WAR DIARY 1917-1919, WRITTEN FOR HIS GRANDCHILDREN, ALISON AND KATHRYN, BY ARCHIBALD GORDON MACGREGOR

Lieutenant Archibald Gordon MacGregor, Royal Engineers

LETTER TO GRANDCHILDREN

"House of Thorburn" 21 April 1968

My dear Grandchildren,

Fifty years ago this month - in April 1918 - I was involved, south of Ypres in Flanders, in battles in which Scottish and South African infantry regiments helped to stem a furious German onslaught and so to save the Channel ports. So I thought it an appropriate time to set out for you my own experiences in these April battles. Then it occurred to me that it might be of interest to you, when you are grown up, to read a first-hand account of some of the doings of the once-famous 9th (Scottish) Division in the 21 months during which I had the honour of serving in it in the Great War of 1914-1918. The letters I wrote home at the time (to my mother and sister) have been preserved. However they give practically no information about my experiences, because we were not allowed to describe the war, or even to say where we were at any particular time. My account deals with "old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago", so it may well seem pretty 'old hat', and even antediluvian, to you. If these pages survive for 50 years and you turn them over then, the events described will be as far back for you as the battle of Waterloo was for me in 1915! My account is documented and illustrated by maps - but if you don't want to follow events in detail you can simply read through the manuscript foolscap sheets.

You may well ask: Why was this "Great War" so important? What was it all about? Why was there such a tremendous voluntary response to recruiting for the Armed Forces, not only in Great Britain but in the Dominions and in Ireland?

As a war, it was historically important because it was the first 'total war', that is to say the first major conflict in which the whole of the populations of the opposing powers became involved either as combatants or as workers in nationally controlled industries supplying the sinews of War.

Britain, quite unprepared for a land war on a large scale, declared war on Germany because the Germans violated the neutrality of Belgium, which they and Britain had both guaranteed. The Germans referred to the treaty of guarantee as "a scrap of paper", and thought that its existence should not for a moment be allowed to stand in the way of German ambitions to crush and humiliate France. Moreover, in over- running Belgium the Germans adopted ruthless and brutal measures against any civilians who attempted to oppose their arrogant demands. All this horrified the people of Britain and the Dominions, for in 1914 there was a general idea that barbarous aggressive warfare was a thing of the past, and that with the help of modern science and democratic enlightenment, the world was entering a period of peace and social betterment.

G S Duncan, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig's personal Chaplain, writing in 1966 (Douglas Haig as I Knew Him, p.13) sums up the matter well; he says:

"We had imagined ourselves then [in 1914] to be living in an age of enlightenment; and that a civilized nation like Germany should wantonly provoke a war with her European neighbours came as a shock both to the intelligence and to the conscience. The nation sprang at once to arms; so too did the peoples of the British Empire. There is no adequate parallel in history, before or since, to the upsurge of stern resolution that the need aroused. The response came from every section of the community. And it was for long an entirely voluntary response: despite the desperate character of the struggle, conscription was not introduced till two years later. Above all there was an idealistic ardour, a sense of unity, and a comradeship which a later generation has found it hard to understand."

Kipling, writing over 50 years before Duncan, in 1914, forcefully expressed the nation's mood (although he spoke for England!)

"For all we have and are, For all our children's fate, Stand up and meet the War, The Hun is at the gate!

Our world has passed away, In wantoness o'erthrown. There is nothing left today But steel, and fire and stone.

Though all we knew depart, The old commandments stand, 'In courage keep your heart, In strength lift up your hand.'

Once more we hear the word, That sickened earth of old: 'No law except the sword Unsheathed and uncontrolled.'

Once more it knits mankind, Once more the nations go To meet and break and bind A crazed and driven foe.

Comfort, content, delight. The ages' slow-bought gain. They shrivelled in a night. Only ourselves remain To face the naked days In silent fortitude Through perils and dismays Renewed and re-renewed.

Though all we made depart The old commandments stand: 'In patience keep your heart, In strength lift up your hand.'

No easy hopes or lies Shall bring us to our goal, But iron sacrifice Of body, will and soul.

There is but one task for all - For each one life to give. What stands if freedom fall? Who dies if England live?"

Duncan also says (pp.13-14), "Something of the original elation was lost in the awful conditions of the fighting around Ypres and in the Somme valley; but the idealism remained. This was a war to end war forever". And again (pp.46-47) "Such idealism is not readily appreciated by a generation that has grown weary of war, and recoils from the very thought of it. If it was war-fever, it was the war-fever of peace-loving men: fighting and dying, as they dared to believe, so as to end war forever. "Rightly or wrongly German militarism was seen, not merely as a threat to British national interests, but as an offence to the conscience of all who cared greatly for the basis of Christian civilisation."

Duncan is correct in saying that, as the war went on and the terrible death-toll grew and grew, there was some disillusionment, discouragement, and even defeatism. But I believe these reactions were confined to a minority - those of brittle moral fibre - and that the great majority of those at home and in the armed forces still felt that, whatever the cost, there could be no compromise in dealing with the German menace.

I like to think that Will Y Darling's reaction (you will hear more about him in my narrative) represents that of the average man. Darling was a pretty tough character who had knocked about in many parts of the world. He had served in the infantry in the abortive Gallipoli campaign, in which he was seriously injured, and after long spells in hospitals had fought in France and Belgium in 1917 (including the Passchandaele offensive); but he was not dismayed. I well remember that one morning in 1918, on meeting me, he took off his tin hat [steel helmet], extracted a scrap of paper from its lining, and said "Listen to this": he then read John McCrae's moving poem "In Flanders' Fields". Here it is :-

In Flanders' fields the poppies blow Between the crosses, row on row, That mark our place; and in the sky The larks, still bravely singing, fly Scarce heard amid the guns below.

We are the dead. Short days ago We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow. Loved and were loved, and now we lie In Flanders' fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe: To you from failing hands we throw The torch; be yours to hold it high. If ye break faith with us who die We shall not sleep, though poppies blow In Flanders' fields.

John McCrae was a Canadian Medical Officer.

After the Great War was won there was indeed widespread disillusionment. It soon became clear that war had not been outlawed. The soldiers had kept faith but, the politicians - in particular the American politicians, who repudiated the League of Nations - did not. The bombastic Mussolini led Italy unchecked to war and an unrepentant and arrogant Germany, under Hitler, was allowed to rise again and launch another attack on humanity - an attack in which their bestial brutality knew no bounds. As Kipling has said, the Germans "Because they feared no reckoning, would set no bounds to wrong."

My dears, I hope neither you nor your children will have to fight another war to defend the basis of Christian civilisation - but if you do, hold high the torch that was passed on in Flanders' fields so long ago!

God bless you: Your loving, Pampa Archie

FOREWORD

This account has been compiled from my own recollections, often very vivid even after 50 years, supplemented by information given in Major John Ewing's "History of the 9th (Scottish) Division 1914 -1919" (London: John Murray, 1921) and Lt. Col. W D Croft's "Three years with the 9th (Scottish) Division" (London: John Murray, 1919), particularly with reference to the general time-sequence of events, the development of battles and the fluctuating positions of front lines. Notes which I wrote in the margins of Croft's book in 1919 have supplemented my memories of the past.

Other books which deal in small part with certain operations involving the 27th Infantry Brigade are:

Frank Maxwell, Brig. Gen., VC, CSI, DSO. A Memoir and some letters: Edited by his Wife (London: John Murray, 1921).

I am Ready [Maxwelliana printed for private circulation and compiled by Mrs Maxwell for her Grandchildren] (London: Hazell Watson and Viney, 1955).

So it looks to me [Autobiography of Sir Will Y Darling] (London: Odhams Press: No date).

The Battle Book of Ypres. Compiled by Beatrix Brice. (London: John Murray, 1927).

Carrying on after the 1st Hundred Thousand by Ian Hay (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1917).

Haig as I knew him by G. S. Duncan (Geo. Allen & Unwin, 1966).

The Great War 1914-18 by John Terraine (London: Hutchinson, 1965; Arrow [paperback] Edition 1967).

Ian Hay's book mentioned above deals in part with life at 27 Inf. Bde. H.Q. before my time. Ian Hay Beith was 27 Bde. Machine-gun Officer, but had left the Division before I joined it.

ADDENDUM (written in 1977)

Lost Days in England After final (embarkation) leave and inoculation I was at Wrest Park, Silsoe, Beds. from 5th to 11th April 1917. Wrest Park was a large English country seat which had belonged to Lord Lucas. He seems to have been a very fine chap, for after he was killed in the Royal Flying Corps in 1916, a long poem was written about him by Maurice Baring ("In Memorium A. H." - Auberon Herbert, Captain Lord Lucas).

The house, of which the army occupied one wing, was in extensive grounds, with many magnificent trees, statues, monuments, a horse-shoe shaped lake and a swimming pool surrounded by high yew hedges.

At Wrest Park reinforcement drafts for RE Signals of the British Expeditionary Force were assembled. The men and most of the officers were under canvas. I was in the house for most of the time. The weather was frightful - constant showers of rain, sleet and snow, and the ground in the camp area was ankle-deep in mud and slush when we left to entrain at Flitwick.

We were in an Embarkation Rest Camp at Southampton, in very comfortable huts, for the night of 12/13 April, and on the 13th we marched through Southampton and embarked on the Clyde turbine steamer Duchess of Argyll. But just as we were beginning to settle in, there was a German submarine scare in the channel and we were ordered off again. On returning to the camp we found that the men's and officers' quarters previously occupied had been assigned to others. We had to draw tents, blankets etc from the QM Stores and pitch tents (in the dark, as far as I remember). The officers slept at the Great Western Hotel.

In due course (on 15 April) we got away on the Duchess of Argyll, having been issued with rations (for 2 days, I think) in bulk (simply dumped on the deck) with no implements or containers to divide them and to contain them if separated. (Bread, butter, jam, cheese, tea, sugar and probably bacon and "bully beef"). The voyage was by night. We spent most of the night dividing things up as best as we could among groups of the men. It was, fortunately, a calm night. Had it been rough, or with heavy rain or snow, we could not have distributed the rations. We thought that, after two years of war, the army could have arranged things rather more efficiently! There were no signs of submarines, and we landed at Le Havre without incident on the morning of 16th April.

1. ARRAS: 1917

9 Apr 9th Div. attacked at Arras, the attack was a great success - an advance of 2½ km to Le Point du Jour and Athies. After the war a 9 Div. memorial cairn was erected at Le Point du Jour.

12 Apr Second attack by 9 Div. at Arras - attack was a costly failure. Staff planning at Corps was bad. The troops never had a chance. 16 Apr I landed in France at Le Havre, having crossed by night from Southampton in Duchess of Argyll - a Clyde pleasure steamer (turbine) that I knew well. What a thrill - in France at last! I was in charge of a large draft. Other officers with me were Jerome (Rifle Bde), Dallison (RE) and Featherstonehaugh (RE).

16-23 Apr Went forward by easy stages. At Rouen I called on Hugh Thomson, who was then a 'dresser' at a Base Hospital. I think it was at Rouen that we were issued with tin hats and gas masks and were put through a gas chamber.

23 Apr Featherstonehaugh and I joined Divisional Signal Co. RE 9th (Scottish) Division - what luck to be with a Scottish Division! - and the second in command. Capt. A.G. McIntosh ("Mousie" McIntosh), was an Academical, whom I knew slightly at school - he was a Regular RE. The C.O. was Capt. A.C. Cameron (Yorks and Lancs; v. shortly promoted Major); other officers I remember were Hedderwick (from Edinburgh) and Rorke. The Div. was out of the line. The first night I slept in my Wolseley valise on a stone floor, in the room of a cottage or farm in Hermaville, with McIntosh. (About 10 miles WNW of Arras).

23-28 Apr Div. still out of line. The Div. (Infantry) consisted of 26th (Highland) Bde, 27th (Lowland) Bde and 28th (South African) Bde. A replacement was wanted for Dixon, Brigade Signal Officer of 27 Bde, who had gone to hospital with appendicitis. Cameron asked me if I wanted to go. At this time I had not yet been under fire, or seen a shell burst. So I said I didn't want to go until I had acquired a little war experience. I thought this was particularly necessary because the commander of the 27 Bde was Brigadier General Frank Maxwell - a VC - about whom lurid tales were told in the Div. Signal Co. So Cameron sent Featherstonehaugh, who had been in France before. One of my first experiences of shell fire was on a BSA motor cycle going somewhere. A shell burst by the road side and spattered me with dirt. No BSA has ever accelerated so rapidly!

28-30 Apr Between 28th and 30th Apr the 26 and 27 Bdes went into the line again at Arras and on 3 May the third attack by the 9th Div. at Arras began.

29 Apr-3 May During this period I went round a bit with McIntosh. It was hot weather and I saw the dusty traffic - all horse- or mule-drawn except ambulances - of guns, ammunition wagons, G. S. limbers (G. S. = General Service) and motor ambulances in the vicinity of St Laurent Blangy. I remember too the red brick dust rising from Garrelle which was being shelled. I had my first experience of "walking wounded" and of guns firing unexpectedly close at hand. I felt I was "in it" at last!

3 May On the 3rd of May before dawn (a last minute change of plan) the third 9 Div. Attack east of Arras began. Again it was a costly failure and again largely due to hurried Corps planning. But Ewing says there was also lack of initiative in the attacking troops.

I was with 9 Div. Signals in the Railway Cutting WNW of Athies. It was a very deep gash. My quarters were in an 'elephant shelter' (massive corrugated iron ½ cylinder) in the E side, and thus advantageously situated as regards shelling. Quite a number of shells came into the cutting, and a man was wounded near my shelter. I remember giving him some brandy from a flask I had. I never used the flask again during the whole war! I was also sent out with one of the Div. linesmen to repair a broken telephone line. I was rather shocked at the tangled mass of variously coloured telephone cables that came out of the signal office - so different from the orderly array we had been taught to deal with at Training Depots in England! One shell landed quite close to us right in front of a couple of mules drawing a waggon. I did not have any responsibilities that day. I was merely being blooded.

Then came the news that Featherstonehaugh had been rather badly wounded. I don't remember whether this was during the battle, or the day before. I heard later that Feathers had been going along a CT (communication trench) with Gen. Maxwell and the CRE (Col commanding REs - ie field co. engineers - of the 9 Div) when the General got tired of walking in the trench and jumped out on top. The others had to follow. Feathers was shot through the lungs, and the CRE had a bullet through his pocket, but Maxwell was untouched.

By this time I had been rather regretting that I had missed the chance of a Bde. Signal Section and had gained the impression that Div. Sigs work was all rather further away from the front than I wanted. Having got to France so late, owing to my Mother's early opposition to active service, I was anxious to see as much of war as was possible for one in RE Signals. So I went to the CO (Capt. Cameron), said I thought I had now been "blooded", and asked to be sent to 27 Bde to replace Feathers.

4 May So, on 4 May, I was conducted by McIntosh to 27 Bde HQ, in a captured German trench somewhere near Athies, and became BSO (Brigade Signal Officer). It was a bit of a gamble, as I had had only rather perfunctory training in practical Bde. Section work - what I did know very thoroughly was Cable Section work, ie, laying cable from a cable waggon drawn by a six horse team: but this was never possible in forward areas in France and Belgium except during the Somme retreat, and the last days of the war in Oct 1918.

At Bde HQ was Brig Gen F.A.Maxwell, VC, CSI, DSO, Captain R.K. Ross (Bde Major), Capt. R.N. Duke (Staff Captain), Capt J.P. Cuthbert (Staff learner), Capt. W. Christie (Intelligence Officer) and the Rev. P.F. Oddie (Roman Catholic Chaplain). Only the General, Bde Major and Staff Captain ranked as "Staff Officers" and had red tabs on the collars of their tunics and (when out of the line) a red band round the hat. 5-9 May From the first everyone was nice to the "new boy". To begin with I think Maxwell was a bit suspicious of me - so late in getting to France. I think to try me out, he took me up to the trenches somewhere (I was introduced to Lt. Col. W.D. Croft, commanding 11 R. Scots, who succeeded Maxwell as Brig Gen. in Sept 1917 after the latter was killed; Croft was not at all affable - but I learned later on that he seldom was!) On the way back we went over to an abandoned 'tank' and examined it while a few shells fell in the vicinity. Maxwell explained the working of the tank, and I think I managed to appear more interested in his exposition than in the proximity of the shell-blasts. The shelling was only sporadic, but quite enough for a tyro.

I don't remember much else about the period 5-9 May except that a C of E padre called Sexty appeared at BHQ. Before reaching our trench 'home' he put a khaki handkerchief over his white dog-collar "in case it attracted enemy attention". As we were between one and two miles from the front line, this did not appeal much to a VC and Sexty soon left us!

Nights 9/10 &10/11 May Between the 9th and 10th May the 9 Div. was relieved and went back to the Ruellecourt area, 3 miles WNW of Arras. When entraining in Arras I met Ernest Pringle-Pattison, a son of the Prof. of Logic and Metaphysics in Edinburgh, and a nephew of John Seth. Capt. E.P.P. was MO (Medical Officer) with the 11 Royal Scots. Bde. H.Q. was in a chateau at Villers Brulin and/or Foufflin-Ricametz (What a name!)

11-30 May From 11 to 30 May we were out of the line re-organising and training. I was most flattered at being addressed as 'Sir' one day by two Battalion Signal Officers! From Bn. forward, signals (communications) were in charge of regimental signallers - not REs, but the BSO exercised general supervision and arranged for special training of Bn signallers, when desirable (eg in relation to new instruments for telephonic or telegraphic communication). Regimental casualties not infrequently resulted in the Bn Signal Officer being employed on other duties.

