960's, black activism was usually categorized with other forms of collective behavior, which were seen as ephemeral outbursts of emotions. In this view, protest activity was an expres sion of the yearning of blacks to realize a longstanding civil rights reform agenda and thereby become part of the American main stream. -
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE September 8, 2017 CONTACT: Mayor's Press Office 312.744.3334 [email protected] Bill Mccaffrey
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE September 8, 2017 CONTACT: Mayor’s Press Office 312.744.3334 [email protected] Bill McCaffrey, Department of Law 312.744.1575 [email protected] MAYORS EMANUEL, DE BLASIO, GARCETTI, KENNEY & WALSH FILE ANOTHER LEGAL BRIEF AGAINST PRESIDENT TRUMP’S TRAVEL BAN Cities, counties, U.S. Conference of Mayors, National League of Cities oppose the President’s attempts to restrict travel into the United States; U.S. Supreme Court to Review Issue in October Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, New York Mayor Bill de Blasio, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney and Boston Mayor Martin Walsh today announced the Cities of Chicago, New York City, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Boston, 39 other cities and counties, the U.S. Conference of Mayors and the National League of Cities have filed another legal brief, this time in the United States Supreme Court, supporting legal challenges to President Donald Trump’s efforts to restrict travel to the United States from six majority- Muslim nations and to suspend the refugee program. “With his harmful, immoral and unlawful actions, President Trump has turned his back on the world and abandoned America’s values,” said Mayor Emanuel. “Diversity is Chicago’s strength, and we will always welcome individuals and immigrants of every color, culture and creed. I am proud to stand with Mayors and municipalities from across the country in presenting a united legal argument to the Supreme Court to ensure that America’s beacon still burns brightly for all.” Today, Chicago led a total of 44 cities and counties, in addition to the U.S. -
Policing and Protests
Boston University Initiative on Cities 2020 MENINO SURVEY OF MAYORS POLICING AND PROTESTS SUPPORTED BY TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2 2. Executive Summary 2 3. Methodology 3 4. Racial Disparities in Policing 5 5. Urban Protests 6 6. Police Reform 8 7. Conclusion 12 Authors Contributors Initiative on Cities Katherine Levine Einstein Stacy Fox Boston University Associate Professor, Political Science Associate Director, Initiative on Cities 75 Bay State Road Boston University Boston University Boston, MA 02215 [email protected] Katharine Lusk bu.edu/ioc David M. Glick Co-Director, Initiative on Cities @BUonCities Associate Professor, Political Science Boston University 617-358-8080 Boston University [email protected] [email protected] Nick Henninger Songhyun Park Maxwell Palmer Luisa Godinez Puig Assistant Professor, Political Science PhD Candidates, Political Science Boston University Boston University [email protected] Center cover photo: Raymond Richards / Shutterstock.com 1 Boston University Initiative on Cities 2020 MENINO SURVEY OF MAYORS: Policing and Protests 1. INTRODUCTION Racial harassment, violence, and injustice have long marred policing in the United States (US). In 2015, the Obama White House created the Task Force on 21st Century Policing to engage mayors, police chiefs, community leaders, and academics in identifying meaningful reforms. Five years later, on May 25, 2020, the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin shone a national spotlight on enduring racial violence perpetrated by police. Black people are three times more likely to be killed by the police than white people. There is still little accountability for police-related homicides. Since 2013, 98 percent of killings by police have not resulted in any criminal charges.1 In response to the death of George Floyd, protests erupted in cities and towns in every state, and a growing coalition of activists demanded substantial changes to police departments. -
The Civil Rights Movement in the West: 1950-1970
