DOCSLIB.ORG

October 2004

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
October 2004 Volume 7, Number 5 • October 2004 President/Business Manager’s Report Performance Review for the President of the United States of America By Ronald Kastner e' r e changes through Congress by adding it to a $750 a year more for each beneficiary in a al l major appropriations bill, and threatening PPO than it would have spent if the patient Wfam i l - to veto the funding bill. had stayed in the traditional Medicare iar with those The Budget Deficit - Bush inherited a program. annual job $256 billion surplus. Now there is a Bush's plan raises Prescription performance $374.2 billion deficit – a fiscal loss of Drug costs. Just three months after Bush's reviews. Our $630.2 billion dollars in three years. In Medicare "reform" passed and nearly two boss sits down 2011, the first of the baby-boomers will years before seniors see the benefits, the with us and have reached retirement age, coinciding verdict on it is in: it's no good for seniors, goes over the with an explosion of the deficit and especially those with lower incomes. specific parts of massive debt interest payments. By Seniors will not see cheaper prescription our jobs where we are expected to work at running large deficits in the years before prices when the plan is implemented in a competent level. the baby boomers retire, the country is 2006, because it does nothing to control It's time to look at George W. Bush's squandering the opportunity to prepare for the rising cost of drugs. The plan will raise job performance. He's had four years to this major demographic change. drug costs and reduce benefits all while meet the minimum expectations of his job enriching the pharmaceutical companies performance. How did George really do? Economy, Jobs Performance and the and providing a windfall for HMOs and First, in the area of the Econom y, Budget: President Bush Fails to meet the health insurance industry. 1.6 million private sector jobs have been expectations – 0 points on the appraisal. The Bush plan also makes it illegal for lost, 1.1 million government jobs have the government to negotiate drug prices been created leaving a conservative net In the area of Healthcar e more with the pharmaceutical industry, which loss of 585,000 American jobs since there Americans have lost their healthcare Continued on page 3 were in 2001 when George Bush took benefits after losing the jobs that provided office. There are tax incentives for those benefits. If they found a new job-it corporations to move jobs overseas has lower pay and either worse health because Bush said, "It's good for the insurance or no benefits at all. Today Gessler’s Report . .pg 2 American economy to ship jobs overseas if almost 44 million Americans are the work can be done cheaper there." 2.8 uninsured. Since Bush took office, at Election Endorse m e n t s . .pg 4-5 million manufacturing jobs have been lost, least 4.9 million more people, including COPE Report . .pg 6 and the replacement jobs are lower paying 126,000 more children, have become Sacco’s Report . .pg 7 service sector jobs. uninsured. Yet President Bush has put Haymarket . .pg 8 Still in the area of Jobs, Bush changed forward no plan and taken no effective the rules reducing the number of workers steps to remedy this crisis. USO . .pg 10 who qualify for overtime pay, giving then On Medicar e - contrary to federal Webster’s Report . .pg 11 comp or flex time when it is convenient for rules, the Bush administration has been Rep Fest . .pg 12 the corporation. He did this despite allowing some private health plans to "serious coaching" from citizens across actually limit Medicare patients' health Retirees . .pg 15 America who sent thousands of letters to care choices. The Bush administration Meetings . .pg 16 Congress and the White House opposing exceeded its authority when it allowed those reductions. When Congress stopped preferred provider organizations (PPOs) to his legislative attempt, Bush attempted to restrict beneficiaries' choices of doctors, change the Department of Labor rules. nursing homes and home health care When that was blocked he forced the agencies. Yet, Medicare is spending some SBC: Poor Losers By Rick Gessler, Vice President /Assistant Business Manager ere's an should legal l y be, an already settled dispute. Official Bi-Monthly Publication up d a t e In late September SBC filed a feder