I rather think it was at Foufflin-Ricametz or at Villers Brulin that the incident of the kitchen clock took place. One of the duties of Signals (RE signals) was to be responsible for obtaining and disseminating the correct time. For this purpose there was an accurate chronometer at Bde HQ. One Sunday, while Gen. Maxwell was away, or on leave, and Croft was at BHQ for a short period as acting Brig. Gen, he ordered a Church Parade. Only his own Bn., the 11 R. Scots, failed to show up punctually! So he sent for the BSO, told him his Bn. had got the time the day before from Bde Signals, and what about it. BSO said he would investigate. Later he reported back to the irate colonel. He said, "Yes sir, you are quite correct. One of your Bn signallers got the time from the Bde Signal Office - pause - but the Signal Office is in the farm kitchen and the signaller took the time from the kitchen clock, without approaching the Signal Clerk on duty". This incident gave me considerable satisfaction as Croft was far from being a popular character. No doubt it did not endear me to the colonel. 31 May/1 June 9 Div relieved 51st Highland Div. in the line at Fampoux at the end of May. 27 Bde went back to the same (or more probably another) captured German trench WNW of Fampoux.

1-4 June To my perturbation I found that on my first full tour in the line the 27 Bde were to be involved in an attack - the fourth 9 Div. attack east of Arras. To make matters more disturbing the experienced lines' Sgt of Bde Signals had gone home on a Cadet course (with a view to a commission) while we had been out of the line. (The Bde Section had 2 Sgts - one was mainly concerned with work in the open - line-laying and maintenance, visual signalling etc. - while the other supervised the running of the Bde HQ Signal Office. Sgt Hall, who was with me to the end of the war, was the office Sgt, while Sgt Cartwright replaced Sgt Leavey who had gone to England.)

I had to prepare a scheme of communications for the coming attack and submit it to the General - and the attacking Bns. got copies. BHQ had office personnel to do typing and duplicating.

In going along one of the telephone cables near the River Scarpe I made a sad discovery - wooden crosses marking the graves of two Academicals, who had been killed in the action (which took place when we were out of the line) during which the 51st Div had carried the front line forward considerably and had captured the Chemical Works NW of Roeux. The two dead friends were R.G. ("Cheeso") Hunter who played rugby with me in Accies 'B' in 1912/13, and T.I.T. Sloan who was a piper in the school band when I was leading drummer in 1911/12. (They were both killed on 23 April (EA War Suppt))

It was at this time that I had occasion to go through the Chemical Works area in a newly made communication trench, to the HQ of one of the Bns. There had been a lot of talk at BHQ about this CT, and about the constant shelling of the Chemical Works area. It was said by the Bde Major that it was the only place where Gen Maxwell had ever been known to run rather than walk! So I had quite vertical wind- up. However, in the event I got through both going and coming back, without being shelled. But on the outward journey, not particularly cheered by various arms and legs of dead Germans sticking out of the sides of the CT, I experienced what a cold sweat of fear is. However, familiarity breeds contempt, and I was never quite so frightened as that again.

Night 4/5 June The object of the attack, with a limited local objective, was to advance our front line on to higher ground known as Greenland Hill. The attacking troops, the 11 and 12 Royal Scots, were brought into the trenches on the night of 4/5 June, and remained there, well camouflaged, until 8 pm on 5 June, when the attack was launched. The advanced Bde Report Centre was in a dugout (or culvert) in the railway embankment, where I was in charge. Lt. Cripps, Signal Officer of the 6 KOSB (King's Own Scottish Borderers), and at that time acting adjutant, was there (KOSB were presumably in reserve) and 'Mousie' McIntosh of Div. Sigs. paid me a visit to see how things were going. The Report Centre was, I would now guess, about 1/3 km WSW of the Chemical Works. I had my first experience of an opening barrage and counter-barrage, and very stunning it was, but we were pretty safe in the dugout. I remember we had a funny French signalling lamp to communicate with Bde. HQ if the lines were all broken. I interrogated some German prisoners in German. The attack was a complete success - heavy German casualties and few British.

5-12 June The 9 Div remained in the line until 12 June, the 27 Bde remaining in the same sector. During this period Gen Maxwell called for a report on signals during the battle, which I prepared. The General was pleased with the report, sent a written reply, with some critical comments, and asked me to convey to Bde Signals his great appreciation of excellent work (I got some praise myself). At the end of Maxwell's comments, he said: "As regards yourself, you made your debut under trying conditions and came through them admirably". Recommendations by me for MMs (Military Medals) for two of the linesmen (Sapper Monaghan and Sapper Joyce) were successful.

Somewhere about 10 June I was at 11 R. Scots Bn HQ in a captured German trench on Signals business with Sgt Hunter. The Bn HQ was a small inclined shaft in the W wall of the trench, and thus vulnerable to German shelling. About a quarter of an hour after I left a shell landed at the dugout entrance, killing Sgt Hunter and eleven Bn Signallers of the 11 R.Scots, and I think Lt Ramsay of the 9th Scottish Rifles (Signal Officer) who had been taking over. Lt Col. Croft and his adjutant Capt Radford, were buried in the shaft and just managed to dig themselves out before they were suffocated. Croft gives all the gory details in "Three years with the 9 Div."

2. MANIN, HAVRINCOURT, HERMIES, GOUZEAUCOURT, 1917

Night 12/13 June On the night of the 12th/13th the 9th Div. were relieved. 27 Bde. H.Q. was in a chateau at Manin, some 20 km W of Arras.

13 June-26 July We were there until almost the end of July. There was intensive training, but near the end a great day of Bde. Sports. There was a bareback mule race (no spurs or whips) with teams of 3 won by Gen Maxwell, Lt MacG and Capt Cuthbert of B.H.Q. in that order. I rode Denis, one of the two GS wagon mules, with a very prominent back- bone! We had early-morning practices for about a week. There was also a 50-a-side tug of war (BHQ got into the final but lost it). We were also beaten in the relay, in which I ran 220 yds. I was about 6th in the officers' jumping competition - 4 jumps: hedge; ditch; post & rails; hedge. The winner was the Duke of Beaufort's huntsman! I had a clear round and was annoyed when the General, whose horse 'refused' twice at a jump - was placed ahead of me! Gen Maxwell was a cavalryman (18th King George's Own Bengal Lancers) and I think thought I rode well, as he asked me where I had learned to ride. I said I had mainly taught myself! We got no riding instruction while at Hitchen or elsewhere in England, but in 2 years there I was riding almost every day, and had experience of a number of 'difficult' horses. At the close of the sports Maxwell gathered everyone around him and stood up on a wagon and gave a pep talk. He was universally admired and immensely popular. 28/29 & 29/30 July At the end of July 27 Bde. took over a sector of the line SW of Havrincourt (13 miles NNE of Peronne), but we were moved further north very soon. Before we moved (I think) Brig. Gen. Freyberg came to see over the sector. (Freyberg, a New Zealander, was a famous general in World War II.) Freyberg was, like Maxwell, a VC, and the two VCs had a competition as to who would induce the other to go furthest out into no-man's-land, which was here unusually wide. The competition was very unpopular with their unfortunate Bde. Majors, who accompanied them!

4 Aug It was on 4 Aug we were shifted a little further north to a sector near Hermies (just N of Havrincourt Wood). We remained here all August, and had a quiet and uneventful time. Bde. HQ was in Nissen Huts behind a huge 'slag heap' somewhere near Hermies, with a light railway running past it ("Deccaville railway"). I remember a C of E Padre called Rice was with us here, not young, very tall and very thin. He appears in BHQ photos, in one of my albums, taken by the 'lady of the hoose' at the chateau in Manin. I don't remember when he left us. Dorward visited me here one day (at the Slag heap), quite thrilled to be as far forward as Bde. HQ! One day Oddie set off on leave at a very early hour, on horseback (the faithful "William") en route for the light railway railhead. About 6pm we were astounded to find him passing by BHQ in a Deccaville train!

I can only remember two adventures - a near miss by a French mortar bomb when visiting Cripps, Bn. Signal Officer 6 KOSB, and a sniping incident which might not have been funny. Sutherland, Signal Officer of 12 RS, was leading me across country to Bn. HQ - he said it was quite safe - when a sniper put a bullet between us. We finished the rest of the journey, at my request, crawling on our stomachs (& respirators) in deep, and v. wet grass!

1-11 Sept At the end of August the 9 Div. were relieved by the 36th (Ulster) Div. and moved to the Achiet-le-Grand area for training. I think BHQ was at Courcelle-le-Compte (2 miles NW of Bapaume).

12 Sept 9th Div. moved by rail to camps (Nissen huts) between Poperinghe and Ypres. BHQ was near Dirty Bucket Corner - we were heading for the Passchendaele Offensive! Had another visit from Dorward.

I think it was at this time we went to see a large-scale relief model of the Ypres front , probably at Corps HQ Before our attacks, if we were given sufficient notice, the Bde. Intelligence Officer made a Bde. front relief model with mud or clay, and I usually assisted him (eg at Arras). Battalion Officers and other ranks were brought to see it. The Bde. IO (Intelligence Officer) made a lot of use of air photographs of any sector we were in, but I don't think he had any stereo apparatus, to give relief with pairs of overlapping photographs - but I may be wrong about this.

3. YPRES, 1917

12-16 Sept While at Dirty Bucket Corner - probably about 14 Sept - I went, along with the lines' Sgt (Cartwright), to arrange for the take-over of communications from a Bde of the 42nd Div. Their Bde HQ was in a large deep dugout in Railway Wood, north of the Ypres - Gheluwelt - Menin road, not far beyond Hellfire Corner. Having arranged the take-over I asked the BSO, so Cartwright and I set off along the duckboard track ourselves. As we were approaching Lake Farm (a test point on the forward lines) we were in view of German observation balloons and a local barrage of pip-squeaks (='whiz-bangs' - field gun shells of relatively small calibre) suddenly came down all around us. We ran from shell-hole to shell-hole (which were lip to lip on the Ypres front) and reached Lake Farm (cellar of a ruined house) in safety. The ground then was pretty dry. Just as I was getting under cover at Lake Farm a minute fragment of shell hit me a slap on the thigh, but lodged in the seam of my jacket pocket and did no harm at all. However, I was convinced that the observation balloons had put the guns on to us and decided to call it a day.

Back at Dirty Bucket Corner I related our experience. The General was rather suspicious that I had turned back unnecessarily and pooh-poohed the idea that the balloons had put the guns on us. However, when he realised that all take-over arrangements had been made before we went forward he said no more..

The next day (or later?) Cartwright and I went back again, as it was essential to get the lie of the land and where the various duckboard tracks ran, where they branched etc. and to view the front line from a ridge behind it and spot the pill-box (called Sans Souci - which proved to be a most inappropriate name) which had been selected as Advanced Bde. Report Centre for the coming attack of 20 Sept. Sans Souci was practically in the front line. On the ridge referred to above was a pill-box called Kit and Kat (perhaps there were two adjacent ones - I forget) and an adjoining one called The Rectory (they had of course been captured from the Germans). We got past Lake Farm without incident but found Kit & Kat and the Rectory being shelled, but not intensively. Having waited in a shell-hole to time the intervals between shells, we reached our objective, and with my binoculars I studied Sans Souci carefully. From the Kit and Kat-Frezenberg ridge the ground sloped down to the front line, just beyond which was stream called the Hanebeck. The slope was under German observation and there could be no movement on it by day.

The Passchendaele offensive, with successive limited objectives, had started at the beginning of August, but rain turned the terrain into a quagmire and it was temporarily halted about 18 Aug. The attack of 20 Sept, in which the 9 Div. were involved, began the next phase of the attempt to capture the Passchendaele Ridge.

Night 16/17 Sept The 9th Div. went into the line between West Hoek and Beck House on the night of 16/17 Sept. My 23rd birthday present was thus a battle sector on the Ypres front! The 27 Bde. was on the right and the 28 (SA) Bde. on the left. On the right of the 27 Bde. was the 2nd Australian Div. On the left of the South African Bde. was the 55th Div. The final objective of 27 Bde. was a little beyond the Zonnebeke Redoubt, while the South Africans were to capture the Bremen Redout. The operation was a complete success, in spite of rain on the night of 19/20 Sept. when the attacking troops took up their positions. Capt. Reynolds of the 12 R.Scots won a VC in the capture of Potsdam pill-box group. Another was won by L/Cpl. Hewitt of the SA Infantry.

We were in Railway Wood dugout before the night 19/20 Sept. It was a very large deep British Dugout and even had a light railway with hand-propelled 'bogies' (small trucks) along part of it. I think at least one Bn. were in it as well as BHQ. I also seem to remember that our sleeping quarters were 6 in. deep in water - with bunks at a higher level. When my batman produced my kit for taking forward I found to my horror he had forgotten my electric torch - an absolute essential. But good old Oddie was there and at once insisted on me taking his. In darkness and rain the line of signallers and runners for advanced BHQ at Kit and Kat (where the General was to be) and for the Report centre at Sans Souci (where I had decided to go) filed out of the dugout and began the long trail up the duckboards to Kit and Kat. Fortunately I had got a thorough grip of the way to go. I think Darling's Co of 11 R.S. were behind me (the rear of his company had casualties - Darling p169) as I seem to remember him cursing when I turned my torch on occasionally to see if there was a gap in the duckboards. We had to proceed slowly as the duckboards were rather slippery. By great good luck there was very little shelling. At one point we met the Divisional General (Lukin) who stepped down into the mud to let us pass. The men were heavily laden with telephonic equipment, lamps for signalling and, of course, rifles - and rations in sand bags and water in petrol tins. (This meeting with Lukin might have been on night of 11/12 Oct.)

[Addendum 1978. Before going into the line for the battle of 20 Sept BHQ staff were taken to see a very large relief model of the Ypres Battle front (at Corps HQ). Presumably Battalion personnel also saw it (see addendum re attack at Arras and Vimy ridge]

Night 19/20 Sept At last we reached Kit and Kat, where a guide from a Bn. was to meet me and guide us to Sans Souci. At that moment a lot of Bn people, who should not have been at that particular spot, swarmed all round Kit and Kat and the guide disappeared in the melee. Bde linemen were already on the job of laying a line from Kit and Kat to Sans Souci, so I began to try to follow this line; but it was "laddered", (ie there were two - theoretically - parallel cables connected by cross pieces. Such a line survived shelling longer than a single line - we were using an 'earth-return'). In the mud and darkness I found the task impracticable. At the critical moment one of the linemen who had been laying the line appeared, and he took on the job of guide. We slithered and slipped down the gentle forward slope, stopping in our tracks whenever a star- shell illuminated the scene. There was practically no shelling. [Darling (autob. p170) mentions heavy shelling - he was wrong. Ewing (p231) agrees with me.]

Regarding the terrain Ewing (p227) says "The ordinary landmarks indicated by the map did not exist... except the Ypres-Roulers railway. All vestiges of roads had been obliterated and even the Hanebeck brook had ceased to flow... months of relentless gunfire had reduced it to a zig-zag trail of shell-holes rather deeper and more full of water than the others". The lineman found the other lineman had not yet continued the line as far as the pillbox, and went away to get more wire. If I crouched down I could see a pillbox outlined against the sky when lit up by a star-shell or gun-flash. So I left the party and went on to make sure it was Sans Souci. I recognised Capt Will Y Darling a Co Commander, and his Colonel (Sir John Campbell) standing nearby and asked if I was at the pillbox the 11 RS had been instructed to clear out for us. Neither of them, muttering to each other, paid the slightest attention to me - they were too intent on the approaching zero hour! So I had just to look into the pillbox and was relieved to find one of my linemen in it. I went back to the Report Centre party and we got into the pillbox by an opening that was screened from the Boche. The layout was something like this:

The end of the line was soon brought in and we sat in the darkness waiting for zero hour, which was about 5am. For security reasons we were not allowed to test the telephone lines until then. At zero, about dawn, we tested the line and found it OK (it held for quite a while) and put a red lantern outside the entrance, as a guide to runners. The 11 RS had pumped the pillbox more or less dry (there was a sump near the entrance), had removed 3 of the four German corpses which had been the sole occupants for some time, and had spread disinfectant liberally - but one corpse (very maggoty) had been left in the entrance.

While I was engaged in getting the telephone cable laid to Sans Souci, and the Report Centre established in the pillbox there, the General, Ross (Bde. major) and Christie (Intelligence Officer) were busy laying out white tapes in the forward area, to guide the infantry when taking up their battle positions (in the dark).

[Will Y. Darling was in the area; he makes the following comment in his autobiography: "I saw small lights from hand-torches flashing....It was near where the tapes were being laid...I was rattled... I called out 'Who is that damn fool with the torch?'... and out of the darkness came the answer in a steadying firm voice 'It is only your Brigadier, Darling. Lead your men forward on to here'...I felt suddenly ashamed. Maxwell's voice steadied me and my men for the hours that lay ahead - the hours of waiting."] The opening of the barrage at zero was awe-inspiring (behind us, our guns were axle to axle along the whole extent of the zone of attack) and the heavy counter barrage, adding to the crescendo of noise, produced a stunning pandemonium. Thinking I might be able to see better what was happening from Sans Souci than the General could from Kit and Kat I went outside after a bit and stood for a while among the ruined buildings near the entrance. But from so low a viewpoint I could not make out much, so decided to get under cover again. Just after I got inside my batman (Britton) and a Signals Corporal (Burns) went to look outside from behind the body of the dead German. Immediately Britton was shot through the head and killed instantly, his body falling on top of the German; and Burns got a bullet through his mouth, from side to side. [We never accounted for this burst of small arms fire - perhaps the last effort of some German before he was scuppered. There was no more small-arms fire at Sans Souci.]

Docherty, Signal Officer of 11 R Scots also took shelter for a time. He seemed a bit shaken - and no wonder.

Not long afterwards some stretcher-bearers staggered in with two badly wounded men, who dripped blood from the two rear bunks. Then came the climax of horror. A battalion officer came to the door, quite insane with shell-shock, and waving his revolver about and trying to shoot himself - and at one stage he sat down on Britton's body and started demonaic laughter. This was quite my most trying experience of the war. I was sick on the floor of the pill-box at some stage.

