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Public Broadcasting in Ukraine
РОЗДІЛ 1 ДЕРЖАВНЕ МОВЛЕННЯ: ВІД ПРОПАГАНДИ ДО АДМІНРЕСУРСУ Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION AND CHALLENGES IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION PUBLIC BROADCASTING 1 2 Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges UDC 654.19 О 76 Production of this brochure was made possible with the financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark and the Government of Sweden. The content of the brochure is the sole responsibility of Detector Media NGO and does not necessarily reflect the po- sition of the National Endowment for Democracy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark, or the Government of Sweden. S.V. Ostapa, V.V. Miskyi, I.Ye. Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova. О 76 Public broadcasting in Ukraine: History of Creation and Challenges. — Kyiv: VIOL PRINTING HOUSE LLC, 2018. — 168 p. Fig. Media experts directly involved in the establishment of the Public Broadcasting in Ukraine reveal the history of the transformation of state broadcasters into the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine. It was a path from advocating for the legislation necessary for the formation of a legal entity and its first steps. This brochure also describes the main challenges faced by the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine at the end of the first two years of its operation. -
What Future for Ukraine?
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH Centre for Eastern Studies Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? What Future for Ukraine? Anna Górska Warszawa, czerwiec 2005 / Warsaw, June 2005 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor serii / Series editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation Izabela Zygmunt Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? / 5 I. Trudny okres przejmowania w∏adzy / 6 II. Paƒstwo demokratyczne / 9 III. Paƒstwo prawa / 11 IV. Gospodarka rynkowa / 14 V. Czy Zachód mo˝e wspomóc Ukrain´ / 16 Za∏àcznik I / 18 Za∏àcznik II / 24 What Future for Ukraine? / 27 I. Difficult Period of the Transfer of Power / 28 II. A Democratic State / 31 III. A State of Law / 34 IV. Market Economy / 37 V. Can the West help Ukraine / 38 Appendix No 1 / 41 Appendix No 2 / 47 Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? Min´∏o sto dni od inauguracji prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenki i po- wo∏ania nowego rzàdu z Julià Tymoszenko na czele, co tradycyjnie sk∏a- nia do pierwszych podsumowaƒ i oceny polityki nowych w∏adz. W przy- padku Ukrainy jest to szczególnie interesujàce. Zmiana w∏adzy nastàpi∏a w du˝ej mierze w wyniku antysystemowego protestu spo∏ecznego, okre- Êlanego jako pomaraƒczowa rewolucja1. W zasadzie Majdan nie formu- ∏owa∏ pozytywnych hase∏ programowych, a jedynie wyraziÊcie okreÊla∏, czego spo∏eczeƒstwo ju˝ nie akceptuje – samowoli w∏adzy, korupcji, bie- dy, k∏amstwa w najwy˝szych gabinetach i mediach, przedmiotowego traktowania spo∏eczeƒstwa, o którym w∏adza przypomina sobie jedynie w kampaniach wyborczych, ale i tak nie respektuje woli wyborców. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice. -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Parliamentary Coalition Collapses
INSIDE:• Profile: Oleksii Ivchenko, chair of Naftohaz — page 3. • Donetsk teen among winners of ballet competition — page 9. • A conversation with historian Roman Serbyn — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIVTHE UKRAINIANNo. 28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 9,W 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine World Cup soccer action Parliamentary coalition collapses Moroz and Azarov are candidates for Rada chair unites people of Ukraine by Zenon Zawada The Our Ukraine bloc had refused to Kyiv Press Bureau give the Socialists the Parliament chair- manship, which it wanted Mr. KYIV – Just two weeks after signing a Poroshenko to occupy in order to coun- parliamentary coalition pact with the Our terbalance Ms. Tymoshenko’s influence Ukraine and Yulia Tymoshenko blocs, as prime minister. Socialist Party of Ukraine leader Eventually, Mr. Moroz publicly relin- Oleksander Moroz betrayed his Orange quished his claim to the post. Revolution partners and formed a de His July 6 turnaround caused a schism facto union with the Party of the Regions within the ranks of his own party as and the Communist Party. National Deputy Yosyp Vinskyi Recognizing that he lacked enough announced he was resigning as the first votes, Our Ukraine National Deputy secretary of the party’s political council. Petro Poroshenko withdrew his candida- Mr. Moroz’s betrayal ruins the demo- cy for the Verkhovna Rada chair during cratic coalition and reveals his intention the Parliament’s July 6 session. to unite with the Party of the Regions, The Socialists then nominated Mr. Mr. Vinskyi alleged. -
Prospects for Russia 8 NOVEMBER 1999
RESEARCH PAPER 99/87 The prospects for Russia 8 NOVEMBER 1999 This paper looks at the current economic and political situation in the Russian Federation. It examines how the economy has fared since the financial crash of August 1998 and looks at the implications of the parliamentary elections due in December 1999. It does not deal in detail with the renewed war in Chechnya, but it is intended that this should be the subject of a separate Library Research Paper shortly. Richard Ware HOUSE OF COMMONS LIBRARY Recent Library Research Papers include: 99/72 Railways Bill [Bill 133 of 1998-99] 15.07.99 99/73 The National Lottery 27.07.99 99/74 Duty-free shopping 22.07.99 99/75 Economic & Monetary Union: the first six months 12.08.99 99/76 Unemployment by Constituency - July 1999 11.08.99 99/77 British Farming and Reform of the Common Agriculture Policy 13.08.99 99/78 By-elections since the 1997 general election 09.09.99 99/79 Unemployment by Constituency – August 1999 15.09.99 99/80 Railway Organisations 20.09.99 99/81 Asbestos 05.10.99 99/82 By-elections since the 1997 general election 24.09.99 99/83 Unemployment by constituency – September 1999 13.10.99 99/84 Devolution and Concordats 19.10.99 99/85 The Procedural Consequences of Devolution 20.10.99 99/86 Economic Indicators 01.11.99 Research Papers are available as PDF files: • to members of the general public on the Parliamentary web site, URL: http://www.parliament.uk • within Parliament to users of the Parliamentary Intranet, URL: http://hcl1.hclibrary.parliament.uk Library Research Papers are compiled for the benefit of Members of Parliament and their personal staff. -