al International Brotherhood Hon the la wsuit in U.S . District Cour t, de m a n d i n g Of Electrical Workers status of the to have the arbitrator's aw ar d vac a t e d Local 21, AFL-CIO/CLC ar b i t r a t i o n and thrown out. Named as the defendant IBEW Local 21 decision on the in the suit is Local 21, Interna t i o n a l 1307 W. Butterfield Road dispute with Brotherhood of Electrical Wor ke r s . Suite 422 SBC in whi c h Ad d i t i o n a l l y, SBC has asked the Court to Downers Grove, Illinois 60515-5606 the company award SBC its costs, reasonable attorne y contracted out fees and all other relief the court deems just. Phone 630 960-4466 and continues to If ever y time SBC loses a major case in Fax 630 960-9607 contract out our work after the layof f of arbitration, it refuses to abide by the Local 21 members. In addition to getting arbitrator's decision or takes the Union to the company to abide by the terms of the co u r t, one might ask why continue to abide Website ag reement, our goal is to get our laid off by the no-strike clause in the contract. Th e r e www.ibew21.org members back on the payroll. SB C ' s st a l l are many answers to this question, but one Newswire hotlines tactics are bla t a n t l y wron g and will not be that stands out is In t e g r i t y . Both sides 630 415-2711 tolerated by our union. signed and agreed to the terms of the 866 423-9582 SBC's strategy is clearly to delay contract. One side continues to violate it, resolution of this dispute by not complyi n g and one side continues to represent the OFFICERS with the Arbitrator's awar d , beyond the date rights of the wor k ers covered by it. One side Ronald E. Kastner, that our laid off brothers and sisters maintain represents run a way corporate power and President-Business Manager recall rights. Briefly, our contract includes a greed and one side fights ever y day for a / Financial Secretary gri e vance and arbitration procedure to better life for all working families. This fig h t Rick Gessler, re s o l v e workplace disputes with SBC. Th e is about the lives of our laid off brothers and Vice-President /Assistant Business Manager last step is arbitration, where the company sisters and their families. Many still have not Jacquie Fields, and the union mutually select a neutral third found work and SBC continues using Treasurer pa r ty to hear the positions and argu m e n t s outside contractors. We must never forge t Linda Corcoran-Cox, from both sides, along with testimony and that an injury to one is an injury to all. Recording Secretary other rational on the dispute. Once the Our union is not taking SBC's lawsuit or arbitrator renders a decision in the case, it is their continued delays lightly. We have EXECUTIVE BOARD MEM BERS final and binding on both sides: co u n t e r sued SBC asking the judge to issue Kevin Curran Alison Watson "The aw ar d of the arbitrator shall be an order for the company to comply with the Bill Lawrence Rosetta Shinn Jim Noble Bryan Smith final and binding upon the par ti e s , Arbitrator's awar d . Larry Schuler subject to law, and the Company and the SBC is attempting to manipulate the law, Union agree to abide by the decision of the courts, the integrity of the arbitration MANAGING EDITOR Tom Hopper email: the arbitr at o r. " procedure and even the collective bargai n i n g [email protected] You win some and you lose some, b ut ag reement, but most important, SBC is Phone 630 960-4466 X223 aga i n , the decision is f in a l . injuring our brothers and sisters waiting for Fax 630 960-9607 United States Federal policy favor s recall. In suits to enforce arbitration awar d s , EDITORS industrial peace, preferring contract the law says that the courts should not Larry Moeller email: ag reements which include both arbitration accept even serious error of fact or contract [email protected] and no-strike clauses. It's important that all in t e r pretation as grounds for vacating an Nancy North email: members understand that our contract award. As long as the arbitrator is even [email protected] includes a no-strike clause. In other wor d s , arg u a b ly acting within the scope of the Comments and articles are welcome and the union gives up the right to strike to settle contractual authority, the award should be should be sent to the editors.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
    NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria.