However we got rid of our visitors somehow and later had a visit from the General (after the counter-barrage was over). He ordered us to get Britton and the dead German buried. No one had felt inclined to venture outside the front entrance since the shooting; with that and the shell-shocked officer incident we were all pretty stunned. While the barrage was still on shells hit or burst near the pill-box every few minutes. We brewed tea and fried bacon on my little Primus stove.

Night 20/21 Sept. During that night Capt Aston, in charge of Bde Machine Gun Coy, shared the pill-box with me. Such a nice chap - he survived the battle but was killed by a shell, while on his way to a spell of leave, not very long afterwards.

21 Sept. At Sans Souci 21 Sept was uneventful - but in the afternoon (I think) we heard the dreadful news that Gen Maxwell had been killed. He had gone forward again to organise the defence of the new line and had exposed himself recklessly to sniping.

23 Sept. On 23 Sept, along with two other representatives of the Bde Signal Section, I attended Gen. Maxwell's funeral at Ypres Prison, where there was a military cemetery. It was a very moving ceremony.

24 Sept. On the 24th the 9th Div. were relieved. The 27 Bde. went, I think to Rubrouck (13 km NE of St Omer). First Leave Shortly afterwards I went on my first leave. Duke went at the same time, and I got a lift to Boulogne (or Calais?) in the car provided for him. Somewhere near St Omer he stopped to revisit an old billet. I noticed the car was at the gate of a Canadian Hospital. I knew Dr John Stewart, one of our oldest Canadian friends, had taken a Nova Scotian Field Ambulance to France at the age of 69 or so - "one chance in a million" I thought, but I went in and asked if the whereabouts of Col. Stewart were known. The answer was "Yes Sir, step this way" - and there he was sitting at a desk! It was a base hospital - he was judged too old for a Field Ambulance. Dr Stewart had been one Lister's house-surgeons in Scotland and later did wonderful surgical work in the wilds of Nova Scotia, where he was known as "St John". He told me that, on his 70th birthday, he had recently been inspected by King George V, who had not thought of asking what his age was! In one of my photo albums is a photo of Dr Stewart sitting outside his tent at this Canadian Stationary Hospital at Arques, near St Omer.

Sometime before 9 Oct I returned from leave, BHQ were in Rubrouck (6.5 miles WNW of Cassel) and Col. W. D. Croft of the 11 R Scots was now our Brigadier- General! He had been promoted just before the 20 Sept show, and had hardly seen his new Bde before he was recalled to the 9 Div to succeed Maxwell. Before the end of the war he had a DSO and three bars and a CMG!

10 Oct On the 10th Oct 27 BHQ moved to dugouts in the ramparts of the canal bank at the Menin Gate of Ypres.

The canal bank and ramparts at the Menin Gate, taken Sept 2002

We were for it again! A new attack towards Passchendale was to be launched on 12 Oct. by the 26 Bde, and 27 Bde was to go through 26 Bde and advance further.

Night 10/11 Oct On the night 10/11 Oct there was another long trail along duckboards (again, I think, from Railway Wood? or direct from the Ramparts?) to St Julien, NE of Ypres, where BHQ was established. I had to go on further with an advance signal party to a pillbox where 26 Bde had located their advanced Report Centre.

Before we set off I had a visit from Jimmie Cundall, an Academical, the son of our Chemistry master Tudor Cundall. He was a private in the 12 R Scots. He was killed in this battle poor chap.

I had a small mustard-gas blister on my right wrist (very small) before we started - don't know how I got it; from mud probably. I got a MO to put something on it and it gave no trouble at all. I don't remember much about the duckboard trail. There was sporadic shelling including some gas. The pill-box I went on to after a pause at St Julien (where the large pillbox was known as Artillery House) was either Hubner Farm or Winchester Farm. It was very crowded, and during the night became even more congested owing to a party of Highlanders taking shelter there. One could not move without stepping on someone. [Artillery House was a low structure, shaped like a flat cardboard box. The east-facing entrance was heavily sandbagged, but when the Sourth African Bde were in occupation not long afterwards a direct-hit shell-burst caused Signals casualties.]

12 Oct Zero was at 5.35 am. The attack was almost a complete failure - largely because of the condition of the terrain, but partly because our barrage was not very effective, and preparations had been rushed. Ewing says the operation was carried out in spite of a strong protest to the Corps and Army Commanders. The succeeding 27 Bde attack made only a little progress at the south of the Bde front.

I don't remember much about this action, but behind the pill-box on 13 Oct I had one of the most welcome breakfasts of my career - very salt bacon, bread and immensely strong and extremely sweet tea! Pringle was wounded.

Night 13/14 Oct During the night 13/14 Oct the 26/27 Bde were withdrawn and 28 (SA) Bde took over the line. 27 Bd HQ went back to the Ramparts at the Menin Gate. I wasn't well and had a temperature but called in Ernest Pringle-Pattison and I was soon OK again. EPP got mustard gas blisters on his legs about this time and went home shortly afterwards. c. 17 Oct to 24 Oct 27 Bde went into the line again about 17 Oct. but not for a battle. Bde HQ was at Cheddar Villa a little over a kilometer SW of St Julien - it was a captured German pill- box. [Cheddar Villa was not so large as Artillery House. It had a concrete observation-tower - an unusual pill-box feature. The Cheddar Villa to Artillery House 'road' was seldom without its quota of recently killed pack-mules]

Cheddar Villa taken Sept 2002

While there I had a visit from two of my original Scottish Army Troops Signal Coy. Cable Section (TY of Hitchen and Biggleswade days of 1915) - my original groom (Allan) and one of the cable wagon sappers (Evitt).

One day some of the sandbags inside the pillbox (which blocked the old east-facing entrance) caught fire owing to an explosion when my batman was cooking something on my Primus and we had to evacuate the pill-box for a short time. All Croft worried about was the safety of his fur-lined trench-coat, which I handed out to him! I remember also that gunners sited a howitzer just beside us and that every time it fired all our candles were blown out.

Pringle (Capt. R H Pringle of KOSB) must have joined BHQ at Roubrouck, before the action of 12 Oct, because I remember he was wounded when doing, or going to do, liaison with Anzacs at Korek. He was not badly wounded and I saw him as he passed BHQ en route to hospital and 'Blighty'. He had been issued with one of my Signals watches and I asked him to return it - but he wouldn't!I expect he has it still! Pringle was a great one for cadging such things as cigarettes, chocolate, cake etc - i.e. he liked something for nothing - but he was a delightful companion, with a keen sense of humour. He had been with the 29th Div. in Gallipoli. At school he was a boarder at Uppingham (which to annoy him, I said I had never heard of) and he called me an 'Academical day-bug'.

24 Oct On 24 Oct we prepared to hand over to the Naval Division. To show the relieving Brigade Signal Officer round we would have had to go around duckboard tracks at the time the Bosche was doing his late afternoon 'strafe' on the area. I asked Croft if the naval BSO might sleep on the floor of the pill-box, so that we could go round in comparative quiet in the early morning. But he was in a bad mood and said 'No'. So we had to go during the 'strafe'. But it was only an area shoot, not a barrage; we got back OK.

4. MALO-LES BAINS, TORCYm GOUZEAUCOURT, 1917-18

Night of 24/25 Oct 1917 On the night of 24/25 Oct the 9th were relieved by the Naval Division, and moved to the coast between Dunkirk and Nieuport. The 26 Bde. were in the line (a very quiet sector) and 27 Bde. in reserve at Malo-les-Bains close to Dunkirk. We lived in houses on the sea-front. There was a wonderful stretch of firm sand, when the tide was out. The General sent to England for polo sticks and balls and we had a number of games before we moved south again. It was, of course, very peculiar polo, as only the General knew the rules, and our mounts were not exactly polo ponies - but it was grand fun.

One day, while playing polo on the sands, Thom (Capt. Thom, 11 R. Scots Transport Officer) quite innocently perpetrated a frightful foul on Croft - Thom, with his polo stick, hooked Croft's stick when it was fully raised in preparation for striking the ball, and prevented him from striking. Croft almost had an apopleptic fit, and, while he was telling Thom just what he thought of him, I proceeded to score a goal - it was disallowed!! The incident gave great joy to all except Croft - and, perhaps, Thom!

11-31 November On 11 November the 9th Division moved south to the Fruges area. 27th Brigade HQ was at Torcy eventually, after a long trek - marching daily for about a week. (At Torcy we were near the site of the Battle of Agincourt.) On 20 November we heard of the great tank attack which nearly resulted in the capture of Cambrai. But the news became less good and in a counter attack launched on 30 November the Germans made a break through and the situation became serious. Thus on 31 November the 9th Division was hurriedly moved by rail to Peronne and 27 Bde. soon relieved the Guards Division and the Second Cavalry Division in the neighbourhood of Gouzeancourt, Gauche Wood and Hendicourt, an area four or five miles SE of Havrincourt Wood and Hermies, where we had been in the line in August 1917. The Guards and the Cavalry and some tanks had saved the situation, but at some considerable cost. When 27 Bde. took over groups of cavalry horses were still lying where they had been mowed down by machine-gun fire. We were destined to stay in this sector until the end of January 1918. Bde. HQ was in a sunken road at Hendicourt.

There are many sunken roads in the area and this is typical. They are like Cornish lanes with steep banks. In 1916 an attack was launched from this road by British forces, over the top of the bank and across fields with no cover against the enemy. Most of the attacking force were killed. In 1916/17 there would have been no green vegetation, only mud. We lived in small "elephant-shelter" dugouts in the east bank of the road. I shared one first with Smail who was attached to BHQ for a while, and later with Capt Christie, (IO). There was a wire and wood bunk on each side and a stove in the middle, so we kept warm# even when the bitter winter weather came. We had our Wolseley valises on the bunks. One very cold night I remember sitting on our bunks drinking hot rum. The mess was in a small canvas hut (made up of canvas-covered wooden frames - I forget its official name - (?"Armstrong" hut) on the other side of the road. Life for BHQ people was uneventful. There was only occasional shelling.

A sunken road near the Newfoundland Memorial Park at Beaumont Hamel

A reconstructed "elephant shelter" covering an original preserved trench at Auchonvillers.

It was at Hendicourt that Croft said to me "The signal officer is the least important person in this war - make no mistake about that, MacGregor". Not exactly encouraging - but what he meant was that the important people who win battles are the infantry and gunners - the killers of the enemy. In a testimonial Croft gave me when (in 1920) I was applying for a post on the Geological Survey, he talked about the "vitally important post of Signal Officer"!!

17 Dec On 17 Dec. there was a heavy snowfall and wintry conditions were prolonged.

14 Jan 1918 Second Leave About the middle of January I went on my second leave. There had been a thaw during my absence but I remember, when returning, walking along the street in Peronne on a frosty moonlight night to an officer's rest house, where I spent the night in a wicker armchair.

30 Jan-1 Feb 1918 Between the 30 Jan and the 1st of Feb the 9 Div. was relieved for training and reorganisation. I think BHQ was at Sailly Laurette, between Peronne and Amiens. It was at this time that Brigades were reduced from 4 Bns to 3 Bns. The 27 Bde. lost the 9th Scottish Rifles. They returned to the Div. (28 Bde.) after the Somme Retreat. About this time Christie went. [In 1968 I was under the impression that Christie went to Div. HQ - this was not so. When I met him at Anna's (in Woburn Sands) in 1976 he told me that he returned to his Bn. (12 R Scots) at his own request, because he could not stand working under Croft any longer! He was subsequently wounded.]

Cuthbert became a Staff Capt in 14 Div., Ross went to Egypt, Duke became Brigade Major, Hawthorn Hale joined us as Staff Captain and Darling came to BHQ.

5. LE QUESNOY, SOMME RETREAT, 1918

5 March 1918 On 5 March, a week before the Division went back into the line, I was sent to Le Quesnoy sur Airaines (23 km WNW of Amiens) on a wireless training course. By that time it was known that a major German offensive was imminent, and I protested strongly to my CO (Major Alexander) - but he said it was a Corps order and I would have to go. When I got to Le Quesnoy I found that no less than 5 other Bde. Signal Officers had been withdrawn!

My batman (Barker) and my kit accompanied me. The wireless course was most interesting and I worked hard. I was in a most comfortable billet with a bed with clean white sheets. The "training college" was of course a Chateau.

11/13 Mar Between the 11th and 13th March, while I was still away, the 9 Div. went into the line, the 27 Bde. being opposite Villers Guislain, practically the same line as we had held during the winter '17/'18. 21 Mar Then on 21 March came the German Offensive. 27 Bde. were at first in reserve near Hendicourt. On the afternoon of the 21st the situation on the 9 Div. front was satisfactory and at the end of the day it was still reassuring. But things had gone very badly further south and the next day orders for retiral came through. Details of the ordeal of the 27 Bde. and the other 9 Div. Brigades during the 22nd and 23rd March are given in the accounts of Ewing and Croft, in their books. By the morning of the 24th the line was as far back as Le Transloy, - Sailly-Aillisel, - St Pierre Vaast Wood - Marrieres Wood.

22 Mar Meanwhile the wireless course was broken up and I spent the night of 22/23 Mar in Amiens, in a billet. Early on 23rd March I and a lot of others set off by train for Peronne - but we got only as far as Chaulnes, where the line to Peronne branches off. Peronne - supposed to be far behind the front line - had been lost! But we went by train to Amiens, having to walk quite a bit on nearing Amiens because of congestion on the line. That evening several of us decided to have at least one more good dinner before we died. We went to Godbert's, the best restaurant in Amiens, and drank as much champagne as they would give us. [I seem to remember another famous spot - Charlie's Bar but that may have been in Doullens?] I had a night in a different billet and at crack of dawn we - a large crowd of men and officers - set off by rail again.

24 Mar This time we went via Albert - but did not get much further, because the train stopped somewhere near Carnoy; we were told to get out and march eastwards to meet the Bosche who were said to be not far away! Having got my revolver and some ammunition (which I divided with somebody who had none) and possibly one or two other items from my kit, the train went back the way it had come, with all our valises etc. - and, I rather think, with any batmen who were in charge of kits. We were marshalled by a Lt. Col. (? or major) who was on the train - I recognised him at once as Ivor Bell, who had been a Sgt. in the RE Unit of Edinburgh University OTC with me in 1913/14! I think he was a Corps. or Div. Signals CO [I never heard what happened to Ivor Bell's "flying column" - but Ivor survived. I met him by chance at the Caledonian railway station in Edinburgh.] And off we marched eastwards along a road into the unknown - "So this is how it's going to end", I thought, "away from the 9th Div and with a scratch lot of oddments." BUT we had hardly gone a quarter of a mile when I saw a number of my Signal Section by the side of the road! Incredible, but true. I ran to the head of the column - quite an effort as I was not in very good training - and got Ivor Bell's permission to leave him. I found an officer called Jupp in charge of my signallers (a R Scot I think: I did not know him.) He seemed more or less dazed - did not know where 27 Bde HQ was or where he was supposed to be going. He was old by our standards, probably in his thirties and was almost at the end of his tether from lack of sleep. [After the War I found him in charge of the Ministry of Works in Edinburgh!]

So I just had to fossick around - I remember no details - but I found 9 Div Signals and was told to remain with them for the moment.

I must now return to the battle story. The 24 March, according to Ewing was one of the most confused and dismal days of the retreat. The 26 Bde., in the north, became much split up into groups. The Germans penetrated between the 27th Bde and 28th (S. African) Brigade, who began the day near Marrieres Wood. 28 Bde. got orders to hold their position there at all costs, and were finally overwhelmed about 4.30 pm. They had held up the German advance north of them for over 7 hours - not only infantry, but also artillery and transport trying to get the use of roads between Bouchavesnes and Combles. This delay was of incalculable value - in particular to 27 Bde - and eventually proved fatal to German plans. Let us not forget the epic stand of the South Africans, almost literally to the last man and the last round of ammunition.]

24 March 27 Bde. began the day near Rancourt, withdrew to Combles and were then moved SW to a position between Maricourt and the River Somme. I don't know at what time I was dumped out of the train near Carnoy, but the situation in the vicinity at the time must have been very critical.

While locating 9 Div. Signals I met Alec Walker whom I had known in the Edin. Univ. RE Unit and at Hitchin. He was in charge of Artillery Signals in the 21 Div, who were to the south of the 9 Div. I was for a time at a 9 Div Signals telephone point which must have been somewhere near Billon Wood. There I saw Gen Blacklock, who was commanding the 9 Div. (and had just returned from leave!!) [We never heard of him again]

Night 24/25 March That night I laid a line (with Cpl Coates), for 9 Div. Signals, from near Billon Wood to Talus Boise. It was a lovely moonlight night, and burning buildings in Montauban were a good guide. I remember we got the line across a main road by getting it up on trees. As a ladder we used a long length of duckboard that we found lying about. I don't remember any shelling.

25 March Cannot remember that I did much on 25 March. 27 Bde. (though I did not know it) were at Talus Boise about dawn, but were then moved some 5 miles SW to Etinehem to rest and re-organise.

Night 25/26 March On the night of 25/26 March I was ordered to take the Div. cable wagons from near Billon Wood to Buire-sur-l'Ancre (on the W. side of the River Ancre, SSW of Albert). Roads were crammed with traffic moving W and from N to S, but it was well controlled by military police (MPs). It was a quiet night, with no shelling (the Germans were busy bringing their guns forward). There were dumps, huts and buildings (set on fire before abandonment) burning all over the place. I got to Buire- sur-l'Ancre without a hitch and there sat down to a huge omelette in a farm kitchen! I nearly fell asleep on my horse more than once. During the same night 27 Bde. had a night march (more or less across country I believe) to Dernancourt (BHQ), the line to be held includng Meaulte and N to the outskirts of Albert, on the E side of the Ancre. 26 March On the morning of 26 Mar I was taken to Dernancourt and resumed my job as BSO 27 Bde. I replaced Cripps, who had been acting BSO - but he was not at Dernancourt. For once Croft seemed quite pleased to see me! [I don't think Croft can have taken to Cripps - a rather fussy little man, and possibly scared of Croft. I did not see Cripps at any stage of the retreat.]

