Treaty Interpretation: Rule of Politics Over Rule of Law?
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The Theoretical Significance of Foreign Policy in International Relations- an Analyses
Journal of Critical Reviews ISSN- 2394-5125 Vol 7, Issue 2, 2020 Review Article THE THEORETICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS- AN ANALYSES Jesmine Ahmed* *PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Assam University, Email Id-jesmine, [email protected]. Received: 09.11.2019 Revised: 05.12.2019 Accepted: 04.01.2020 Abstract: Foreign policy of a country is formulated to safeguard and promote its national interests in the conduct of relations with other countries, bilaterally and multilaterally. It is a direct reflection of a country’s traditional values and overall national policies, her aspirations and self-perception. Thus, Foreign Policies are the strategies, methods, guidelines, agreements that usually national governments use to perform their actions in the international arena. In contemporary times, every state establishes diplomatic, economic, trade, educational, cultural and political relations with other nations and that compels to maintain its relation with each other as well as with international organizations and non-governmental actors in the international relations. Thus, International Relations attempts to explain the behaviours that occur across the boundaries of states and institutions such as private, state, governmental, non-governmental and inter- governmental oversee those interactions. However, this paper try to articulate the theoretical importance of foreign policy in international relations and how it helps in maintaining relations among the countries at the international level. Key Words: Foreign Policy, International Relations, State, Bilateral, Multilateral © 2019 by Advance Scientific Research. This is an open-access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31838/jcr.07.02.144 INTRODUCTION: Moreover, Foreign policy involves both decisions and actions i.e., In international arena, every nation has always been policies. -
Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy Gleaves Whitney Grand Valley State University
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Ask Gleaves Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies 9-4-2004 Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy Gleaves Whitney Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ask_gleaves Recommended Citation Whitney, Gleaves, "Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy" (2004). Ask Gleaves. Paper 67. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ask_gleaves/67 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Ask Gleaves by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidents, the economy and domestic policy - Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies ... Page 1 of 4 Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy How have presidents become increasingly involved in managing the economy and shaping domestic policy over the last hundred years? One of the most significant changes in the American presidency over the last hundred years has been the extent to which our chief executives are expected to manage the economy and to take the lead on domestic policy. It was not always the case. Since we are at the beginning of the gridiron season, let me answer your question in a way that compares the presidency to football. LATE 19TH-CENTURY PRESIDENTS: REFEREES During the last third of the 19th century -- between the Civil War and Spanish-American War -- our presidents did not possess the power that presidents today have. Most of the power resided in Congress. To many Americans, this arrangement seemed consistent with what the framers of the U.S. -
Fallacies in the Case for the Bricker Amendment Brunson Macchesney
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 29 | Issue 4 Article 3 8-1-1954 Fallacies in the Case for the Bricker Amendment Brunson MacChesney Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Brunson MacChesney, Fallacies in the Case for the Bricker Amendment, 29 Notre Dame L. Rev. 551 (1954). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr/vol29/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BRICKER AMENDMENT THE FALLACIES IN THE CASE FOR THE BRICKER AMENDMENT Introduction The existing constitutional arrangements for the making and enforcing of treaties and the present constitutional powers of the President to make executive and other agree- ments with foreign countries have recently been under severe attack. Since these arrangements and powers have on the whole served us remarkably well under changing circum- stances for more than a century and a half, it is proposed to examine the development of this campaign and to analyze the arguments that have been used to support it. The principal goal of this forensic effort has been the adop- tion of the Bricker amendment as reported out by the Senate Judiciary Committee on June 4, 1953. The amendment did not of course emerge suddenly out of a vacuum. Advocacy of such a proposal was initiated chiefly by groups in the Ameri- can Bar Association,2 and by Senator Bricker and other Sen- ators associated with him. -
Understanding Us Domestic and Foreign Policy
UNDERSTANDING U.S. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY SS.7.C.4.1 Differentiate concepts related to U.S. domestic and foreign policy. TABLE OF CONTENTS Lesson Summary ...................................................................................................................... 2 Suggested Student Activity Sequence .................................................................................... 4 Student Activity Sheets & Reading Materials ....................................................................... 7 Sources .................................................................................................................................... 20 Answer Keys ........................................................................................................................... 21 Civics Content Vocabulary ................................................................................................... 27 Essential Teacher Content Background Information ........................................................ 28 SS.7.C.4.1 – Updated 8/18 | 1 Lesson Summary Essential Questions What is domestic policy? What is foreign policy? What are the differences between domestic and foreign policy? NGSSS Benchmark SS.C.7.4.1 Differentiate concepts related to U.S. domestic and foreign policy. Florida Standards LAFS.68.RH.1.2 LAFS.68.WHST.1.2 LAFS.68.WHST.4.10 LAFS.7.SL.1.1 MAFS.K12.MP.5.1 Overview In this lesson, students will differentiate between domestic and foreign policy, understand the goals of domestic and foreign policy and analyze -