    [Show full text]
  • Día Del Trabajo
    Día del Trabajo El día del trabajo celebra los logros alcanzados por los trabajadores de todo el mundo, como es la jornada de ocho horas, con dos días de descanso a la semana. Pero antes, esto no era así. Hacia 1874, la idea de llevar a cabo acciones para conseguir una jornada de trabajo de ocho horas comenzó a extenderse desde distintos lugares y sectores de Estados Unidos. Los pioneros en reaccionar fueron los obreros ferroviarios, quienes llevaron a cabo una huelga que por semanas involucró a 17 estados. Al poco tiempo se fueron sumando varias otras organizaciones, creándose en 1881 la Federación Americana del Trabajo (American Federation Labor, AFL), heredera de la anterior Federación de Gremios y Sindicatos. Esta nueva Federación reiteró la petición de las ocho horas en sus congresos de 1882 y de 1883, exigiéndole incluso al Presidente de los Estados Unidos que promulgara una ley nacional al respecto. También solicitaron el pronunciamiento de los partidos Demócrata y Republicano sin ningún resultado. Ante el fracaso de las gestiones, los trabajadores comenzaron a buscar nuevos caminos. Así, la Federación Norteamericana del Trabajo acordó en su cuarto congreso, de 1884, realizar una huelga general el 1 de mayo de 1886. En el intertanto, se debía luchar por conseguir de parte de los patrones y autoridades la nueva jornada; de no lograrse eso en esos años, se haría efectiva la huelga. El llamado de la AFL fue acogido por los sindicatos, el movimiento fue tomando cuerpo a medida que se acercaba la fecha indicada, y los esfuerzos patronales por detener la iniciativa obrera prosperaban.
    [Show full text]
  • Act III the Chicago Police Had Scarcely Gathered Their Dead and Wounded Before They Embarked on a Fierce Roundup of Every Real Or Imagined Radical in the City
    Act III The Chicago police had scarcely gathered their dead and wounded before they embarked on a fierce roundup of every real or imagined radical in the city. A terrible crime had been committed, and the perceived perpetrator was not so much a particular person as anarchism itself. The police received active encouragement from a frenzied and frightened public, as well as from State's Attorney Julius Grinnell, who reportedly ordered, "Make the raids first and look up the law afterward!" The result was both a latter-day witch hunt and the first "red scare" in America. Although only eight men would stand trial, dozens found themselves "in the toils of the law." Arrest and Indictment Perhaps the most active, and certainly the most self-promoting, of the many policemen conducting the Haymarket investigation was Captain Michael Schaack of the Fifth Precinct, whose headquarters were in the East Chicago Avenue station. Schaack's 1889 Anarchy and Anarchists is the most comprehensive contemporary history of Haymarket. Not far behind the scenes were the Chicago businessmen who were special targets of anarchist invective. Among them were men like Marshall Field, George Pullman, and Cyrus McCormick Jr., who had been on special lookout for "troublemakers" since at least 1877 and who were well aware of their own central roles as villains in radical rhetoric. They donated money to the families of the police who marched on the Haymarket, and also to Schaack's investigation. As Schaack described it, they wished to see "the law vindicated and order preserved in Chicago." That the police conducted their arrests and searches without warrants seemed of no particular concern to anyone but the accused.