I do not remember at what time of day I reported for duty at Dernancourt. It will therefore be as well to give now an outline of the 27 Bde action. BHQ had been established in Dernancourt (at the N end of the village) on the W of the River Ancre before Gen Croft had returned from a dawn tour of the line, which was on the east side of the river. However he decided not to move his HQ, as a telephone line from Division had been brought in. On the left, another division was supposed to be covering Albert, but Croft could see no sign of them. Owing to other troops retiring, the flanks of the 11 R Scots (on the north) and of the 12 R Scots (on the south) were being turned. So, by early in the afternoon the 27 Bde was withdrawn across the Ancre. I think my activities began somewhere around midday. I visited two Bn. HQ to try to establish visual communication to BHQ, but was frustrated by an unknown officer forbidding Cpl Bishop to shine his lamp forward so that Bns. could align on it (Lucas lamps had a very narrow beam); this was while I was away visiting Bns. Very few of the Signal Section were available as Croft had sent about half of them away somewhere with Cripps before I arrived, and the remainder were sent off somewhere else not long afterwards. So Bde Signals on the spot were reduced to me and one Bn runner (Boyd)! Sometime in the afternoon there was a rumour that the line was going back and I was sent to tell Darling, who was with the 11 R Scots, "To hold the line of the railway embankment at all costs" I went on foot. However two motorbikes were available at BHQ, a 2hp Douglas, which I think Ryan had found, or "acquired", and a 4hp Triumph which Ryan alleged he had bought from an Australian for 50 francs! Ryan was I think, a R Scot and an ex-Bn signal officer who had been attached to BHQ during my absence. These bikes proved invaluable.

At some stage Croft thought the Germans were about to cross the Ancre by a bridge SW of the village. On the carrier of Ryan's Triumph, with me following on the Douglas, we dashed off from BHQ, under machine-gun fire from over the river. Croft disappeared towards the bridge with a few men he had encountered, and the Bde Signals runner Boyd, and held up the Germans for a while (according to his account). After this I lost him until early the following morning. His own account is very vague about his subsequent movements!

26 Mar I followed Croft towards the bridge as far as I could get with a motorbike, but no further. I was determined not to lose the bike!

Before Croft dispersed Bde signals and his CO Bde Major and Staff captain he had arranged a rendezvous, west of the ralway line held by 27 Bde., and a little south of the Amiens-Albert road. I understood this was to be a new B.H.Q. So I went there at a pre-arranged time, late in the afternoon. But before that I had been going about a bit on the Douglas motor-bike, and at one stage phoned up some gunners to put them on to a concentration of Germans that I saw on the other side of the Ancre. Whether they got on to the target or not, I never knew. Leaving the motor bike by the side of the Amiens-Albert road I turned up at the rendezvous - but the only other member of BHQ who showed up was Duke, the Bde Major! The locality was in an open field and in view of the Boche. Duke's mount was a horse, so we parted on our different ways to find out where Croft and/or BHQ had got to. Between the Bde rendezvous and the Albert road there was a crashed British aeroplane. Duke and I paused to have a look at it, but did not linger, as the Boche dropped a shell nearby.

Night 26/27 Mar I was going about on the bike most of the night before I located 9 Div. Signals (after enquiring at any Gunners HQs that I encountered). I got the location of 27 Bde HQ (Buire-sur-L'Ancre) from Div Signals and set off to find them in the moonlight, with two or three drums of telephone cable on the carrier of the bike and two more on my person - one on my back and one on my chest, connected by a bit of wire over one shoulder. At some stage I was machine-gunned from the air in Millencourt, but on the whole it was a quiet night. In the end I had to leave the bike and cross fields to reach BHQ, which was in an abandoned CCS (casualty clearing station). Having got rid of my load of wire I went back and brought the bike across. I got 2 hour's sleep - I was about dead beat so went off as soon as I lay down - before we left for a new BHQ at Lauieville before dawn.

I just don't know how BHQ had been got together at this CCS. Darling reported that Croft had slept happily on a pile of nurses' underclothing! It is also alleged that at some stage of the previous day Darling said to Croft "For God's sake make up your mind what to do, and do it!" Croft at once put D under arrest, but as there was nobody to arrest him this riposte proved ineffective. The outcome was that Darling got a bar to his MC for leading a local counter-attack!! It must be remembered that Croft had been under an almost intolerable strain for 5 days and during 5 nights had had practically no sleep.

27 March I went to Lauieville on the Douglas motor bike, without incident. I remember stopping to get a mug of tea and some bread and bacon from some gunners by the side of the road.

I have a note in the margin of Croft's book "More exciting rides on Douglas" - but I remember nothing about them. But there was one memorable incident during the morning of 27 March. An officer rushed into BHQ to say the line was going back. I was the only BHQ officer with Croft - the word was "Boot and Saddle"! Croft and I mounted our horses (mine was there with the others) and accompanied by our grooms (Burns and Allan who was a great boxer and won various matches at Sports in France. I kept in touch with him (Christmas cards) for some years. He called on me once at Greenbank Terrace. A photo in one of my albums shows him holding a boxing cup.) galloped across a broad hollow towards the front line. It was a most thrilling experience. There was sporadic shelling but nothing to worry about. Croft went to one Bn and I staggered (on foot) up a steep slope to another, with orders to hold on - but both of us found that the line was, in fact, not going back appreciably. After that I toured round a bit with Croft - but I remember no details.

In the late afternoon of the 27th March the 27 Bde was relieved by the Australians. [By this time the German effort was spent.] BHQ moved to Henencourt - the usual Chateau, but we were not in it - at least I remember only outbuildings.

I put in two MMs (Military Medals) recommendations, one for Sgt Hall of Signals and one for Partridge, a 90 Field Co RE runner. Both were successful. Mulligan, a Bn runner, was wounded.

27/28 March Night at Henencourt

28 March to 1 April Between the 28 Mar and 1 April we marched to some other places. At one stage I visited Doullens on the Douglas motor bike to do some shopping. I got a shaving mirror which I still have (1968). On 1 April the 9 Div entrained for the Ypres area. The first night spent by the 27 Bde there was at Rossignol Wood, close to Mont Kemmel.

Night 3/4 April On the night of 3/4 April the 9 Div, relieved Australians astride the Ypres-Comines Canal.

SOMME RETREAT ADDENDUM (written in 1977) The German attack that began on 21 March 1918 has been described as the most formidable offensive that the world had ever known. A book by William Moore, entitled "See how they ran", published in 1970 (London: Leo Cooper), gives an account of the Somme retreat of March 1918 and of other retreats of that spring: in the River Lys area (to the north) in April, and in the River Aisne area (to the south) in May. The title of the book is quite misleading, for its object is to vindicate General Gough (Commander of the 5th Army) and to put on record the resistance offered by his troops. Moore says "We shall see how they fought, we shall see how they ran, we shall see how they turned to fight again, that grim, sullen, spring after Passchendaele".

The 9th Division had no part in the Aisne battle but was involved in the Lys area struggle, when the 9th Division held in the north (south of Ypres) and the 55th Division held 20 miles to the south (at Givenchy), while in between the Germans brushed aside the Portugese and made a 14-mile penetration westwards to the Foret de Nieppe (beyond Merville, on the River Lys).

Except in relation to the South African Brigade on the Somme, the book does not give enough credit to the part played by the 9th Division in the areas of the Somme and Lys battles, It is surprising that the author, in his list of sources of information, omits Ewing's "History of the 9th Division", and Croft's "Three years with the 9th Division".

Moore's book, however, explains the inter-relation of the three retreats, gives grim descriptions of the ordeals of the 5th army, and of the 3rd Army to the north, and provides many vivid and moving accounts of the heroism and sacrifice of individuals and local groups. My own experiences in the Somme retreat, in comparison with those of April south of Ypres, were not very hazardous. This was because, after the break-up of a wireless training course to which I had been sent, I did not reach Divisional and Brigade HQ signals until 24 and 26 March respectively, by which time the Germans had advanced so fast and so far that they had been unable to bring up enough guns to lay down extensive barrages. Moreover, the dogged fighting resistance offered by the 9th Division infantry, precluded any disastrous local break-through.

As a contrast to my own experiences may be cited those of one of the Brigade Signal Officers who was dumped off the train with me on 24 March. In a letter he told me that, when he got back to his own Brigade (in some sector to the south of the 9th Division), he found that two of those who had deputised for him in his absence had been killed, and another seriously wounded, and that he himself had subsequently been involved in the fighting as a combatant.

In a recent letter (16 Jan 1977) Hathorn Hall (Staff Capt 27 Inf. Bde.) told me some memories of the Somme retreat. He says "On one occasion I was so hungry that I think I should have collapsed if I had not found a hot-food container of porridge of which I gratefully swallowed handfuls. On another occasion I fell asleep when standing up at a Divisional HQ conference, and was awakened by my tin helmet hitting the floor as I fell. On still another occasion I passed a soldier filling up the radiator of his lorry. He asked me whether it was safe to go along the road in the direction he was facing and I said that I would not tell him unless he gave me some of the water destined for his radiator. He did, and I told him if he continued along the road he would run straight into the German infantry. I had nearly been caught myself."

So you see how easily I got off in the retreat.

6. YPRES, SCHERPENBERG, KEMMEL, 1918

On 27 March, at the end of the Somme Retreat, 27 Bde was relieved in the vicinity of Albert. Only a week later the Bde was in the line again astride the Ypres-Comines canal SSE of Ypres. While in this supposedly quiet sector the 9 Div was to have a chance to reorganise and absorb new drafts!

9 April On 9 April, however, the Germans launched an attack against the Portugese and the 15th Corps. The Portugese gave way and the Germans, between the 9 Div astride the Ypres-Comines canal and the 55 (West Lancs) Div at Givenchy (20 miles to the south) made a deep westward penetration of up to 14 miles, and reached the Foret de Nieppe beyond Merville on the River Lys (by 15 April).

10 & 11 April 27 Bde became involved in the fighting on 10 April, but, with other Bdes of 9 Div, maintained their positions. The attack was violent and the shelling was heavy over a wide area. There was a lull in the fighting between 12 & 15 April.

12-15 April Bde HQ was in a dugout tunnelled in Spoil Bank, on the south bank of the Canal, which, as far as I remember, was practically dry. An unhealthy visual station (Lucas daylight lamp), which communicated with 6 KOSB at "The Caterpillar" near Hill 60, was established at The Bluff near Spoil Bank.

At BHQ at this time were Capt. R.H. Pringle (IO) who returned to us on 6 April after recovering from his wound of Oct 1917; also Capt. Will Y Darling, who was assisting the Bde Staff; and 2/Lt Ryan, who was I think a 'G' staff learner, was still with us.

The 27 Trench Mortar Battery had a not inconsiderable part in repelling the German attack of 10 April near the Damstrasse. Capt. T. Drummond Shiel, their commander, - son of an Edinburgh Photographer, - was awarded an MC.

15 or 16 April About 16 April we received orders to withdraw to a line running through the Bluff to the Damstrasse. The British thus gave up all the dearly-bought Passchendaele gains of 1917. At the same time we received Haig's famous "backs to the wall" message of 12 April! The withdrawal was however necessary in order to make our front conform to the penetration further south, where the situation at the date of Haig's message was critical in the extreme.

Comic relief at Spoil Bank was provided by Darling's silencing of a gunner liaison officer (who was a 'Regular' soldier) boasting about having been at "The Shop" (Woolwich), by saying "my people have a shop too - in Edinburgh! (Darling's uncle was the owner of Darlings drapery business in Princes St). On another occasion Gen.Croft met, head-on, in a low entrance-tunnel, with a Padre (Ruthven Murray) whom he did not much care for - the crash as their tin hats met was resounding and the General's language - for which he had to apologise - unecclesiastical.

Night of 15/16 April (or?16/17 or 17/18) The night before we left, Ryan and I 'acquired' a hand-cart which someone had carelessly left in the vicinity. I needed it to take away some of our signals stores - mainly drums of telephone cable. We had it until the armistice and it proved invaluable on several occasions. On the 16 April there were severe German attacks near Wytschaete in which 9 Div. were involved

About 18 April 1918 Ryan, as already mentioned, had acquired a Triumph motor bike. I no longer had the illicit 2.75 hp Douglas that I used at the end of the Somme Retreat. (I don't remember what became of it). Ryan and I were left at Spoil Bank until it was taken over by Capt. Skinner (12 Royal Scots) as a Company HQ. Then, after daybreak, we both got away on the Triumph, I being on the carrier. It was a ghastly experience of bone- shaking vibration on the shell-pocked pavé roads. Brigade HQ had moved to Scherpenberg, far back to the WSW where we found them in a collection of Nissen Huts between the hill and the road to the NW. Scherpenberg is a hill of soft sandstone, the most easterly of a chain of low, but steep sandstone hills extending west to the Mont des Cats and Cassel and including Mont Rouge, Mont Vidaigne and Mont Noir. Mt Kemmel is another similar hill. These hills are relict sandstone cappings on Flanders clay. At breakfast I learned from Oddie that a shell had recently landed on one of the Nissen Huts, killing three senior officers - one the Staff Captain of 26 Brigade - and a Padre.

Hardly had we finished breakfast when we heard a dreadful crash nearby. Rushing out we found a HV (high velocity) shell had landed on one end of a Nissen Hut where some of the Signals Section were asleep. Three of them had been killed and two badly wounded.

While we were getting the bodies and wounded removed another shell landed and wounded Ryan, hit by a fragment. He was taken to a CCS (Casualty Clearing Station) and we never saw him again. I did not see him, but think he was hit in the foot. This was very bad luck for Ryan, but fortunate for me, as I inherited his Triumph bike.

[In relation to dates between 16 and 20 April I cannot reconcile my recollections with some statements by Ewing and Croft, which however are a bit vague as regards 27 Bde HQ. Croft does not mention the signals casualties at Scherpenberg!]

We got the Signal Office transferred from (another) Nissen Hut to a tunnel in the hill which was already occupied by the 26th Brigade and some Frenchmen. The transfer was a nerve-racking business as HV shells, unlike the more common run of shells, gave no warning of their approach - they just burst. Slower shells could be heard approaching and one could usually judge how close they would be on landing, and, if necessary, fall flat (and the flatter the better!)

Later in the day Hall, the Staff Captain, and I went to look for a suitable new HQ at a safe distance from Scherpenberg. Hall selected a farm (we were in almost undamaged country) a little to the NW of the road. The farm was abandoned and shut up, so we proceeded to break in by way of a shuttered window. We found ourselves faced by an enormous hound, which seemed larger than a Great Dane!! However he proved quite friendly, so all was well.

17-20 April 1918 (approx) BHQ was at this farm until the 19th or 20th April. All I remember about Signals is supervising some line work (?towards La Clytte) while on horse-back, and feeling very exposed when one or two shells came along. This is the only time I can think of when it was practicable to use a horse on line work. There were no German attacks. A composite Brigade took over from us at the farm. Their Brigade Major was Willie Tod, an Academical whom I knew. He had established a 100 yards record of 10.2 seconds in 1911.

20-24 April 1918 Our new Bde HQ was in a thatched cottage or small farm on the SW outskirts of Ouderdom, some 3 km north of Scherpenburg - and 27th Bde took over a frontage of 1 or 2 km west of Wytschaete. Why BHQ was so far back, I can't think; but, in the event, it was just as well. The French were immediately to the south of us, holding Kemmel Village and Mt Kemmel (Before we quit Scherpenberg, some French Poilus (French private soldiers equivalent to British "Tommies") had arrived there). For some days (up to 24 April) there was no attack on us or the French. As the Germans on the ridge between Wytschaete and Spanbroekmolen overlooked our positions, it was decided that 27th Brigade would stage a limited attack, with the object of re-capturing the ridge, on 26 April.

In preparation for this attack - probably on 23 or 24 April - I went forward and set up an advanced report centre at Siege Farm, with a power buzzer/amplifier set and telephone exchange. The advanced Brigade report centre had previously been at Beaver Corner, and I provided the French there with a DIII field telephone connected to Siege Farm. I also went to 12 Royal Scots Battalion HQ (? In the Vierstraat Line or further forward) to supervise the installation of a power buzzer/amplifier set there, which was to communicate with the one at Siege Farm during the projected attack (if the telephone line was broken). Wutherspoon was the Battalion Signals Officer.

The 12 Royal Scots were holding the front line and the 6 KOSB were in support in the neighbourhood of the Vierstraat Line. But our attack, planned for 26 April, was anticipated by a major Boche offensive, which started in fog early on the morning of 25 April.

During the desperate fighting south of Ypres, between the Ypres-Comines Canal and Wytschalte, which had taken place between 10 and 16 April, various units had been brought in to reinforce 9th Division. These troops included Battalions of the 64th Brigade and Lewis Gunners of the 4th Tank Brigade (without tanks).

25 April 1918 A brief account of the battle of 25 April is required at the present stage of my account in order to understand the setting of my own experiences of that day, about the timings of which I am uncertain. The summary is based on the published accounts of Ewing and Croft.

The preliminary German bombardment went on from about 2.30 am on the 25th About 3 am the French were furiously attacked. At about 5 am the 12 Royal Scots, who were holding the front line of 27th Brigade, repelled a frontal attack. In support were 6 KOSB in the neighbourhood of the Vierstraat Line.

(The French had recently taken over the Kemmel front where British troops had previously repulsed violent assaults. (Duncan, "D Haig as I knew him" p85)

The French broke early. Kemmel Village and Mount Kemmel were lost and the Boche came pouring in around our right flank. The 12th Royal Scots were cut off and by about 8.30 am the Battalion was engulfed, fighting desperately. Only a few isolated groups fought their way back to the Cheapside Line. The KOSB Battalion HQ was overrun and the CO and Adjutant wounded and taken prisoner - the two forward companies in the Vierstraat Line were fighting back to back for a long time. It is said that by 7.15 am the Germans were only 300 yards from Siege Farm, so it must have been overrun shortly afterwards. The two forward KOSB companies were virtually annihilated.