Bricker-Dirksen Amendment Kenneth C
Hastings Law Journal Volume 8 | Issue 1 Article 1 1-1956 Bricker-Dirksen Amendment Kenneth C. Sears Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kenneth C. Sears, Bricker-Dirksen Amendment, 8 Hastings L.J. 1 (1956). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol8/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. BRICKER-DIRKSEN AMENDMENT By KENNETH C. SEARSt The Senate Committee on the Judiciary has recommended the adoption of a resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States. It concerns treaties and other international agreements; but it differs from other ver- sions of what is called the Bricker Amendment. Senator Dirksen of Illinois appears to have been the person who secured an agreement of a majority of the committee in submitting the present text as follows: "Section 1. A provision of a treaty or other international agreement which conflicts with any provision of this Constitution shall not be of any force or effect."' While there are two additional sections, as noted, Section 1 is the only section that is worthy of any appreciable debate. Before it is made a part of the Constitution of the United States there should be an announcement, as clear as it is humanly possible to state it, of the purposes that its advo- cates seek to accomplish. Since there have been decisions of the United States Supreme Court as to the validity of treaties and of legislation to enforce them, the .voters should be informed which of these decisions will be rendered ineffective as precedents upon the adoption of section 1, supra. -
Internal Centralization and International Integration in the Post-Soviet Space
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive Internal centralization and international integration in the post-Soviet space Libman, Alexander Frankfurt School of Finance & Management, Russian Academy of Sciences and East China Normal University March 2010 Online at http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/21882/ MPRA Paper No. 21882, posted 06. April 2010 / 17:20 Internal Centralization and International Integration in the Post-Soviet Space by Alexander Libman Frankfurt School of Finance & Management, Russian Academy of Sciences and East China Normal University Abstract: An important but often neglected factor influencing the changes in power relations in Eurasia is the development of center-periphery relations in individual countries. Domestic and international politics are never clearly separated, especially in the emerging post-Soviet states, which still maintain strong economic, cultural and political links among each other. The aim of the paper is to understand how international integration and domestic policy (re)centralization influenced each other in the post-Soviet countries. It looks at four possible combinations of the development of regionalism and decentralization observed in the CIS region over the last two decades and develops a simple framework explaining the differences between these case studies. March 2010 1 1. Introduction 1 The emergence of multi-level governance structures and reconfiguration of authority of traditional centralized states has been subject to studies in numerous “isles of theorizing” in public policy, political science, international relations and economics (Hooghe and Marks, 2003). What has been however a common feature of a significant bulk of research in the area is a separate discussion of multi-level structures beyond the nation-state level (usually labeled as “decentralization” or “federalism”) and above the nation-state level (labeled as “regionalism” or “regional integration”). -
The Dimensions of Public Policy in Private International Law
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Dimensions of Public Policy in Private International Law Alex Mills* Accepted version: Published in (2008) 4 Journal of Private International Law 201 1 The problem of public policy in private international law National courts always retain the power to refuse to apply a foreign law or recognise or enforce a foreign judgment on the grounds of inconsistency with public policy. The law which would ordinarily be applicable under choice of law rules may, for example, be denied application where it is “manifestly incompatible with the public policy (‘ordre public’) of the forum”1, and a foreign judgment may be refused recognition on the grounds that, for example, “such recognition is manifestly contrary to public policy in the [state] in which recognition is sought”2. The existence of such a discretion is recognised in common law rules, embodied in statutory codifications of private international law3, including those operating between European states otherwise bound by principles of mutual trust, and is a standard feature of international conventions on private international law4. It has even been suggested that it is a general principle of law which can thus be implied in private international law treaties which are silent on the issue5. The public policy exception is not only ubiquitous6, but also a fundamentally important element of modern private international law. As a ‘safety net’ to choice of law rules and rules governing the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments, it is a doctrine which crucially defines the outer limits of the ‘tolerance of difference’ implicit in those rules7. -
Abstract the Movement for the Bricker Amendment: Its