    [Show full text]
  • The Significance of the Haymarket Tragedy Then and Now
    ESSAI Volume 17 Article 23 Spring 2019 The Significance of the Haymarket Tragedy Then and Now Veronika Janas College of DuPage Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.cod.edu/essai Recommended Citation Janas, Veronika (2019) "The Significance of the Haymarket Tragedy Then and Now," ESSAI: Vol. 17 , Article 23. Available at: https://dc.cod.edu/essai/vol17/iss1/23 This Selection is brought to you for free and open access by the College Publications at DigitalCommons@COD. It has been accepted for inclusion in ESSAI by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@COD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Janas: The Significance of the Haymarket Tragedy Then and Now The Significance of the Haymarket Tragedy Then and Now by Veronika Janas (English 1102) aymarket Riot, also called Haymarket Affair or Haymarket Massacre, a violent confrontation between police and labor protesters in Chicago on May 4, 1886, became a symbol of the Hinternational struggle for workers’ rights. Since its designation as International Workers’ Day by the Second International in 1889, the Haymarket tragedy has been associated with May 1 and celebrated all around the world. William J. Adelman, a historian and professor of labor and industrial relations at the University of Illinois, admits that” no single event has influenced the history of labor in Illinois, the United States, and even the world, more than the Chicago Haymarket Affair” (Adelman 29). Although the Haymarket Riot occurred a long time ago and may seem to some as an event reserved for the history books only, the issues that led to the Haymarket affair are problems that are still with us today: unemployment, the rights of minority groups, a fair distribution of wealth, freedom of speech and assembly, political corruption, police surveillance and brutality and the rights of American workers to organize unions of their choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Immigrants, Nativists, and the Making of Chicago, 1835-1893
    Immigrants, Nativists, and the Making of Chicago, 1835-1893 Author: Mimi Cowan Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104929 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2015 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History IMMIGRANTS, NATIVISTS, AND THE MAKING OF CHICAGO, 1835-1893 a dissertation by MIMI COWAN Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2015 ©copyright by MIMI I. COWAN 2015 Immigrants, Nativists, and the Making of Chicago, 1835-1893 Mimi Cowan Advisor, Dr. Kevin Kenny Between 1835 and 1893, the majority of immigrants who settled in Chicago were of Irish or German birth. Even though the city’s economic leaders’ plans to transform Chicago into a center of international trade required the labor of these immigrants, Irish and German Chicagoans were still the targets of nativism. They were not, however, merely objects of nativism; instead, they were able to challenge nativist-inspired policies and assumptions about the inability of immigrants to become loyal Americans. They demonstrated their allegiance to the U. S. through service in independent ethnic militias and challenged policies that they felt unfairly targeted them, such as temperance laws in the 1850s, militia laws in the 1870s, and educational policy in the 1880s. But after 1865, as Chicago industrialized, labor conflict grew. As a result, the success of immigrants’ efforts to demonstrate their allegiance or combat nativist-inspired policies relied on their willingness to distance themselves from radicalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Adaptation As Anarchist
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2012 Adaptation as Anarchist: A Complexity Method for Ideology-Critique of American Crime Narratives Kristopher Mecholsky Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the English Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Mecholsky, Kristopher, "Adaptation as Anarchist: A Complexity Method for Ideology-Critique of American Crime Narratives" (2012). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 3247. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/3247 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. ADAPTATION AS ANARCHIST: A COMPLEXITY METHOD FOR IDEOLOGY-CRITIQUE OF AMERICAN CRIME NARRATIVES A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of English by Kristopher Mecholsky B.A., The Catholic University of America, 2004 M.A., Marymount University, 2008 August 2012 Copyright © 2012 by Kristopher Mecholsky All rights reserved ii Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour… Thomas Paine, Common Sense iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This section was originally a lot longer, a lot funnier, and a lot more grateful. Before I thank anyone, let me apologize to those I cannot list here. Know that deep in my computer, a file remains saved, inscribed with eloquent gratitude.
    [Show full text]
  • The Haymarket Story and Judge Joseph E. Gary by Curtis F
    The Haymarket Story and judge Joseph E. Gary by Curtis F. Hamilton Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY (August, 2000) The Haymarket Story and Judge Joseph E. Gary Curtis F. Hamilton I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand this thesis will be housed at the Circulation Desk of the University Ubrary and will be available for public access. I also authorize the University and other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: (!i 9,JtJ£ ?~J ;2N7J Curtis F. Hamilton, Student Date Approvals: ~.~~~ 'l I~Uy4=~)c~) Martha Pallante, Thesis Advisor -------. " Date ? A JGUsiJ.,aci) Thomas Leary, Committ Date ABSTRACT On May 4, 1886 a group of anarchists organized a meeting at Haymarket Square in Chicago, Illinois to protest police shootings of strikers the day before. As Samuel Fielden was concluding his speech, Chicago Police Officers arrived and ordered the anarchists to end the meeting. As Fielden stepped down from the speakers stand a bomb was hurled into the ranks of officers and a riot ensued in which several police officers and civilians were killed. Although the bombthrower was never identified, eight anarchists were put on trial and found guilty of the murder of Chicago Police Officer Mathias J. Degan. Given their political views it would have been difficult for them to receive a fair trial anywhere in the United States. The media convicted them in print long before the trial began and inflamed the passions and prejudices of the public.