The survivors of the KOSB along with Kings Own Yorks Light Infantry of 64 Brigade, with some Lewis Gunners of 4 Tank Brigade, managed to stabilise the situation on the Cheapside Line as far south as a point approximately half a kilometre NE of Beaver Corner. Two companies of 11 Royal Scots and some 8 Black Watch and Durham Light Infantry were sent forward at later stages to continue the line back towards La Clytte.

Further NE the 5 Camerons and 7 Seaforths repulsed all attacks in the Damstrasse area until 11.30 am. They were then forced to withdraw to the vicinity of Piccadilly Farm and St. Eloi. This line remained impregnable.

It was for my activities on 25th April that I was recommended for an "immediate reward" MC. The official citation was as follows:-

"Lt. A G MACGREGOR. RE. During severe fighting, this officer with a few linesmen constantly patrolled under an intense artillery barrage and concentrated machinegun fire, the whole length of his cable and kept up communication between brigade headquarters and the advanced report centre. Eventually, finding that the enemy had almost succeeded in isolating this place, he returned there and withdrew his men, removing such instruments, etc as could be carried and destroying the remainder. By his very gallant conduct and his devotion to duty he enabled his brigade commander to keep in touch with the rapidly changing situation, and make successful dispositions accordingly."

This is a somewhat garbled version of what actually happened - Here is a detailed account.

Not long after the German barrage opened, forward communication with the Brigade Report Centre at Siege Farm was cut off. Sgt. Cartwight and a linesman were sent out to repair the line - but no word came back from them. I therefore obtained Croft's permission to go forward myself to find out what was happening. I imagine this would be around 7 am. I took a DIII field telephone and was accompanied by one of the Signal Section, a man with little or no war experience. I found the line was intact as far as Mille Kruis cross-roads.

I tapped in on the line in a turnip field just beyond the cross-roads but could not make contact either forwards or backwards. [It later turned out that the failure to contact Brigade HQ at Ouderdom was probably due to Signals being in process of shifting to a trench a little way NW of the thatched cottage, which had been hit by a shell and rocked by near misses.]

Tracing the wire forward I soon found the line broken close to a glass-enclosed Calvary near the cross-roads. I repaired the break and followed the line on, only to find another break within 25/50 yards or so. I set out to repair this, but found I was on the fringe of a barrage of gas shells, which were going "plonk" "plonk" around me. I put on my gas mask but found I could not see well enough to effect a repair; so I removed it, except for mouth piece and nose-clip. I don't think I finished the repair. The risks involved did not seem justified, for, by this time a heavy barrage had come down forward of where I was, in which no line would survive more than a few minutes. I then walked down the road a bit and met one of our Battalion runners carrying a message for Brigade. I opened it and found that it contained the news that a defensive line had been organised. (I think the message must have been from the remains of the KOSB in the Cheapside line). I sent the runner on post-haste to Ouderdom.

About this time a French "75" field gun came back, along the road from Beaver Corner at a gallop. Not very re-assuring as to the position SW of the road.

About this time too (?before or after) I saw Cpl. Bishop and Sapper Young coming across a field NE of the road - they had been manning the Siege Farm Report Centre. Cpl. Bishop said they had just managed to get away before the farm was overrun, bringing what instruments they could carry and destroying the rest. I sent them on towards Brigade HQ.

Then, to my horror, I saw some KOSB straggling back along the road (some French Poilus were also doing the same). The KOSB arrived in ones and twos. I made them "fall in" beside the road as they arrived, until there were a dozen or more, including a Sergeant wearing the ribbon of the DCM (Distinguished Conduct Medal - a high distinction for gallantry). I think this encounter must have been about half a kilometre or a bit less, towards Beaver Corner from Mille Kruis.

The men were dazed-looking but quite docile and in no way panic-stricken. At the time, of course, I did not know what an ordeal the KOSB had been through.

I had seen some people beside farm buildings a bit NE of the road, so went across with a view to putting the KOSB under the command of an Officer there. I don't remember who these people were, but a Major who appeared to be in charge simply would not pay the slightest attention to what I was saying - he just kept looking through his field-glasses. [c.f. Darling & Col Campbell at Sans Souci in 1917].

So I returned to the KOSB and decided there was no alternative but to lead them forward myself until we encountered the rest of their Battalion. This prospect scared me stiff, as I had no training in infantry battle tactics. Then, to my extreme horror - this was NOT 9th Division behaviour - I saw a KOSB officer strolling back. Horror or not, it was indeed a great relief to me! I stopped him (a 2/Lt) told him I was one of 27th Brigade STAFF (which of course I wasn't technically), sent forward to find out the position, informed him that I had seen a message saying the line was holding and ordered him (I was a full Lieutenant) to lead the KOSB stragglers back to the line - and off they went! I remember there was a dead Lewis gunner on the road not far away; I should have ordered him (the KOSB Officer) to get the gun and ammunition, but didn't do that. He would have done it himself if he had had any guts. Fortunately, I did not know the man. He survived. I saw him once in Edinburgh.

The sapper who had been with me originally had gone to cover somewhere long before. While I was wondering what to do next, I saw Pringle, the Bde IO, coming along the road from Mille Kruis with Cpl Laird (who was with General Maxwell, as orderly, when he was killed at Ypres in 1917) and another (or perhaps two) Brigade HQ men. I had an idea he hadn't been up to the front before, and this proved to be so. As I had been there so recently (the day before, I think) and thus knew Siege Farm, Beaver Corner, the Cheapside Line etc. I offered to lead the party forward until we found the front line. We went along a hedge on the left of the road and ran into a terrific barrage, with shells dropping just ahead of our spaced-out single file, just behind and on either side - how we all came through it, I don't know - but we did! Of course, we fell flat on the ground when the whine of a shell suggested that it would burst very near us.

Eventually we reached a big open field. There was a terrific rattle of machine-gun fire. We could not make out in what direction, or directions, it was going (the position on our right was quite unknown) so we took a chance and got across safely. (I don't think, in the event, that fire was crossing that particular field). I remember, at the far side, seeing one of our field guns dug in beside a hedge - it seemed isolated and was not firing. Not long afterwards we came upon the front line which proved to be in the Cheapside Reserve Trench system. As we jumped down into the trench the troops were fixing bayonets. By incredible good luck we struck the line just at the junction of the KOSB with the KOYLI on their left. This was vital information for the General, so, as I thought I had had enough excitement for one day any way, I decided to get back to Brigade H.Q. as quickly as possible, leaving Pringle to find out more about the state of affairs to the SW (on our right).

Fortunately, when I came to the area where we had encountered the barrage on our way up, I found it had stopped. I don't remember much about the journey back, except that I rode an abandoned civilian bicycle part of the way, and met Winkle (Captain C C Winchester), at that time a Company Commander with the 11th Royal Scots. He was leading his Company forward, as they had been in Brigade Reserve.

When I reached Ouderdom I found Brigade HQ had moved to a trench behind the thatched cottage. As a final bit of luck, just as I was about to jump down into the trench a high velocity shell landed on the parapet just far enough away to do me, and those in the trench, no harm - but it was unpleasantly close.

I reported at once to the General, who was very glad to get the news that the KOSB and KOYLI were in touch, and where the link-up was. While eating a large slice of bread and marmalade, and having a mug of tea I gave Duke and Hall further details I also recounted the episode of the KOSB stragglers. I have no idea at what time I got back.

I had seen no sign of Sgt Cartwright and the other lineman or the man who set out with me - but they all turned up eventually. According to Croft, Hall, the Staff Captain, was, at one stage blown off his feet by a shell burst - but I don't remember hearing about this.

During operations from 10 Apr onwards Bde Signals casualties (apart from Scherpenburg) were one runner (Flynn) wounded and one Sapper (Stevenson) gassed. I put in two MM recommendations Sgt Cartwright and Pte Boyd (a runner). Boyd got his M.M but Cartwright got only a "parchment."

There had been episodes of "comic relief" at Ouderdom. One night, for instance, all sorts of coloured lights were going up on the French front. Croft got Gogin (Felix Gogin, Marschal de logic - our permanently attached French interpreter, who helped the Staff Capt with billeting etc.) to ring up the French and ask what the fireworks meant. The answer was "No special significance!" Again, Pringle, who had rather a long pointed nose, was talking on the telephone to one of the Bns and said "Hello, "Beak" speaking." BEAK was the current code name for 27 Bde HQ! And, finally, there was the occasion when Croft told Hall, the Staff Captain, to "remember he was not commanding the Brigade."

Night of 25/6 April The 27th Brigade was relieved during the night of 25/26 April. On 26 April they moved to Poperinghe, about 8 miles W of Ypres. Having extricated the Triumph motor bike from part of the thatched roof of the Ouderdom cottage that had come down on it, I went on ahead on the 26 Apr. We were sent to a camp near the Station, and thought the Nissen huts were unusually comfortable, until we noticed some ominous holes in the roof! A high-velocity gun kept shooting at the camp all the time we were there. I started the first night in a hut, but after one or two near misses, decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and forsook a comfortable wire bunk for a crowded cellar. Two men were killed (not signallers) but Hollis, my instrument repairer, had to be sent down the line with shell-shock. During the first night a shell-splinter went right through our latrine from side to side. At an earlier part of the night it had taken me quite a while to decide to go there!

7, WATOU, LUMBRES, 1918

28 April to 25 May According to Croft we moved from Poperinghe to Watou (14 km W of Poperinghe) about 28 or 29 April. On the 29th the French lost Scherpenberg, Mt Rouge and Mt Noir but re-took them by a brilliant counter-attack. In the north the Germans got no further than this.

While we were at Watou, Croft had a visit from Winston Churchill. All I saw of him was his back view as he preceeded Croft into a Nissen hut! Winston had, for a short time, been a Bn Commander of 6 Royal Scots Fuseliers (Jan- May 1916; at that time the 6 RSF were in 27 Bde). Now he was Minister of Munitions. As such, he subsequently authorised white metal to be used for 9 Div. Divisional shoulder badges. Each Div had a Divisional "sign", that of 9 Div being a thistle. Our white- metal thistle was worn on each sleeve, a little below the shoulder, with a circle of dark blue cloth behind it. I believe no other division had metal shoulder-badges - they had to be content with woven ones.

From Watou we moved, by easy stages, to Lumbres (10 km SW of St Omer). It was either at Watou, or during the subsequent move further back, that the "wee hoose" incident occurred. BHQ had a "sanitary man" who provided a latrine, in a little canvas shelter, for our use. One evening the sanitary "Jock" appeared at the mess door bursting with news concerning a temporary structure he had just erected not far off. "What do you want?" enquired Croft. The reply was "Please Sirr, they're shelling the wee hoose".

It was either at Lumbres, or at some intermediate stage on the way there, that I heard I had been awarded a MC for my activities on 25 April. It was an "immediate reward", first recorded in an Army Order of 21 May. But one of my letters home shows that I had been personally notified before 17 May. The news came in a telegram of congratulations from my CO (Major Sir Lionel Alexander). Sgt. Hall (Signals Sgt.) rushed up to me with the telegram in great excitement. Oddie was the first to hear of it in the mess. Oddie wore his MC ribbon on a little metal bar with a pin behind, like a brooch. Obviously delighted, he immediately unpinned his own ribbon and pinned it on my tunic! From the General's reaction I got the impression that it was not he who had made the recommendation, nor had he been informed about it! My guess is that Duke or Hall, in collaboration with Major Alexander, were at the bottom of it. An MC award for Pringle, also for 25 April, was announced not long afterwards.

At some stage of the BHQ stay at Lumbres I went to an aerodrome near St Omer to see what a "Popham Panel" signalling device looked like from the air. Capt. Blood (2nd in command of 9 Div. Sigs.), Stewart (Signal officer of South African Brigade) and Sgt. Penwarden of 26 Bde Signals (whom I had known as Wake's TX Cable Section Sgt. in the London Army Troops Signal Co. at Biggleswade, Dunmow and Norwich) were also there. I had a thrilling, though all too short, first flight (it was in a 'RE8'); this was a very slow bi-plane, with a two-man open cockpit, used for contact purposes with ground troops). I had another visit from Stewart Dorward while at the aerodrome. We had several Boche night-bombing raids, during which we moved out of our hut into slit-trenches.

8. METEREN, ZEGGERSCAPPEL, 1918

We remained in the Lumbres area in lovely weather until about 25 May. A letter of mine records bathing in a river. But all too soon we were rushed to Caestre, behind the line at Meteren, which the Germans had captured in their April advance. Meteren was 6 miles SW of Scherpenberg (of unhappy memory) 2 miles W of Bailleul and only 6 miles east of Hazebrouck. There were many signs of the renewal of a German attack in this sector, where a further German advance would have endangered the important railway centres of Hazebrouck and St. Omer. So troops of proved reliability were needed to deny these centres to the enemy at all costs.

25 May to 2 June On 25 May 26 Bde went into the line at Meteren, followed by the 27 Bde on 2 June. At the end of May Darling went to Division as ADC to General Tudor. There are two good stories connected with this transfer. My CO, Major Sir Lionel Alexander Bt., DSO, had been in the Guards, and it was well known that he took an early opportunity of acquainting new arrivals at Div. HQ with this fact [But he was a very nice fellow]. He is alleged to have button-holed Darling and to have said in the course of conversation "Look me up when you are in London, Old Boy - The Guards' Club will always find me". Darling was ready for this - his reply was "Very kind of you, Sir Lionel, but I wonder if you refer to the Great Western or the Midland Guards' Club?" [These were railways of the steam era!]

The other story concerns "Pelmanism". This was a much advertised course of memory-training which involved the study of a series of pamphlets ("the little grey books") and a correspondence course. Croft was dining in the mess as a guest of Gen. Tudor. The following conversation ensued during a discussion of Pelmanism and its efficacy. Croft: "I think it is remarkable, General, that only six months after finishing the course I got my Brigade". Tudor: "I am most interested to hear that, Croft. I had only just mastered the lessons of the last little grey book when I got my Division". This was too much for Darling; in his booming voice he said, from a lowly place at the table, "Well Gentleman, my own case is even more remarkable, I had only just sent for the prospectus of the course when I was appointed to the Divisional Staff".

2 June to 19 July The period 2 June to 19 July was a relatively peaceful time as far as 27 Bde HQ was concerned - but not for the Bns in the line, who were much involved in raids on the German trenches, and in repulsing German raids. Croft says that Bns had 12 days in the trenches and 6 days out. (At some stage my CO (Alexander) wanted to send me on another Signals Course - but I pleaded not to be taken off active Bde. work again, and he gave in.)

We were in country just beyond the limit of the April German advance, and the terrain was largely unaffected by shell-damage. The crops were growing in the fields, and we had new potatoes, peas, cherries and gooseberries for the taking. For a short period we even had a BHQ cow! I had to get thigh-length gum boots for the linemen, because when patrolling lines around which corn had grown up, they got soaked form the waist down by early-morning dew!

Bde. HQ was first in a farm (Claim Farm near Thieushouk) later in elephant-shelter dugouts at Le Coq de Paille (where I found I was getting a wisdom tooth!) and still later at Prude House somewhere fairly near the main Meteren-Fletre-Caestre road. I remember playing chess with Duke and others including Oddie.

By this time the 12 R Scots were commanded by Lt. Col. John Murray - a charming man, who, as I later discovered, was John Murray the publisher. I also met T M Finlay, a huge man who was a company commander - also in 12 RS I think. When I returned to the University after the war, I was astounded to find Finlay lecturing to me on palaeontology! I think Murray and Finlay were both originally Scottish Horse.

In the sector the French were on our left and the 1st Australian Div. on our right.

19 July As Meteren overlooked our positions, it was decided to capture it. So on 19 July an attack was launched by the 26 and 28 Bde; the 27 Bde. was in reserve, with BHQ either near Fletre or near Caestre. The operation (zero hour 7.55 am) was a brilliant success.

The main road leading SE through Caestre and Fletre to Meteren was still tree-lined almost as far as the eastern outskirts of Meteren. Camouflage netting had been hung on the trees on either side of the road. It was therefore possible to make considerable use of the road for transport, in spite of sporadic shell-holes. As soon as Meteren was captured Tudor, GOC Division, and Croft demanded two of my official bicycles, and set off on them down the road towards the captured village. I never saw the bicycles again. When, later on, trouble arose with my Div. Sigs. CO over losing valuable equipment, I got considerable satisfaction in reporting that they had been requisitioned and lost by a Major General and a Brigadier General! Nothing further was heard of this gross squandering of valuable Government property. I did some cycling myself at a later stage - and very trying it was in hot summer weather, for army bikes, of a dull green colour, weighed much more than a civilian bike and did not have a change-speed gear. On one occasion the Germans started shelling the road as I was painfully plugging my way uphill westwards after visiting Meteren. I, of course, accelerated as far as was humanly possible, and reached BHQ thoroughly saturated with perspiration. Perhaps the generals had found the hill too much for them! [We had lost the illicit Triumph motor-bike by this time. I think Pringle was spotted riding it by someone at Division - and it was confiscated!]

20 July to 18 Aug No further attack was made by the 9 Div. between 20 July and 18 Aug, but the unfortunate infantry were again involved in raid and counter-raids. I remember one incident affecting myself when looking for a suitable position for a visual station near Dead Cow farm, on the outskirts of Meteren, with one of my signallers. We heard one of the slow, very large calibre German shells travelling towards Meteren. I said "That's a pretty big one", but remained on top of a pile of brick rubble at the farmhouse. The noise got louder: I said "That's coming somewhere near us, don't you think?" The noise increased until it was like an express train approaching. I said "It's coming right at us! - Come on" and we scrambled down the pile of rubble in great alarm. The shell burst on the other side of the remains of the farm wall - so all was well.

About this time, or it may have been between 19 and 24 Aug, 27 Bde. were in reserve at Hondeghem (about 3m W by S of Caestre). Officers of B.H.Q. were in billets but the men under canvas. I rode into Cassel one afternoon to get some things for the mess. When I got back I found the camp had been shelled (high velocity guns) and my lines Sgt. (Cartwright) and Pte. Blackburn (a runner) had been killed. Also Spr Carpenter. We were shelled another time. It was very unpleasant, but we had no casualties. During the second shelling everyone moved well clear of the camp site area, except the signaller on duty at the telephone, and me. I stayed to keep him company.