"JUSTICE IS SLOW BUT SURE": THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN THE WEST: 1950-1970 Quintard Taylor* Americans remain fascinated by the African American-led Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s that transformed this nation. Our fascination for the era encompasses a search for its proper place in the nation's history. In the early 1970s, the first Civil Rights Movement historians portrayed the period as one dominated by a national political coalition, inspired by heroic figures such as Martin Luther King and Fannie Lou Hamer, which secured major new national legislation such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. By the 1980s and 1990s other historians argued that the movement could best be explained in terms of local initiatives from "grass-roots" organi- zations in the South. For them, it was the role of indigenous Southern black leaders throughout the region and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Com- mittee (SNCC) organizers who assisted their efforts.' Civil rights campaigns in the American west suggest a third alternative. This movement was a national transformation, an energizing of small and large African American communities in the North and West as well as the South, which was certainly inspired by national goals and leadership, but which also pursued a distinct local agenda. For African American westerners, the Move- ment was not simply a television report of police dogs set on demonstrators in distant Birmingham or Alabama State Troopers confronting voting rights marchers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge outside Selma. It was instead the cam- paign of ordinary people to end job bias or school segregation in local commu- nities as diverse as Berkeley, Omaha, San Antonio, Phoenix, Wichita, Seattle and Las Vegas.' An examination of the civil rights movement in the American West offers opportunities for analyzing the third alternative and possibly refashioning our views on that era. -
Who Runs Our Cities? the Political Gender Gap in the Top 100 U.S
Who Runs Our Cities? The Political Gender Gap in the Top 100 U.S. Cities SEPTEMBER 2016 This report is authored by the staff of the CUNY Institute for State and Local Governance: Jocelyn Drummond, Qian Zhang, and Victoria Lawson ABOUT THE CUNY INSTITUTE FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE The CUNY Institute for State and Local Governance’s mission is to bridge the gap between researchers, practitioners, and policymakers using data and research to help government produce better results, worthy of public investment and trust. Our expertise includes data analysis for a wide array of purposes—including cost-benefit analysis, performance evaluation, and the development of performance indicators—and fiscal management for both short- and long-term planning. ABOUT THE EQUALITY INDICATORS The Equality Indicators measure progress toward achieving greater equality in New York City and other cities in the United States and internationally. This report was made possible by the generous support of the Rockefeller Foundation. We are indebted to Besiki Kutateladze, former ISLG Research Director, for his ideas and guidance. FOR MORE INFORMATION CUNY Institute for State and Local Governance 10 East 34th Street, 5th floor New York, NY 10016 Tel: 646-664-3481 Email: [email protected] Websites: islg.cuny.edu and equalityindicators.org CUNY Institute for State and Local Governance i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY omen comprise half of the U.S. and world populations but are highly underrepresented at all levels of government. The consequences of the gender gap in political leadership go beyond issues of democratic Wrepresentation. Studies have found that, on average, women elected officials introduce more legislation than men, and that they do so on a wide range of issues, from health and education to infrastructure and the environment. -
2017 ANNUAL REPORT Illustration by Carrie Neumayer “Thanks for Doing Great Work
2017 ANNUAL REPORT Illustration by Carrie Neumayer “Thanks for doing great work. Kentucky needs more investigative journalism. Keep it up.” — Jessie Skaggs, Paintsville, KY Photo: J. Tyler Franklin / LPM About Us The Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting is a non- profit, nonpartisan newsroom founded in 2013 by Louisville Public Media, a 501(c)3 corporation that operates three public radio stations, including 89.3 WFPL News. KyCIR works with WFPL and other news partners across the region to produce and distribute original reporting in the public interest. Our journalism affects you, your neighbor- hood and your commonwealth. Our mission is to protect society’s most vulnerable citi- zens, expose wrongdoing in the public and private sectors, increase transparency in government and hold leaders accountable, all in accordance with journalism’s highest standards. Many newsrooms today are facing difficult choices. Some are shrinking staff and cutting back on investigative report- ing, which takes significant time and resources. At KyCIR, we believe this in-depth reporting is critical. Our journalism shines a light on major problems in our city and state, sparks conversation and spurs solutions. We are members of our community. And our work is funded and supported by our community. 1 A Note From The Interim President At Louisville Public Media, we measure impact not by clicks, but by actions. And in 2017, KyCIR’s reporting generated unprecedented impact in our community and our commonwealth. In September, we reported that Louisville police were helping federal of- ficials conduct immigration raids and enforce federal policy that’s well out- side their purview. -