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket Affair: Case Files Timeline
    Haymarket Affair: Case Files Timeline Prior to Haymarket Affair 1864 – Labor movements began in Chicago central demand quickly became 8 hour work day. 1867 -- Illinois Legislature enacted an 8-hr day law but left giant loopholes, city wide strikes over loophole on May 1 lasted a week. Strike collapsed and the law did as well. 1880s issue resurfaced; Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions urged workers to observe 8 hour day starting May 1, 1886. Many immigrants joined the labor movements, some bringing with them their socialist and anarchist ideals. Events of 1886: April 23 through May 5 – around 19 demonstrations took place throughout the city May 1 – Unionists reformers, socialists, anarchists and ordinary workers joined to march for an 8-hr work day 35,000 workers walked off their jobs. Tens of thousands more joined May 3 and May 4 May 3 – A demonstration at the McCormick reaper plant erupted into violence. Police fired on strikers killing 2 workers. Anarchists and others called for revenge. May 4 – German and other socialist newspapers called or a meeting at the Haymarket that evening. Crowds gathered, initially there was peace. The crowd slowly dwindled. Then one speaker called for the crowd to “throttle” the law. Inspector John Bonfield led police to march into the meeting ordering it to disperse. Bomb thrown by an unidentified person – 1 police officer killed instantly. Police drew and fired on the crowd. 60 officers injured and 8 died an undetermined number of the crowd were killed/wounded. In the days following, due to this police and the mayor banned meetings/processions and shut down radical press operations.
    [Show full text]
  • Reason for and Reactions During the First Red Scare
    Fort Hays State University FHSU Scholars Repository Master's Theses Graduate School Summer 2020 No Ordinary Times: Reason For and Reactions During the First Red Scare. Timothy Setter [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.fhsu.edu/theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Setter, Timothy, "No Ordinary Times: Reason For and Reactions During the First Red Scare." (2020). Master's Theses. 3155. https://scholars.fhsu.edu/theses/3155 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at FHSU Scholars Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of FHSU Scholars Repository. NO ORDINARY TIMES: REASONS FOR AND REACTIONS DURING THE 1ST RED SCARE. A Thesis Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the Fort Hays State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Timothy Setter B.A., Fort Hays State University Date ______7/20/20______________ Approved _______________________________ Major Professor Approved _______________________________ Graduate Dean ABSTRACT With American involvement in World War I a drastic change in United States domestic policy occurred. Through the use of wartime Espionage and Sedition Acts came the tool to begin a campaign of suppression of political radicals. This came as the compounding of earlier events like the Los Angeles Times bombing in 1910 occurred with a campaign of anarchist bombings, a growing number of strikes, and wartime propaganda created a setting allowing for government officials to carry out raids, arrests, and both a censoring and punishment of speech.