About this time I think Pringle must have gone to Division as GSO 3 - at any rate Charlie Mein was IO on 18 Aug. A Capt. Colmer (nicknamed "Bogwheel or the Telephone King", because of his activities on a bicycle and on the telephone) and Capt. Harry Craig were attached to BHQ. Winchester (Winkle) was also with us. Craig was a brother of R M Craig Geological lecturer in Edinburgh after the war.

18 Aug It was now the turn of 27 Bde. to stage an attack. The object was to capture a commanding ridge on which stood Hoegenacker Mill. The 27 Bde. battalions involved were the 11 Royal Scots, on the left, and the 6 KOSB on the right. To achieve surprise zero hour was at 11 am. The attack was a complete success. Winkle was responsible for the concealment of the troops before zero hour.

Bde. advanced HQ was in Kelso Cottage, not far N of the Meteren-Fletre road and a little W of Meteren. A visual station, connected to Kelso Cottage by telephone wire, was established in a cellar more or less surrounded by the ruins of a house on the S of the Fletre-Meteren road and on the outskirts of the village, which had been changed by prolonged gunfire into a heap of ruins. The visual station was to work to Bn. HQ of the KOSB, in the original front line.

Early in the morning I visited this Bn. in connection with their power-buzzer apparatus. There was some machine gun fire on the way back, but I think I was in a CT.

At zero the opening of our barrage was terrific and the German retaliation on the Meteren area very heavy. The line to the visual station was soon broken, so I went out along the line to locate the break and to see how things were at the visual station itself. I think Mein (IO) started off at the same time to do his stuff. Just across the main road I found a break and stopped to repair it. It was not a nice job, as the road was cobbled and any shell that burst on it would not have penetrated the ground much, but would have had an abnormal lateral effect. The repair completed, (no time wasted!) I went on. As I approached the visual station a shell landed on its far side and a bit of brick blown from the house debris, hit me on the respirator (in 'alert' position on my chest), but not hard. When I reached the hole leading to the cellar, another shell burst just about where I had been when hit by the bit of brick. I was at the visual station for a while working the Lucas lamp. I remember one bullet, presumably from a sniper attracted by our lamp, coming pretty close.

Later in the day, after returning to Advanced Bde. HQ I took some wire (telephone cable) to Bn. HQ of the KOSB. At some stage I went out again in the area just south of Meteren, with Pte Lockhart, to see if laying a new line could be justified by the chances of the survival of linemen and line (in daylight). I found the barrage still too heavy, however, and Lockhart and I got back to Kelso Cottage very thankfully. After dark, when shelling had ceased except for a few 5.9s, I laid a new line by moonlight to the KOSB. That ended a rather exciting day.

A lineman Cuthbertson, was wounded in this battle. Sgt Cartwright had been replaced by Sgt Butler who proved to be a splendid chap. I recommended him, and Cpl Grandison, who had been in charge of the visual station, for MM and Spr Monaghan (lineman who got a MM at Arras) for a bar to the MM. All awards were sanctioned. All three were with me until the end of the war.

19-24 Aug night The Division remained in the line until 24 Aug when we were relieved and moved in succession to the Wardrecques and Esquelhecq areas.

25 Aug-20 Sep The Div. was out of the line in these areas until about 20 Sept (Wardrecques is about 5 miles SE of St Omer, Esquelhecq ca 11 miles NE)

On 6 Sept the 11 Royal Scots had a Baby Show (for the locals) and Sports at Henringher (near Wardrecques). There was an officers' mounted race. The Bde. Veterinary Sgt (Feltham; a jockey) paid me the compliment of asking me to ride his horse - a large bay. We had to go about ¼ mile, turn round a hay-stack, and come back. As I was the only rider who could control his horse properly at the turn, I won easily by about 50 yds!

There were also Signal Co Sports on 10 Sept, quite spoiled by rain. I entered for the 100 yds but, without spikes, could not get a footing in the mud. I also competed in the "VC run" on bareback mules - one had to ride 50 or 100 yds, dismount, pick up a dummy stuffed with straw, and return to the start. I finished, but not in the first three. I had ridden in a similar race (on a saddled horse) at Biggleswade in 1915.

My third leave Then somewhere about 19 Sept I went on leave (from Zeggers Cappel, 8 miles N 35 deg W of Cassel). Thereby hangs a tale. The day before I was due to go off my CO (Major Alexander) informed me that an offensive was imminent and that I could not be spared. Now I had not had leave for 7½ months, during that time had been in 4 battles, was the only BHQ officer who had not been on leave in that time and I had already informed my mother that I had been given a leave warrant, with embarcation on 20 Sept. I did not want to miss what might be the Division's last battle; but it could be my last battle and I could not bear to think of mother waiting 7½ anxious months - very anxious months - only to have her hopes dashed at the last moment. So I put the case to Croft; he turned up trumps for once and said I must certainly have my leave if Alexander could provide an acting BSO - Sir Lionel could, and did, and I got away after all. I did not feel so bad about missing an attack because 27 Bde. were in support to begin with, and Duke, the Bde. Major, was sent home on a Staff Course, in the middle of the final advance!

9. YPRES TO THE SCHELDT, 1918

The offensive referred to by Major Alexander proved to be in front of Ypres. It was decided on by the 'High Heid Yins' (Foch and Haig) because of the mounting successes further south. The Belgian and 2nd British Armies were given orders to attack together in Flanders on 28 Sept. The Belgians were on the left and south of them the 9th Div was on the left of the 2nd Army.

28 Sept At 5.25 am on 28 Sept the offensive was launched. The 26 and 28 Bdes. attacked and 27 Bde. was in support. Later on 27 Bde. attacked Becelaere.

29 Sept On 29 Sept the 28 Bde. attacked first, followed by 26 and 27 Bdes. The advance reached the Roulers-Meninroad, where the 9 Div. were somewhat ahead of the Belgians on their left and a British Div. on their right. I read about this advance in the papers, while at home on leave.

1 Oct On 1 Oct 27 Bde attacked and captured Ledeghem, but general gains along the Brito-Belgian front were insignificant. 2 Oct There ensued a pause in the offensive - the difficulties of bringing forward guns, ammunition and stores across the devastated area between Ypres and the Passchendaele Ridge were enormous - and the 9 Div. Brigades were drawn back in succession to 'camps' west of Ypres.

3 Oct On 3 Oct Gen. Jacobs (Corps Commander) issued a special order (Ewing p353) expressing his gratitude and thanks to all ranks of 9 Div. for splendid work achieved. He said that 9 Div. had been specially selected to cover the right flank of the Belgian Army, that the 9 Div had done splendidly all through the war but that their last operations would be considered by history to have surpassed all their previous performances (break-through of 9¼ miles).

5 Oct About 5 Oct I returned from leave and replaced Jeffries (of Div. Sigs.) acting BSO at Slypscappelle. On the way forward I remember spending a night in a bell-tent at the transport lines with Hall (Staff Capt.) and Oddie. The Germans were bombing, and I think machine-gunning the camp from the air and, newly returned from leave, I was far from happy in a tent protected only by a low wall of sandbags. I said to the world in general "I think I must be losing my nerve". Oddie said "Rubbish - go to sleep". So I did.

It was either at Slypscappelle (which is about 1 mile NNW of Ledeghem) or perhaps more probably a bit later on at Laage Cappelle Wood (between Steenen Stampkot and Gemeenhof) that the BHQ duplicating apparatus was not available and orders for a forthcoming attack were dictated and copied down by the BM, SC (Staff Capt) IO, BSO and various Sgts, etc squatting on the ground of some little room!

The attack was not resumed until 14 Oct - but I don't remember just where we were, or what I was doing, between 5 and 14 Oct.

14 Oct The advance was resumed at 5.32 am on 14 Oct. 27 Bde. followed up 26 and 28 Bde. and by 3pm were concentrated W of Steenen Stampkot. I saw gunners arriving at full gallop, go into action in an open field - a very thrilling sight. Div. Cable wagons were being of use at last. (Line-laying from (horse-drawn) cable wagons was possible in forward areas only during the Somme Retreat and the final advance). I also remember two German machine gunners sitting up beside their gun - both dead.

There was one embarrassing incident - we had panels and code letters to lay on the ground to show the position of BHQ to our contact aeroplanes. I was given the codes just before we started forward and to my horror found the code for 27 Bde. was the same as the code for "I am short of ammunition". It was too late to get the error corrected. As soon as I put out the Bde. panel and code letters, at our first temporary stopping place, several boxes of ammunition came floating down on parachutes! I had to remove the code letters hastily. [This incident may have been on the 14th] 15 Oct 27 Bde. attacked at 9 am and by the end of the day were on the line Cuerne- Bavichove, just short of the River Lys. Advance BHQ was at first at Steenen Stampkot pillbox. Near here, early on Charlie Mein was wounded (He was shot through the shoulder, but the bullet went right through and did little damage; this I learned later). A Lt or 2/Lt called Anderson (with red hair) took Mein's place as IO. About this time Duke went home on a Staff Course, Hall became acting Bde. Major and Winkle acting Staff Capt.

As we went forward from Steenen Stampkot we laid cable by hand. There was a pause near Cappelle St Catherine, where we got coffee from villagers. A Belgian flag was already hanging from the church tower. Vernal came up with the Div. Spark W/T set and Gettings arrived with a cable wagon.

A cyclist Bn. of Yorkshire Dragoons was in action with us and also motor machine- gunners (Motor-bikes with machine gun "sidecars"). At the end of 15 Oct The Bosche still had a bridgehead on the W side of the Lys - but they withdrew to the E bank during the night of 15/16.

16 Oct At 8pm on 16 Oct Croft attempted to cross the Lys at two places - on the left at Harlebeke (11 R Scots) and on the right at the river bend SE of Cuerne (6 KOSB under Lt Col Royker). Pontoon bridges or rafts were to be improvised with the help of civilian boats that had been collected. On the left the attack was a costly failure; on the right some of the KOSB got across and held the loop of the river, with an outpost line on the Courtrai-Harlebeke railway.

BHQ had been established in Cuerne Chateau. Signal Office on the Ground floor, and officers on the second. In the attic roof space a Lucas lamp communicated with 11 R Scots lamp in a windmill.

17 Oct On 17 Oct the KOSB repulsed a determined counter-attack against the bridge head and were re-inforced by some 12 R Scots - but the position across the river was critical. Croft was (understandably) very jumpy and critical. He phoned 12 RS and asked their adjutant what the morning's casualties were. The adjutant replied (say) "10 percent". Croft roared into the phone "Speak plain English man - I'm not a damned bank clerk"!! A little later he sent me to Bn. HQ in Cuerne to see if communications across the river were OK. Obviously the visit was futile, as I had seen the 12 RS and 6 KOSB had been provided with all signalling equipment including Lucas lamps and rockets. However I had no option but to go. There was a lot of shelling as I went along the road with Pte Wall, a runner. I remember a shrapnel shell bursting in the air and spraying shrapnel bullets in our vicinity. To ease the tension I said "It's a pity we didn't bring our umbrellas". I don't think Wall thought it a very good joke. We did no good but got back unharmed.

The Chateau was hit twice that day and we moved the Signal Office into the cellar - where the civilian occupants had already taken cover. The lamp station in the roof was not a very comfortable spot to visit, let alone man continuously. It was decided by Corps that 27 Bde. should make no further attempt to cross the Lys. The bridgehead sector was to be taken over by the 29 Div. who were to relieve 27 Bde. there on the night of 17/18 Oct.

Gen Freyberg the New Zealand VC whom we had encountered before, in Maxwell's time, in the Havrincourt area, came to BHQ to see Croft. I took him to the cellar to see Croft, who was speaking on the phone to GOC Division and boasting of how, for the bridgehead crossing, he had pinched boats that had been collected by Freyberg's brigade on our right. Then he looked up and saw Freyberg standing beside him. Croft looked very taken aback - but Freyberg just grinned and patted his shoulder in a kindly fashion!

17/18 Oct That night Freyberg relieved the 27 Bde bridgehead troops, but later decided that the bridgehead should be abandoned.

19 Oct On 19 Oct 27 Bde. was withdrawn to Laaga Cappelle Wood to reorganise.

Night 19/20 The 27 Bde spent the night at Laaga Cappelle Wood. I think it was here that orders for further operations were dictated to a group squatting on the floor.

During the night REs made extensive improvised bridging preparations for a crossing of the Lys on a large scale.

20 Oct On 20 Oct, 26 and 28 Bdes attacked at 6am, crossed the Lys successfully and went on to a positiion a little short of Vichte.

27 Bde followed up. Before crossing the Lys on one of the improvised bridges, I remember an anxious wait for our Maltese cart with Signals stores. However it turned up eventually with Pte Hogg driving. [After the war I saw him as a horse-cab driver in the cab-rank at Waverly Stn in Edinburgh!] We got across without incident. I remember Croft buying some butter from a farmer at an exorbitant price! Then Croft rode forward to select a future BHQ. He came back and BHQ personnel went forward with him. He then went to the wrong farm but by the time he discovered his mistake Carus Wilson had arrived with a cable-wagon and a line back to Division. So Croft decided to stay where he was. His mistake undoubtedly saved the lives of some or all of us. The 12 RS Bn HQ went to the farm he had originally selected, and it got at least three direct hits. Casualties included Capt Sam Mackinlay who had been with the Bn. from the beginning - and a nicer chap you could not meet. I think he died of wounds - but am not sure.

21 Oct. No operations were undertaken on 21 Oct in order to allow units on the flanks to advance to the line reached by the 9th and 29th Div. Our farm was not seriously damaged - it was hit only by odd shell fragments. I remember the farm dog running under the table, tail between legs, whenever there was an explosion anywhere near. Night 21/22 Oct Hall (acting BM) told me to lay a line to the Newfoundland Bn. whose HQ was soon to be taken over by 12 RS. I laid this line at night on a compass bearing, accompanied by a lineman and was pleased to end up right on the target! Things were very quiet, but I was very nearly arrested as a spy, when I enquired whether some guns we encountered on our line of route were British or German. If the former I did not want to lay the line through the middle of them. During this night I shared a double farm-bed with Major (later Lt-Col) Boyd, who was commanding 11 R Scots!

22 Oct On 22 Oct the 27 Bde went into action for the last time. At zero hour I was given the job of laying a line along the railway line eastwards to Vichte Station, where a Bde. Report Centre was to be established. There was a good deal of shelling but we all got through. On reaching the station we found it was being so constantly shelled that it was impracticable to enter it. We waited nearby. A sapper with little battle experience had dropped a drum of cable en route, owing to 'wind-up'. So I had to send him back to get it, in charge of an NCO.

I got in touch with Croft on the phone and told him the situation and that a Coy of R Scots was waiting nearby. He gave the Coy Commander some orders. A bit later we managed to establish a signal office in a sort of semi-underground cellar in the station buildings - here we were protected at least from flying fragments.In due course Vernal, with a Div. Spark W/T set, came up and I was busy with some visual arrangements (Lucas lamp). By nightfall things were quiet. The 27 Bde had by this time reahed a line about a mile beyond Vichte Station and Vichte village. One of the linemen, Cpl Payne, who had been with Div. Sigs since the beginning was wounded while repairing the line along the railway.

Night 24/25 Oct I don't remember spending another day at Vichte Station, but according to Ewing the 27 Bde. was relieved by 26 and 28 Bdes on the night 24/25 Oct. Winkle and I remained at Vichte Station until the hand-over was complete and then set off rearwards with the Signals G.S. wagon carrying equipment. We had to pass a cross- roads that was being shelled. So we stopped to time the quiet intervals (the Germans were very methodical); then first sent Sgt Hall across with the wagon, and in the next quiet interval got across ourselves. We did not know it, but Winkle and I had dodged the last shell at the last cross-roads together! At least it was the last shell for me. Poor Winkle stayed in the R Scots as a regular Soldier, and got a shell all to himself at an early stage of World War II in France (So his CO, Colonel Melvill, told me).

25 Oct At 9am 26 & 28 Bdes attacked and captured the Ooteghem- Ingoyghemridge.

Night 25/26 Oct That night a patrol of the 5 Camerons reached the Scheldt.

Nights 26/27 Oct, 27/28 Oct On the nights of 26/27 and 27/28 Oct 9 Div was relieved. 27 Bde. was at first in Cuerne Chateau and later moved to Heule (also in a Chateau) where we heard the news of the armistice.

5 Nov Before the Armistice, however, on 5 Nov, the 9 Div. was reviewed by the King of the Belgians (Albert). The Queen was with him. The Belgians were very pleased with the part played by 9 Div. in the driving of the Germans out of Belgium. The review was at Hulste aerodrome (between Hulste and Bavishore, not far NNW of Hurlebeke). Only a limited number of officers and men per unit were on parade. I was given the chance of being in the 9 Div. Sigs party but preferred to be a spectator (partly because I knew nothing about ceremonial drill!) It was a magnificent and moving sight. Ewing tells of how the Queen, after the march past, asked General Tudor to give her a 9 Div. shoulder badge. So he cut one off his tunic, and the Queen pinned it on her breast!

Kath and I were presented to the Queen (by then she was the Queen Mother) as UGGI "Personalites" at Brussels (in 1951 I think), when I was a vice-president of the International Association of Volcanology. I meant to remind her of the review, but when the time came was too tongue tied! There are photos of the review in one of my albums (copies by me of large print of Winkle's).

10. MARCH TO COLOGNE BRIDGEHEAD, 1918.

Only three days after the Armistice we learned that the 9 Div. had been chosen as the left Division of the Army of Occupation, and was to take part in the triumphal march through Belgium to the Cologne Bridgehead, beyond the Rhine. The 9th was the only New Army division to take part in the march, which began on 14 Nov.