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow. -
The City of Moscow in Russia's Foreign and Security Policy: Role
Eidgenössische “Regionalization of Russian Foreign and Security Policy” Technische Hochschule Zürich Project organized by The Russian Study Group at the Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research Andreas Wenger, Jeronim Perovic,´ Andrei Makarychev, Oleg Alexandrov WORKING PAPER NO.7 APRIL 2001 The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations DESIGN : SUSANA PERROTTET RIOS Moscow enjoys an exceptional position among the Russian regions. Due to its huge By Oleg B. Alexandrov economic and financial potential, the city of Moscow largely shapes the country’s economic and political processes. This study provides an overall insight into the complex international network that the city of Moscow is tied into. It also assesses the role, aims and motivations of the main regional actors that are involved. These include the political authorities, the media tycoons and the major financial-industrial groups. Special attention is paid to the problem of institutional and non-institutional interaction between the Moscow city authorities and the federal center in the foreign and security policy sector, with an emphasis on the impact of Putin’s federal reforms. Contact: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland Andreas Wenger, head of project [email protected] Jeronim Perovic´ , project coordinator [email protected] Oleg Alexandrov [email protected]; [email protected] Andrei Makarychev [email protected]; [email protected] Order of copies: Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research ETH Zentrum / SEI CH-8092 Zürich Switzerland [email protected] Papers available in full-text format at: http://www.fsk.ethz.ch/ Layout by Marco Zanoli The City of Moscow in Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role, Aims and Motivations By Oleg B. -
Attached File
INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMIC RESEARCH AND POLICY CONSULTING MONTHLY MONITOR №3-2007 Monthly Economic Monitor Ukraine • The People’s Union “Nasha Ukraina” and the Block of Yulia No.3 (77) Tymoshenko signed an agreement on joint opposition activity. March • In January 2007 real GDP grew by 9.3% yoy. 2007 • The government lifted export quotas for barley and corn. • Parliament prohibited privatization of the gas transportation system or transferring it into concession. • In 2006 the annual current account balance was negative at USD 1.6 bn or 1.5% of GDP. • The central fiscal surplus reached 3.6% of GDP due to Population: 47 m underexecution of expenditures. Industry/GDP: 27% • In February consumer prices inflation decelerated to 9.5%. Agriculture/GDP: 10% Investment/GDP: 19% Politics: The opposition factions united their forces Exports to: Russia 18%, EU 29% Two factions in the Parliament, the People’s Union “Nasha Ukraina” Imports from: Russia 40%, EU 32% and the Block of Yulia Tymoshenko, signed an agreement on joint opposition activity. Besides, they agreed to unite both factions in local councils. These agreements partially restored the coalition established during the Orange Revolution, and may help to change disposition of political forces in the country. In February the Verkhovna Rada appointed Mykola Tomenko from the Block of Yulia Tymoshenko as the Vice-Speaker and re-elected Nina Karpachova, the representative of the Party of Regions of Ukraine, as the Ombudsman. At the same time, the Parliament did not support the candidatures proposed by the President for the positions of the Foreign Minister, Vladimir Ogryzko, and the Head of GDP and Industrial Output the Security Service, Viktor Korol. -
Are the Changes in Ukraine's Mass Media Induced by The
Media Reform Centre ARE THE CHANGES IN UKRAINE’S MASS MEDIA INDUCED BY THE ORANGE REVOLUTION REALLY IRREVERSIBLE? Media Survey conducted jointly with the School of Political Analysis at the National University of the Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, and Telekritika Internet Bulletin Media Reform Centre 8/5 Voloska St., Kyiv, 04070 www.mediareform.com.ua, e-mail: [email protected] Telefax: 8 (044) 463-58-62 February-March 2005 Did the “journalist revolution” really occur? What are its attributes? When did it begin? What are its implications? Are they positive? To what extent are the processes launched by the “journalist revolution” sustainable? What should be done to make them sustainable? One of the most remarkable and momentous results of the Orange Revolution was the journalist revolution, when journalists of leading TV channels and print media refused en mass to carry out the recommendations of temnyki, distort information, and manipulate public consciousness – practices that were extensively applied during the 2004 presidential campaign. Practically within one day the image of the main TV channels, radio programs and print media underwent change. They occurred in the wake of the overall change in the political situations, offering journalists the opportunity to discard somebody else’s wilfully imposed role of an agitprop tool and thus evade censure and contempt of society, accusations of inciting enmity and, finally, retain the ratings of their media outlets. However, the “journalist revolution”(JR) is not yet complete or irreversible. The depth of changes depends on the type of the mass media and region. In Kyiv, just like in other large cities, the changes are more obvious than elsewhere, while on television they are much more visible than in the press.