    [Show full text]
  • Origins of May Day: the Haymarket Affair Wikipedia Editors Revision History Revision 606598348 May 2, 2014 WE En.Wikipedia.Org/W/Index.Php?Title=Haymarket Affair
    Origins of May Day: The Haymarket Affair Wikipedia Editors Revision History Revision 606598348 May 2, 2014 WE en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Haymarket_affair This article was adapted to pamphlet form by <[email protected]> as a shortened version of the “Haymarket Affair” Wikipedia entry. For full notes and list of references, see the article online. This work is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Share-Alike license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- sa/3.0/ Background The Haymarket affair (also known as the Haymarket massacre or Haymarket riot) refers to the af- termath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on Tuesday May 4, 1886, at Haymarket Square in Chicago. It began as a peaceful rally in support of workers striking for an eight-hour day. An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at police as they acted to disperse the public meeting. The bomb blast and ensuing gunfire resulted in the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; scores of others were wounded. May Day parade and strikes In October 1884, a convention held by the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions unanimously set May 1, 1886, as the date by which the eight-hour work day would become standard. As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a general strike in support of the eight-hour day. On Saturday, May 1, thousands of workers went on strike and rallies were held throughout the United States, with the cry, “Eight-hour day with no cut in pay.” Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket Riot Scene Card, 1886
    HANDOUT B Haymarket Riot Scene Card, 1886 PARTS 1. Striking workers (multiple) 6. Someone 2. Strikebreakers (multiple) 7. Anarchists (8: Four are hanged and one commits suicide) 3. Police (at least 2 or 3; one dies, and then 6 more die later) 8. Judge Joseph Gary 4. Others 9. Governor John Peter Altgeld 5. Speakers 10. Narrator NARRATOR: Scene One: McCormick Harvesting Machine Company Works, Chicago, May 3, 1886 Striking workers (Strikers), many of whom are German immigrants, stage a protest rally demanding improved working conditions. Specifically, they demand an 8-hour work day rather than the 10-12 hour work days currently required of them at McCormick Harvesting Machine Company Works. Strikebreakers, eager to find work during the economic downturn that had already dragged on for several years, are happy to take the jobs that the strikers complain about. Police intimidate the strikers and struggle to keep peace between the two groups. Finally, police insist that the crowd disperse. The disorder continues and police beat some of the demonstrators. Then, the police fire into the crowd to force them to leave the area. One striker is killed and others are injured in the melee. NARRATOR: Scene Two: Haymarket Square, Chicago, May 4, 1886 Strikers and Others gather at Haymarket Square, an open area used for public markets, in order to protest against police violence. The crowd hears several Speakers who explain their ideas about social and economic reform to protect the rights of workers. Some speakers advocate radical ideas such as socialism and anarchism. The rally is peaceful throughout the day.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitutive Utopian Rhetoric of Julius Wayland in the Appeal to Reason by © 2017 Daniel P
    How to Build an Army: The Constitutive Utopian Rhetoric of Julius Wayland in the Appeal to Reason By © 2017 Daniel P. Overton M.A., Harding School of Theology M.Div., Harding School of Theology B.A., Freed-Hardeman University Submitted to the graduate degree program in Communication Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chair: Robert Rowland Jay Childers Scott Harris Beth Innocenti Timothy Miller Date Defended: 29 March 2017 ii The dissertation committee for Daniel P. Overton certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: How to Build an Army: The Constitutive Utopian Rhetoric of Julius Wayland in the Appeal to Reason Chair: Robert Rowland Date Approved: 31 March 2017 iii Abstract Founded and edited by Julius Augustus Wayland, the Appeal to Reason, an influential socialist newspaper at the turn of the twentieth century, succeeded where every other contemporary radical periodical failed. It attracted a large national audience with an eventual distribution of approximately 750,000 copies per week. During its peak, the Appeal had a greater circulation than any other national weekly paper, and it remains the most widely circulated leftist publication in American history. In what follows I discuss the rhetorical strategies Wayland employed to constitute his readership into a movement geared toward collective action, and I describe the power of the utopian, constitutive, and prophetic rhetoric found in the pages of the Appeal, especially through the editorship of Wayland. Despite its largely secular doctrine, the Appeal can be seen as a kind of scripture pointing toward a socialist utopian myth to create heaven on earth, and Wayland was the key prophetic, homiletic, and symbolic figure serving to rally an energized group of Appeal Army foot soldiers during a period of great social unrest.
    [Show full text]