14 Nov Unfortunately I chose this day to go sick with some kind of bug. Anderson the IO, who had been sharing a bedroom with me at Heule, also fell ill. We went by ambulance to Ingoyghem, the first stopping place of 27 Bde. but were no better, and were sent by ambulance to a CCS in Courtrai. I was there about three days. Thence I went to a Reception Camp in Menin (which was like a city of the dead).

22 Nov Thence I went by motor bus to Oudenarde, where I 'jumped' a lorry that took me to Remaix, where I spent the night. There were three other officers with me.

23 Nov Next day another lorry took us through Hal to Waterloo, where I found 27 Bde. HQ. Our 11 and 12 Bns. were the first Royal Scots to be in Waterloo since the battle of 1815!

24 Nov On the following day Winkle and I rode out and inspected the battlefield. 25 Nov Marched to a lovely house - a sort of Chateau- at Dion-le-val, a little east of Warre. The lady of the house was the sister of the Belgian Prime Minister.

The following account of our subsequent movements is taken from a letter I wrote home from Germany on 16 Dec 18.

"All through Belgium of course every village and every house was decorated with flags, and every village had two or three arches over the road, similar to those we had in Halifax [Nova Scotia] when the Canadian Contingent came home [from the South African War]. Mottos were everywhere - 'Soyez Bienvenus'; 'Welcome'; 'Honneur aux allies'; 'Honour and glory to our valiant deliverers' - and so on. The great thing was to have as much brass as possible in the windows [The Germans had requisitioned it]. Most villages had Christmas Trees planted along the roadside. We were received everywhere with the greatest kindness. The 'Walloon' is a much better type of Belgian than the 'Fleming', we discovered. The children's great delight was to shake the Jocks' hands as they passed. The pipes, of course, caused great excitement.

I marched most of the way on foot with the BHQ party. We had a lot of very long marches, starting at 7, 8 or 9 am and getting in at 2, 3 or 5 pm. 18 or 19 miles was about our longest. Sometimes the moves were short - 10 or 12 kms - and we could get in about 2 pm. Usually, however, we took sandwiches with us and had a halt for dinner from 11.50 to 1 pm, and made tea from water boiled on one of the Bn. cookers on the march. We were wonderfully lucky as regards rain - all things considered.

The Chateau at Gistoux was our next stop after Dion-le-val. I was billeted in a doctor's house. The mess was in the chateau, which belonged to a Countess. We were there only one night and had a long march the next day to a big Chateau at Branchon, where we were very comfortable. From this chateau the Germans had taken 15,000 bottles of wine and two motor cars.

The next day's march to Oteppe (chateau again) was through very mountainous rocky wooded country - houses made of stone - a sight for sore eyes after the constant brick buildings - an interesting part for a geologist.

The next day's march carried us over a high ridge down into the valley of the Meuse - great manufacturing district. Saw a bridge over the Meuse, destroyed by the Belgians in 1914. The Germans, however, repaired the bridge temporarily and crossed after the fall of Liege.

The footwear of villagers everywhere was wooden sabots - chiefly owing to leather shortage, I believe.

We stopped that night at Chokier chateau set on a high rocky pinnacle with a lovely view of the Meuse valley. It was a wonderful sight to look up towards Liege at night and see all the twinkling lights - the fear of bombing being gone.

We had a wonderful view the next morning too, as the valley was entirely filled with an early morning frosty mist. It was like being in an aeroplane and looking down on the clouds. Only the tops of the hills on each side were visible. This day's march was very interesting (and very long) as we passed through the southern suburb of Liege, having crossed the Meuse at Seraing. Girls decorated the passing troop and wagons with little Belgian flags. We passed by the Fort of Embourg, which was in action in 1914. Magnificent scenery - woods, rocks, hills, and river valleys. We went to a big lonely chateau at Coinze Andoumont, where we rested for two days. We were very comfortable - lovely mess with open fire - plenty of coal apparently. The son of the house visited us in his own house. He was an engineer officer in the Belgian Army and had not been home since 1914. He had been fighting just north of us in Flanders, where he had been wounded; he was just out of hospital.

Our next march took us to the Chateau de Maisonbois near Verviers, where we were the guests of the Count de Pinto. On this march we passed through Louveigne, where many houses were razed to the ground in 1914, and civilian hostages shot; a new notice-board in an orchard by the roadside marked the spot.

Next day we had a short march into Verviers itself, where we were in a lovely modern house with all conveniences. Verviers is a very nice town.

[I do not mention it in my letter, but my recollection is that I met Arthur Campbell in Verviers, and bought a little pocket lens for reading badly printed German maps that had been issued to us. It has been in my pocket over the years and I still have it 50 years later! Arthur Campbell was a great friend of mine at school. He was in the Leicestershire Yeomanry. After the war he emigrated to British Columbia to farm.]

From Verviers we went to Limbourg. The mess was in a chateau on top of a hill. I was billeted in a house in the village.

Next day we crossed the German frontier and stopped the night at Kornelimunster. I 'took over' the post-office. BHQ was in a big seminary, or school. People were very 'oily'.

Next day's march was over very bad roads and over a range of hills from the top of which we looked down on the plain stretching away to the Rhine. We stopped for the night in the town of Duren in a lovely house. Had a lovely room and hot bath.

We were now passing from grazing country to cultivated fields. A long march next day took us to a manufacturing suburb of Cologne called Frechen. Took over the PO there without the aid of an interpreter (whose help I invoked at Kornelimunster). Had a very comfortable billet in a doctor's house - one of those gentlemen with scarred faces (student duelling').

Next day's march took us right into Cologne, where we were in a regular palace in the Deutscher Ring - the most fashionable quarter. Had my first view of the Rhine and the Hohenzollen Bridge. The river ran just at the foot of the street about 300 yds away. Gen. Plumer visited Croft the next day and decided to take over the house as his personal billet. Saw a good bit of Cologne. [I seem to remember putting a Count, the owner of the house, to sit by a telephone and answer calls.] Cologne is a most magnificent town. Fine buildings and wide streets with trees in the middle - and very clean. Took great delight in riding free on the electric tram-cars.

13 Dec After 2 days in Cologne we did our most historic march. The 9th Division crossed the Rhine by the Mulheim bridge of boats on Dec 13th. It was a day of drenching rain. We marched past the Divisional and Corps Commanders in Mulheim just after crossing the river. I was mounted that day. Of our Bde. Gen Croft went first, followed by the Bde. Major,. the I.O. and Oddie - then myself at the head of B.H.Q. personnel - then the three Bns. We stopped that night at Schloss Mursbruich near Schlebusch a very comfortable spot.

The day after next we went on - a long march - to our final area of occupation" [ Ohligs, Wald, Solingen and Haan. Div. H.Q. was at Ohligs and 27 Bde. H.Q. in Wald (more or less a part of Weyer).]

[An amusing incident not mentioned in my letter occurred when entering either Frechen or Cologne. It was the end of a long and tiring march and BHQ was marching 'at ease' and my thoughts were far away. Suddenly there was a terrific clatter of metal from the other side of the road, and shouting. I looked up and to my consternation saw that a guard of Lancers had been turned out to honour us with a salute - and the clatter was due to the butts of their lances striking the cobbles! I was level with the guard by this time. If I had given the orders 'March at attention' we would have been well beyond them by the time the order was complied with (tunics buttoned up, etc) so I just had to give them my own salute and let it go at that!]

11. IN GERMANY

(Continuation of letter of 16/12/18)

"The Bde HQ in Wald is in Villa Kortenbach, a fine house belonging to a fahrenkraft (manufacturer). I have a very nice room, not far away, which I am sharing at present with the I.O.. Electric light (of course) and a fixed in basin each. Two windows to the room and a hot water radiater - good bath in house too... Electric light is the general rule inquite small villages all over Belgium and France. Our general run in WCs involve white enamelled seats, beautifully tiled walls etc. Baths (one for not more than two officers) must have hot/cold shower!

We have been dashing about in commandeered German motorcars. There are very few available with proper pneumatic tyres. Bikes and cars with tyres consisting of an arrangement of springs (perpendicular to the rim) are the common thing. The great majority of German army lorries (of which we passed many ditched by the roadsides) have iron-shod wheels, not solid rubber (treads) like ours. Every ounce of brass which was not hidden was taken from Belgium - down to door-knobs. We notice these extremes do not seem to have been resorted to in Germany. I went forward with the General, BM and SC (in two cars) to reconnoitre our area, the day before we marched in. We went right to the edge of the neutral zone, where a cavalry sentry was posted on the road. Notice boards are up in different places "Grenze a Bruckenkupfes Koln" We are not altogether unwelcome in this neighbourhood (a very densely populated manufacturing area - chiefly steel; we are not far from Essen) as our presence prevents Bolshevik disorders.

At the post office here the inscription used to read 'Kaiserliches Postamt'; the first word has now been erased - changed times from 1913 (when we were visiting Germany).

One of the first things that strikes one here is the enormous number of little children everywhere - and secondly how pale, colourless and ill they look through malnutrition.

Bde HQ is getting very large. We have a German-speaking Interpreter, an APM (Assist Provost Marshal - i/c Military Police) and an extra staff Captain to assist in administration (Dickie). The German interpreter got a good souvenir today from a door - a little celluloid notice saying "Deutscher, gruss in Deutsch - sagen "Auf Wieder Sehen" - nicht mehr "adieu". Today I saw a notice in a butcher's shop "Heute pferdefleisch" This part of the country has a network of electric tramways" (so ends my letter - and a pretty good effort I think!)

One thing I didn't mention was the fact that within a week of our arrival the Germans were offering for sale razors ('cut-throat' type ie non-safety) with the 9 Div. thistle emblem engraved on the blades, which were stamped "Sheffield Steel"!

One of my photo albums contains photos of the 9 Div. marching through Cologne and of the crossing of the Rhine. These I copied with my own camera from large prints belonging to Winkle (when I saw him in Edinburgh a good deal later).

There are other photos in an album taken with a vest pocket Kodak that I got sent out from home - some of my Signal Section and horses, and Croft, Hall, Oddie, Dickie and Anderson the IO. There is a signal Section group (framed) and a postcard size photo of me on horseback (on Coquette) taken at Villa Kortenbach). A 9 Div. Signal Co. group is also in an album.

In Cologne I bought a German Iron Cross and a 'pickelhaube', the spiked black helmet used by Germans at the beginning of the war - I no longer have it.

A letter dated 9 Jan 1919 gives the news that I had been awarded the Belgian Croix de Guerre. The award was dated 13 Dec 1918. The Belgians were so pleased with the 9 Div. that the British were allotted quite a lot of Croix de Guerre and Ordres de Leopold and these were given to people recommended by the British. Hall and Winkle got one, and the two other Bde. Signal Officers. Pringle pretended to be highly amused at me getting a Croix de Guerre and laughed so riotously that he slipped on a mat on the polished floor of Villa Kortenbach and fell on his back. The next day I found out he had got the Croix de Guerre and the Ordre de Leopold! The former could not be given without the latter! (He was a Divisional Staff Officer by this time.) 1919 Demobilisation was not carried out by unit but according to what one did in civil life. University students were among the categories for very early demobilisation and I left Div. for Dunkirk, en route home, on 18 Jan 1919..

Our train took several days to reach Dunkirk. It was not a journey of comfort, the train being unheated and most of the windows broken - but who cared? Capt. L B Primrose was with me - he had been i/c Artillery Signals at 9 Div. Also he had one of the Cable Sections at Hitchin when I first was commisioned in 1915 - a breezy, jolly Glasgow type. The Scottish Army Troops Signal Co RE (TF) was a Glasgow Territorial Unit.

After a sojourn in tents at Dunkirk. during a hard frost I was eventually demobilised at Duddingston, near Edinburgh, on 26 Jan 1919 and had to walk home from there to 24 Dalrymple Crescent!

My Croix de Guerre was sent to me through the post on 12 Feb 1919. The citation simply said "s'est particulierement distingue par son courage et son devouement au cours de l'offensive des Flandres". The citation was dated 13 Dec 1918; it is clearly a standard one applicable to all recipients.

Addendum: Aug 1973 (Waterloo) I have recently read a book on the Battle of Waterloo, based in part on accounts of British and French survivors of all ranks ("A Near Run Thing" by David Howarth: Collins London 1968). The vivid descriptions of the ghastly horror of events during and after the battle made my own war experiences seem very mild by comparison.

David Howarth records a fact of interest to geologists. He states that Col. Sir William de Lancey, Wellington's Quartermaster General - who died of a wound received during the battle - had, a very short time before, married Magdelene Hall from Dunglass in SE Scotland. I therefore infer that de Lancey's bride was daughter of Sir James Hale of Dunglass (1761-1832) who is regarded as the "Founder of Experimental Geology".

Col. de Lancey was an American of Huguenot ancestry, knighted for his services under Wellington in the Peninsular War.

12. EPILOGUE

When demobilised I had been in the army three years and 48 weeks (from 24 Feb 1915 to 26 Jan 1919). Before that I had been in the Junior OTC (Officers' Training Corps) at school for two years (1910-12: drummer) and in the Senior OTC (REUnit, Edinburgh University: Oct 1913-Feb 1915: lance corporal). I was commissioned as 2/Lt. RE (TF) on 24 Feb 1915, promoted to Temp. Lt on 5 Oct 1915 and made a substantive Lt on 1 June 1916. Just before I left Germany I was offered a Captaincy, but of course preferred demobilisation.

In a testimonial provided by Major Alexander when I was applying for a post on the Geological Survey of Great Britain, in 1921, Sir Lionel said I had been strongly recommended for a Captaincy and would undoubtedly have received such an appointment but for the sudden cessation of hostilities.

I was, however, never keen on promotion to a Captaincy, because it would have meant (1) going further from the front - to a Divisional or a Corps HQ and (2) almost certainly leaving the 9th Division. Like everyone else, I had tremendous loyalty to the Division; also I felt I had become, like Oddie and Duke, almost an Institution at 27 Bde HQ! When I left Germany I had been almost 21 months as BSO 27 Bde. (May '17 - Jan '19) Apart from Croft, we were always a happy, close-knit and united little group. We all messed together. Croft's idiosyncracies did not worry us but provided unlimited material for comment and amusement. I found BSO work most satisfying. A BSO attached to, and co-operating with, the BHQ staff, ran his own Signals show forward of Bde. HQ without advice from his CO of the Divisional Signal Coy. When, after the war, the Royal Corps of Signals replaced RE Signals, Bde. Signal officer became a Captains' Appointment.

In relation to my desire not to be further from the front than BHQ, let me emphasise that any risks and discomforts I experienced as a BSO were (as Croft well knew) in no way comparable to the constant dangers and hardships endured by officers and men of infantry battalions.

To end my account of my doings in the Great War I now append some comments on my main associates.

Brig. Gen. F A Maxwell, VC, CSI, DSO (& bar) of the 18th Bengal Lancers. Maxwell, 46 years old, was a smallish man of slight build but of tremendous personality, and utterly fearless. He had been ADC to Kitchener in South Africa and Military Secretary to a Viceroy of India (Lord Hardinge). Not infrequently he did not hesitate to challenge or even disobey orders from superiors, if he thought such orders were ill- advised. ("Frank Maxwell VC", 1921, pp149, 155, 166, 169, 170, 177, 193-4 "I am Ready", 1955, p189) Before coming to 27 Bde. he had commanded the 12th Bn, of the Middlesex Regiment during the Somme battle of 1916. Some of his letters give an idea of his character and drive in the terrible slaughter of the 1916 Somme battle (Frank Maxwell, VC, 1921, pp 138-185); others indicate his inspiring leadership as Brig. Gen. Commanding 27 Inf. Bde. (op. cit. pp185-220).

Maxwell's death at Ypres in Sept. 1917 (op. cit. p220) was due to a disregard of danger that amounted to foolhardiness. He was killed in no-mans-land after exposing himself to a German sniper who had missed him with his first shot. But had he not constantly risked his life he would not have been the wonderful leader of men that he was. He took these risks because he believed that, in the dreadful conditions of terrain and shelling that characterised the Somme 1916 and Ypres 1917 battles, the training and experience of the New Army infantry was not sufficient to guarantee effective action after an 'objective' had been attained, or sometimes even during an attack (op. cit. pp218-219; 154-57). Maxwell was a Regular Soldier - war was his trade. He was a VC of South Africa and had before that been recommended for a VC (which was not awarded) on the NW Frontier of India. It may well be, also, that he looked on his VC in the same way as Darling regarded his (first) MC - as setting a standard below which he dare not fall ("So it looks to me", p172).

One thing has always puzzled me about Maxwell's "Revised Preliminary Instructions" regarding communications in the attack of 20 Sept. 1917; he forbade the repair of telephone lines in the forward area (from Railway Wood to Lake Farm and on to Kit and Kat and Sans Souci). The scheme of communications was prepared by Maxwell after consultation with me (I remember him asking "where do you propose to be yourself?") but the ban on all attempts to repair lines broken by shell-fire was entirely his own idea. This instruction disconcerted me very considerably - it seemed so unlike Maxwell and I thought Signals responsibility was to get lines repaired if it was in any way practicable. It may have been this ban that led me to 'ladder' the line we laid before zero from Kit and Kat to Sans Souci (technically a difficult operation under the local conditions of darkness and mud) - I don't remember. Under Croft, who left the drafting of Signals battle instructions almost entirely to my own discretion, I did not ban wire-repairing - but it was not attempted regardless of local circumstances.

After the war a Memorial Tablet to Maxwell ("A tribute from the officers, NCOs and men 27th Inf. Bde. 9th (Scottish) Division to a gallant soldier and very perfect gentleman beloved by all his men") was erected in St Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh. It was unveiled on 11 Sept 1921. My invitation to be present was sent out by Mrs Maxwell from an address in St Fillans, and was received by me while on holiday in Comrie. So I cycled over to St Fillans and introduced myself to Mrs Maxwell and her two little daughters, Rachel and Violet. I kept in touch with Mrs Maxwell until her death (?1956 or a little later) and afterwards with Rachel (Mrs Lambert). The photograph of the St. Giles' Memorial that is reproduced in "I am Ready" was taken by me at Mrs Maxwell's request (I was perched on a step-ladder with a Leica camera).