ABSTRACT THE MOVEMENT FOR THE BRICKER AMENDMENT: ITS ORIGINS, GROWTH, AND FAILURE The purpose of the movement for the Bricker amendment was to amend the Constitution relative to the making of trea ties and executive agreements. This paper interprets the movement as part of a conservative reaction to the growth of internationalism and presidential power during and after World War II. Although this paper is concerned primarily with the politics of the movement, the legal aspects are described to the extent necessary to make the politics in volved comprehensible. The movement originated as a response to the fear that rights guaranteed in the Constitution could be forfeited by the government through the use of treaties and/or executive agreements. The Supreme Court allowed Congress to legislate in a formerly unconstitutional area in order to implement a treaty in the case of Missouri vs. Holland (1920). In the early 1950s, there were several UN proposals before the Sen ate concerning human rights. If they were adopted as trea ties, it appeared that Congress could legislate on these rights in any way desired. Implementing legislation might ii be acceptable to the Supreme Court, constitutional limitations notwithstanding. The importance of the American Bar Association (ABA) as a leading force in developing the movement into one of national significance is emphasized. The ABA's support of the movement added credence to the idea that the Constitution needed to be amended to safeguard the rights of American citizens. Despite the fact that Republican Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio introduced one of his proposals with more than two-thirds of the Senate as co-sponsors, it met with defeat in 1954. -
Rule of Law and Constitution Building
Rule of Law and Constitution Building The Role of Regional Organizations Rule of Law and Constitution Building The Role of Regional Organizations Contributors: Sumit Bisarya Amanda Cats-Baril Sujit Choudhry Raul Cordenillo Nora Hedling Michelle Staggs Kelsall Lorraine Kershaw Kristen Sample Christoph Sperfeldt George Mukundi Wachira Hesham Youssef The Department of Legal Cooperation, Secretariat for Legal Affairs, Organization of American States Editors: Raul Cordenillo Kristen Sample International IDEA © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2014 International IDEA Strömsborg, SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM, SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 E-mail: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Licence (CCl) – Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this CCl, see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Graphic design by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Cover photo: © Artist: faith47, photographer: Rowan Pybus Printed in Sweden ISBN: 978-91-87729-63-8 Foreword The past few years have seen remarkable social movements for democratic change emerge around the world. They have demanded greater justice and dignity, more transparent political processes, a fair share of political power and an end to corruption. -
Laws As Treaties?: the Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH
Michigan Law Review Volume 99 Issue 4 2001 Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional- Executive Agreements John C. Yoo University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Legal History Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation John C. Yoo, Laws as Treaties?: The Constitutionality of Congressional-Executive Agreements, 99 MICH. L. REV. 757 (2001). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol99/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAWS AS TREATIES?: THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS John C. Yoo* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 758 I. CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS AND THE INTERNATIONALIST VISION .......................... ....................................... 764 A. The Current Importance of Congressional-Executive Agreements ................................................................ ....................... 764 1. The Explosion of Congressional-Executive -
Hearings on the Federal Role, Commission Report
Hearings on the Federal Role ADVIsOnvCOYYIsslO* on I*TsnQOVsnYYsllTAL nsl.ATIOns Washingtoin, D.C. 20575 l October 1980 A-87 Preface T he Advisory Commission on Intergovernmen- sponsibilities, and revenues among the tal Relations (ACIR) was established by Public several levels of government. Law 380, which was passed by the first session of Pursuant to its statutory responsibilities, the the 86th Congress and approved by the President Commission from time to time has been requested on September 24, 1959. Section 2 of the act sets by the Congress or the President to examine par- forth ~the following declaration of purpose and ticular problems impeding the effectiveness of the specific responsibilities for the Commission: federal system. The 1976 renewal legislation for Sec. 2. Because the complexity of mod- General Revenue Sharing, Public Law 94-488, ern life intensifies the need in a federal mandated in Section 145 that the Commission: form of government for the fullest coop- . study and evaluate the American fed- eration and coordination of activities be- eral fiscal system in terms of the alloca- tween the levels of government, and be- tion and coordination of public resources cause population growth and scientific among federal, state, and local govern- developments portend an increasingly ments including, but not limited to, a complex society in future years, it is es- study and evaluation of: (1) the alloca- sential that an appropriate agency be es- tion and coordination of taxing and tablished to give continuing attention to spending authorities between levels of intergovernmental problems. government, including a comparison of It is intended that the Commission, in other federal government systems. -
Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #52 Why the European Union Strengthens the State: Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University Center for European Studies, Harvard University 27 Kirkland Street, Cambridge MA 02138 Tel.: 617-495-4303, x205 / Fax: 617-495-8509 e-mail: [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, NY (1-4 September 1994) Most contemporary theories of international cooperation treat states as unitary actors and, therefore, focus primarily on the functional benefits of cooperation or the collective action problems states confront in realizing it.1 Less attention is paid to the impact of international negotiations and institutions on domestic politics, or to the consequences for international cooperation. This essay offers a theory of when and how international cooperation redistributes domestic power resources between state and society. Redistribution, it is argued, generally empowers national executives, permitting them to loosen domestic constraints imposed by legislatures, interest groups, and other societal actors. These shifts in domestic 'influence have important consequences for the nature of international cooperation. More specifically, I advance three arguments, each of which challenges existing understandings of international cooperation. First, international negotiations and institutions reallocate political resources by changing the domestic institutional.