Civil Rights on a City Bus by Readworks
Civil Rights on a City Bus By ReadWorks On the 1st of December, 1955, the African American seamstress Rosa Parks helped change the course of history on a city bus. Rosa boarded the bus after a day’s work at a Montgomery, Alabama, department store, settling toward the middle, past the first few rows, which at that time were reserved for white people. After making several stops, the bus became full; a white man had boarded, but there was nowhere for him to sit. The driver ordered Rosa and the rest of the black passengers in her row to move to the back of the bus to let the white man sit. In an act of defiance that would set off the American Civil Rights Movement, Rosa refused to give up her spot. For violating the laws of segregation, referred to as the “Jim Crow laws” (which were meant to keep white people and black people separate), Rosa was arrested and fined. Her refusal to move was a quiet and simple action, but in fact she took an enormous risk that evening. She also became a hero and an inspiration to people all over the nation who were fighting for racial equality, including Dr. Martin Luther King, a young pastor who would soon become a major civil rights leader. In response to Rosa’s arrest, blacks in the city of Montgomery boycotted the public bus system for more than a year. Like her, they had had enough of being treated like second-class citizens. The Monday after © 2014 ReadWorks®, Inc. -
Civil Rights in Brooklyn Primary Source Packet
CIVIL RIGHTS IN BROOKLYN PRIMARY SOURCE PACKET Student Name Civil Rights in Brooklyn Primary Source Packet INTRODUCTORY READING Murphy, Brendan. “Civil Rights Professional Development Packet for Teachers.” Brooklyn Collection, Brooklyn Public Library. The Civil Rights Movement in Brooklyn The Civil Rights Movement is typically associated with the Black Freedom Movement from the mid- 1950s through the 1960s. However, the movement started much earlier than that. In the early twentieth century, African Americans organized groups such as the Urban League and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Though these groups were incredibly important, it was the experiences of African American men and women during World War II that reshaped how they viewed their opportunities and rights. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Black Panthers were among the important civil rights organizations born from that experience. CORE played a major role in transforming what began as a movement for racial equality just in the military into a broader social movement for racial equality. CORE was a national, interracial organization with a commitment to nonviolent direct action, which became a major force in the struggle to end discrimination in the United States from 1942 through the 1960s. While the group raised awareness of civil rights campaigns in the south to end segregation, CORE also made clear that the problem of discrimination was equally a northern problem. Chapters of CORE were established in New York including: Bronx CORE, Harlem CORE, Lower East Side CORE, Queens CORE, and Brooklyn CORE. Ministers from black churches and local Brooklynites also joined the effort. -
Change at the Speed of Trust
0007TC Change at the Speed of Trust Advancing Educational Opportunity Through Cross-Sector Collaboration in Louisville GAYLEN MOORE, JORRIT DE JONG, PAUL REVILLE, LYNNE SACKS, AND ANNA BURGESS On the morning of June 4, 2018, members of Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer’s Louisville Promise Cabinet assembled around a U-shaped table in a downtown office building.i The cabinet—two and a half years into a collaborative process of reimagining the way that Louisville supports its students and prepares them for the workforce and higher education—was about to hire its first executive director. It would soon emerge from its chrysalis as a brand-new organization that would direct and streamline “wraparound” health and social services for students and provide “promise” scholarships, guaranteeing at least two years of college funding to graduates of Jefferson County Public Schools (JCPS). What had begun under the previous mayor as part of a city-wide effort to raise the status and economic muscle of Louisville among peer cities, had become an integral part of Fischer’s vision: a city where the values of compassion, health, and lifelong learning were paramount. The hope was that the cabinet would soon become an institution capable of sustaining itself well beyond Fischer’s tenure. But there was an organization to design, an operating budget and a scholarship fund to pay for, and what one cabinet member called the “2,000-pound gorilla” of systemic racism to reckon with.1 Further, the school board was fighting the Kentucky state government over what the board viewed as a politically motivated and legally dubious takeover attempt.