Brig. Gen. W D Croft, CMG, DSO & 3 bars, Legion d'Honneur. Croft was a regular soldier - a Cameronian (Scottish Rifles). Like Maxwell he was a small man, but more thick-set. In age I would guess he was around 40. He had been a courageous Bn. Commander (11 Royal Scots) and was an energetic and efficient Brig. General, but he never inspired devotion among his subordinates as Maxwell did. I served under him for 16 months but cannot recall that the Signal Section or I - or indeed anyone at Bde. HQ, except perhaps Oddie - received a word of encouragement or praise during that period. What a contrast to Maxwell, in relation, for instance, to Signals in the attack on Greenland Hill at Arras. In his book, "Three Years with the 9th (Scottish) Division", he does not even mention the existence of a BSO. I was therefore astounded to receive the following eulogy, contained in a letter, dated 15 March 1919, written in reply to one of mine:-

"I was very glad to hear from you and take this opportunity of thanking you for all your splendid work. Believe me I fully appreciated all you did especially in a show [battle]. I think we ought to keep in touch...I am bringing out a book shortly "Three years with the 9th Division". God bless you, yours ever, William Croft."

[I stuck this letter into Croft's book, at the back]

Croft also gave me a good testimonial when I applied for a post on the Geological Survey, and another when I made an application (which fortunately proved unsuccessful) for the Professorship of Geology in Edinburgh in 1942. The letter was so obviously overdrawn that I hesitated to use it. Well, strange are the ways of human nature.

I don't know about Croft's post-war army career. In 1942 he was farming in the south of England and "responsible for training 10,000 men" (?Home Guard).

It is remarkable that no less than five of my associates in 27 Inf. Bde. had exceptionally distinguished post-war careers and were knighted. They are Duke, Hall, Christie, Darling and Drummond Shiels. This seems to bear out Croft's dictum that "war soon distinguishes between the men and the monkeys!" I shall deal with the Knights first and then comment on other old comrades in alphabetical order.

Capt. R N Duke, DSO, MC. Duke, a Merchistonian and a keen cricketer, had been commissioned in the Black Watch. He had somewhat reddish hair, was spare of figure, and rather "buttoned up" and reserved (Darling once referred to him as "the fish-like Duke"). He was quite unflappable and very efficient as Staff Capt. and later as Brigade Major. We got on very well indeed, and opposed each other at chess from time to time. I liked and admired him. After the war he distinguished himself in the Home Civil Service, got a CB and was knighted. I kept in touch with him in London and later in Edinburgh where he now lives. [Died March 1969 (coronary).]

Capt. J Hathorn Hall, DSO, MC. Hall, fair-haired and somewhat burly, had been in the Sudan Civil or Colonial Service and looked a little older than most of us. Like Duke he was a most efficient Staff Officer, but in temperament he was gay to exuberant - I liked him. After the war, in the Colonial Service, his posts included Governor and C in C Aden and Governor of Uganda. I forget what kind of a knighthood he got. I got in touch with him, by letter, a year or two ago, when I discovered (in Who's Who) that he was living in London in the same block of flats as my old Chief Sir Wm Pugh (former Director of Geol. Survey).

Capt. W Christie, MC. Wullie Christie was a son of the Manse (Bridge of Allan) and a Royal Scot. He was a good sort and an able I0. In the Indian Civil Service, after the war, he rose to high rank and was knighted. I kept in touch with him until after his first leave from India. While I was on leave from France in the winter of 1917/18 I bought stockings for him to present to his fiancee! He had much to do with organising the Memorial to Maxwell in St. Giles'.

Capt. Will Y. Darling MC and bar. "Will Y" was a flamboyant character. As he tells us in his autobiography, he had made nothing of his life (in spite of spells in Ceylon and Australia) until he enlisted in Kitchener's Army in 1914 at the age of 29. He had been badly injured in Gallipoli before coming to France, where he served under Croft in the 11 R Scots. He was credited by Croft (in his book) with having Character, Personality and Drive, a big ugly, mobile, cheese-like face, and the best company in the battalion! We always got on well when I got to know him during his period at 27 BHQ. I remember him saying, when we happened to meet outside the Spoil Bank dugout during the German barrage, that for one so young I seemed to take little interest in reaching maturity. He had a great sense of humour. Once when we were leaving somewhere (?Sailly Lanvette) on 28 Feb 1918, he sent me a typewritten chit, on behalf of the Staff Captain, which was intended to instruct me to see that BHQ personnel paraded at a certain hour with blankets rolled in bundles of ten. Unfortunately the typist omitted one line, and I was, in fact, instructed to see that BHQ personnel paraded at a certain hour rolled in bundles of ten! I at once sent Darling a chit saying that I had no experience of this exercise, and asking him to be present to superintend. In his reply he said he was aware of my inexperience, as well as incapacity, and that it was only through experience that young officers learnt their duties!

After the war his uncle (whose son had been killed) took him into the Princes Street drapery business ('Darling's'). He used to parade up and down Princes Street wearing a black 'Stock', and with a glossy top hat tilted back on his head. In due course he became City Treasurer, was knighted as Lord Provost of Edinburgh (during the 1939-45 war) and was elected to Parliament. He had no post-school education, but was widely read and liked poetry. He bought up two book shops in Edinburgh and wrote a number of books in addition to his autobiography. Towards the end of the road he suffered a severe stroke, and lingered on for some years a helpless invalid.

Capt. T Drummond Shields MC was not one of us at 27 Bde HQ, but he commanded 27 Bde Trench Mortar Battery, and was well known to us. He was a delightful chap, probably about Darling's age, who organised an anti-swearing league (which had very few adherents). He was the son of a photographer in Lauriston Place, had been a Fabian, and after taking MA and MB at Edinburgh University, was elected to Parliament. He served in Attlee's first Labour Government as Under-Secretary for India and was knighted. He did not live long afterwards. He intrigued me by being MA, MB, MC, MP!

Capt. R K Ross, DSO, MC. Bobby Ross (of The Queens) was a Regular Soldier and one of the few survivors among the junior infantry officers of the 7th Division of the "Old Contemptibles". (The Kaiser called the British Expeditionary Force of 1914 a "contemptible little army".) Ross was a good sort. He left us, for Egypt, just before the Somme Retreat. I believe he was a General in World War II.

Capt. J P Cuthbert MC. Cuthbert was a Glasgow businessman connected with shipping - he was probably in his thirties. His regiment was Scottish Rifles. He was quiet and efficient and, like most Glaswegians, a delightful chap. He got his MC after leaving us - was taken prisoner in the Somme Retreat while a Staff Capt. in the 14th Div. Pringle and I called on him once in his office in Glasgow. Now dead I think.

Lieut. R S Dorward. Stewart Dorward had no connection with 27 Bde, but came to see me several times in France and is one of my oldest friends. He was my pal in the RE Unit of Edinburgh University OTC; we were promoted L/Cpl; 2/Lt, and Lt on the same successive dates. We were together at Hitchin and Biggleswade in 1915 and I saw him quite a lot later on in Norwich. In France he was in charge of a large mechanical digger - for making trenches to bury cable in - it was based on Corps HQ. After the war he graduated at Edinburgh University as a BSc in Engineering, learned to fly and was in a tweed mill in Galashiels that went under in the slump of the thirties. In World War II he was in the Royal Corps of Signals, was in the Dunkirk evacuation, and later was in the Sudan and the Abyssinian Campaign. After World War II he was connected with tweed mills in Baghdad and (later) in South Harris. He lives at the moment in Perth (W. Australia) near his brother's widow, Cecile.

Major John Ewing, MC. John Ewing was Adjt. and later 2nd in Command of the 6 KOSB. After the war, while a lecturer in History at Edinburgh University, he wrote "History of the 9th (Scottish) Division". Before long he went as a History Professor to Grahamstown, S Africa and died there not long afterwards. He was a delightful chap.

Sgt. A. Hall, MM. Hall returned to Post Office work after the war. He was a "sorting- clerk and telegraphist" and could carry on a conversation while sending a message on a Morse Key. We have exchanged Christmas cards for some 50 years. I went to see him at Blackrod, Lancs., when I was staying with Anna a year or so ago (?1964) and got a great welcome.

Lt. Col. Roy Ker, DSO, MC. Commanded 6 KOSB at the end of the war. I knew him well. He did not go back to banking but, after the war, ran a small business in Edinburgh. He was my CO when I was a Private in the Signal Section of the 3rd Bn of the Home Guard during World War II. This was before I was commissioned in the Home Guard and eventually became a Captain and Sector Signal Officer. As a Private I won a very handsome medal in a Signal Competition - largely because I knew all about the DIII field telephone and the other competitors had hardly seen one!

Capt. A C McIntosh, MC. 'Mousie' McIntosh (of school days) left 9 Div. Sigs for some job at a Corps HQ. When he got there his first job was to answer a rather insubordinate letter sent by himself from 9 Div. Signals before his departure! He abandoned the Regular Army after the war and went farming in Rhodesia. Eventually I lost touch with him. He was in Tasmania a year or so ago. I wrote to him there in 1968 and got an enthusiastic reply. Said he had not heard from a 9 Div. Signals man for 47 years! He became a Lt. Col. in World War II. I saw him in Edinburgh in March 1971.

Lt. C B Mein. Charlie was 4 years my junior - he was known as 'Baby' Mein in the 12 R Scots at Arras. He was first in action, as a cadet, with Trinity College Dublin OTC in the Easter Rebellion in Ireland in 1916! He was with the 12 R Scots from Arras to Kemmel. The bullet that knocked him out in the final advance from Ypres in 1918 was in one way a lucky one, for it did no serious damage; but it may well have deprived him of a Belgian Croix de Guerre ("Out of sight, out of mind"). A great pal from Meteren onwards. I saw much of him in Edinburgh after the war. I would have been his "best man", had I not just been sent to a remote part of the Highlands, for my first spell of field work there, at the time he asked me to support him. After the war he became a FFA (Fellow of the Faculty of Actuaries) and for a time lectured on actuarial mathematics at Edinburgh University. In his spare time he became Scottish 'half-mile' champion. Unfortunately he went to York before long, where he was in the Yorkshire Insurance Co. From time to time he and his wife Peg came to see us in Edinburgh. He died in 1967 after courageously facing abdominal trouble and serious operations. The Rev P F Oddie, MC. Oddie was almost as great a 'character' as Darling, and universally popular. He came from the Brompton Oratory, in London, and alleged that he had been given a dispensation allowing him to drink alcohol and swear during the war! He was the best Chaplain to the Forces whom I encountered, and had been with 27 Bde from the beginning, I think. We used to argue about religion and play chess from time to time.

After the war he went back to Brompton Oratory. I once lunched with him there, along with all the other 'monks'. The ex-BSO, with his Roman Catholic hosts, sat in silence at little individual tables ranged round the walls of a hall with a lofty roof, while one 'monk' perched on a little enclosed platform high up on one wall read something in Latin. I was provided with a bottle of wine and Oddie, seated by a wall at right angles to mine, tried to make me laugh (or so it seemed to me). Afterwards we all gathered in another room and conversed. In his own quarters Oddie showed me an enormous box of chocolates which he said had been given to him by a lady parishioner!

Duke tells a good story of a visit he paid to Oddie at the oratory. He was ushered along various passages and eventually Oddie was pointed out to him in a small alcove, apparently shriving the soul of a female parishioner. Oddie looked up, exclaimed "Good God, it's old Duke!" and left the lady to her fate!

Capt. R H Pringle, MC. Another 'character' and another great pal. A great cadger of cigarettes. He had been with the 29 Div in Gallipoli before I knew him. Shortly after the war he arrived unannounced at 24 Dalrymple Crescent (at a most inconvenient moment) and said he had come to stay for a bit! Then he asked me to lunch 'at his club'. This turned out to be the Conservative Club in Princes St. On entering, Pringle was told politely that officers were no longer honorary members! He was quite unabashed and we had a good laugh. Pringle visited me once while I was working in Ayrshire (at Patna) and I saw him from time to time in Edinburgh when he was home from growing things (?coffee) in Kenya. He had been in Africa before the war and I used to ridicule his stories of adventures with buffalos and demonstrations by natives outside his verandah. I have lost touch with him for some time - but Duke says he got married and now lives in Ireland. Duke tells me also that in World War II he managed to get a commission in the Labour Corps and while in it got a bar to his MC at Dunkirk! (Died in Ireland 1975)

Lt-Col. J A S Ritson, DSO, MC. Ritson commanded the 12 R Scots from April 1917 to June 1918. I did not know him very well. He had been an English rugby international forward; he certainly had the physique for it. After the war he was HM Chief Inspector of Mines and later Professor of Mining at Imperial College. I met him in World War II in relation to the search for minerals in Scotland.

Capt. C C Winchester, MC. Charlie Winchester ('Winkle' to the 27th Bde) was a Coy Commander in the 11 R Scots when I first met him in France. He was an Edinburgh Academical, but at school I hardly knew him. We became firm friends from Meteren onwards (after he came to 27 Bde. HQ). Croft described him (in his book) as a "splendid, quarrelsome, dare-devil Scot". Both Croft and Ewing mention his gallantry in the Somme battle of 1916, at a late stage of which he was badly wounded. Winkle stayed on in the R.Scots after the War. I was once his guest at dinner at the R Scots depot at Glencorse. I remember also playing fives with him at the Edinburgh Academy courts. I have already mentioned that we came out of action for the last time together, and that he was killed early in World War II.

Brig. Gen W D Croft (addendum) Early in 1969 I read a book by Lord Reith (1st Director Gen of the BBC) called "Wearing Spurs". It gave an account of his life in the early days of World War I, when he went out to France with a Glasgow Territorial Battalion of the Scottish Rifles. He was Transport Officer and so wore spurs (of which, like me, he was very proud). He devoted a lot of space in the book to running down the Battalion Adjutant ("a little man") who was a Regular. The two fought like cat and dog and the Adjutant eventually got Reith removed from his job as Transport Officer. Reith hated him like poison. Now I knew Croft had gone to France as adjutant of a Glasgow Territorial Bn., and felt sure that Reith's bête noir was our little Brigadier!

In May '69 Dan MacKenzie (Ed Acad drummer) was on duty as an Archer at a Knight of the Thistle installation ceremony at St Giles's Cathedral and stayed with us. I persuaded him to ask Reith (being installed as a Knight of the Thistle) if the name of the Adjutant he went to France with was Croft. IT WAS! I think Dan mentioned that Croft ended the war with a DSO and three bars, etc. Reith said "I think most of them must have come up with the rations!" Reith was also an Archer and Dan had met him. Also, a son of Reith's was Dan's near neighbour at Almondbank.

I wrote to Hathorn Hall and told him of my discovery. He was most interested as he had served on a board of the Colonial Development Corporation under Reith as a very arrogant Chairman. He had read "Wearing Spurs" and had always felt sorry for the Adjutant who had to deal with Reith, and was very intrigued to learn that the Adjutant in question was little Croft.

Additional Notes on Careers Brig. Gen Croft Brigadier Commanding Royal Tank Corps 1924-31. NW Frontier of India 1931-34. Raised Home Guard in Cornwall 1940. Hon County Commissioner Cornwall Boy Scouts. CB 1935. Son of Sir Herbert Croft (Baronet) of Croft Castle, Hereford. Born 1879, died 1969 aged 90.

Capt. J Hathorn Hall Born 1894. Chief Secretary to Governor (or ?Government) of Palestine 1933-37. Governor and C in C Aden 1940-41. Governor & C in C Uganda 1942-51. OBE 1931. CMG 1935. GCMG 1950

Capt. W Christie Chief Secretary United Provinces, India 1944-45. Chief Commissioner, Delhi 1945-47. KCIE 1947. Christie was born 2 Feb 1896 and so was 15½ months younger than I.

Rev. P F Oddie In 1973 we got in touch, through Donald Cole, the Rector of the Scottish Episcopal Church in Colinton, with Oddie's younger (and only surviving) brother Air-Commodore G S Oddie, who was retired and living in Balerno. He told us that Oddie left Brompton Oratory and went to a working-class parish (I think in the Isle of Dogs) and worked a lot with boys - but became disillusioned. He died of lung- cancer in 1947 or 1948. Croft, in his book (p 25), described him as a "walking cigarette case". Besides distributing "fags" to the troops he visited, he smoked many cigarettes himself. I wrote to John Hathorn Hall to tell him about Oddies's death and our encounter with the Air-Commodore. In his reply he said he was "a splendid Chaplain, a very brave man and a delightful companion". I fully agree.

Note. The Croft, Hall and Christie data were mainly taken from a "Who's Who" several years old, in 1972. I am not sure if all the dates are correct, as the notes I took are not too legible!

13. CASUALTIES AND MEDAL AWARDS 27TH BRIGADE HQ, APRIL 1917 TO JANUARY 1919

KILLED WOUNDED Gen. Maxwell 2/Lt. Fetherstonehaugh BSO) Sgt. Cartwright Lt. Pringle (BIO) Pte. Britton 2/Lt. Mein (BIO) Pte. Blackburn 2/Lt. Ryan (Staff learner) or IO Spr. Taylor Cpl. Burns Spr. Stoddert L/Cpl. Payne Spr. McPaul Spr. Smith Spr. Carpenter Spr. Letford Spr. Cuthbertson Spr. Stevenson (gassed) Spr. Hollis (shell-shock) Pte. Mulligan Pte. Flynn

DSO MC Capt. Ross Capt. Christie (?pre-1917) Capt. Duke Capt. Pringle Capt. Hall Capt. Darling (bar) Lt. MacGregor

CROIX DU GUERRE (BELGE) MM Capt. Hall Sgt. Hall Capt. Winchester Sgt. Butler Lt. MacGregor Cpl. Grandison Spr. Monaghan (& bar) Spr. Joyce Pte. Nunn Pte. Boyd Pte. Wall (& bar) Spr. Partridge