Stories of Involuntary Resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives

Territory, Politics, Governance

ISSN: 2162-2671 (Print) 2162-268X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtep20

‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives

Aishath Azfa, Guy Jackson, Ross Westoby, Karen E. McNamara, Celia McMichael & Carol Farbotko

To cite this article: Aishath Azfa, Guy Jackson, Ross Westoby, Karen E. McNamara, Celia McMichael & Carol Farbotko (2020): ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives, Territory, Politics, Governance, DOI: 10.1080/21622671.2020.1768139 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2020.1768139

Published online: 11 Jun 2020.

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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rtep20 TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2020.1768139

‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives Aishath Azfaa, Guy Jacksonb, Ross Westobyc, Karen E. McNamara d, Celia McMichaele and Carol Farbotkof

ABSTRACT With development displacing more people and planned relocation being espoused as an adaptation strategy in response to climate change, research that explores the experiences of those who have been resettled is needed. The Maldives has a history of resettlement based on an ongoing policy of consolidation of dispersed populations to ensure access to services. The paper explores the history, politics, and perceptions and experiences of Gaadhoo Islanders in the Maldives during their involuntary resettlement to Fonadhoo Island in January 2016. Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic fieldwork among the resettled, a range of subjective experiences is identified. Although only a small proportion of participants wanted to leave and the process was undemocratic and politically motivated, both positive and negative outcomes were identified. In line with existing research, greater access to services and employment were positive outcomes of the resettlement. However, the process led to non-tangible loss of identity, culture and community cohesion. It is suggested that transparency, consistency and open communication should be central to the process throughout, from pre-decision to the resettlement process itself, and during the compensation and post-resettlement stages. The lessons drawn from this case study may help mitigate potential negative impacts from resettlements which will likely continue and increase into the future. KEYWORDS cultural identity; peripherality; politics; relocation; resettlement; Maldives

HISTORY Received 2 December 2019; in revised form 23 March 2020

INTRODUCTION

Gaadhoo Island is located on the southern ridge of Laamu Atoll in the Maldives. In January 2016, 38 families who were residing in Gaadhoo Island were involuntarily resettled by the Ministry of Housing and Infrastructure with support from the Maldives National Defence Force. Resettle- ment is a familiar topic for Gaadhoo Island residents given the multiple prior attempts by the central government to resettle people from Gaadhoo over the last 50 years. During this time,

CONTACT a School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, The University Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia. b School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, The University Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia. c Grifﬁth Institute for Tourism, Grifﬁth University, Southport, QLD, Australia. d (Corresponding author) [email protected] School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, The University Queensland, Brisbane, QLD, Australia. e School of Geography, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia. f School of Geography, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia.

Gaadhoo Islanders have experienced both direct intentions of the central government and indirect activities that suggest their resettlement, such as a decline in public sector investment support on the island. Speculations regarding resettlement increased in 2014 when a series of housing units were built in neighbouring Fonadhoo Island; however, the local council and community were unable to obtain confirmation from the central government. On 17 September 2015, the residents of Gaadhoo finally received notification of their impending resettlement on Fonadhoo from the Ministry of Housing and Infrastructure (2015). These families were told they had to leave, they had no choice other than to be resettled from Gaadhoo Island into two settlement areas in neighbouring Fonadhoo Island, the capital of Laamu Atoll. This resettlement was part of the central Maldives government’s Population and Development Consolidation Policy, a nation- wide policy that aims to group dispersed populations into larger entities and thereby reduce the costs of providing services and resources (Kothari, 2014). The relocation and resettlement of people is an important and underreported phenomenon (Arnall, 2019). Primarily carried out as a ‘development’ measure in low- and middle-income countries, but also undertaken in developed countries, it refers to the movement of people to new sites to live (Baird & Shoemaker, 2007). There are no precise or reliable estimates of the num- bers of people involved in involuntary displacement, planned relocations and resettlements. How- ever, the World Bank estimates that for the period 2001–10 approximately 15 million people were moved each year due to dam construction, urban development, and transportation and infrastructure programmes, and for the current decade (2011–20) forced resettlement is estimated to exceed 20 million people per year (Cernea & Maldonado, 2018). We contribute to the resettlement literature by exploring the perceptions of Gaadhoo Islanders and their lived experiences associated with their resettlement to Fonadhoo Island in January 2016. We examine, among other things, the perception of prior life and livelihoods on Gaadhoo, the political and decision-making processes and justifications of resettlement, the experience of resettlement, and the reported positive and negative outcomes of life in Fonadhoo. Based on data collection conducted in July 2019 with resettled Gaadhoo Islanders living in Fonadhoo Island we consider the disruptions, adaptations and continuities of everyday life as their resettlement creates new landscapes, spaces of dwelling, social networks and economic transactions. We argue that resettled Gaadhoo Islanders draw on self, sociality and place in ways that represent practices of situated endurance (Feldman, 2015; Povinelli, 2011; Richaud & Amin, 2020). Their lived experiences of the process and outcomes of involuntary resettlement offer lessons for future mobility. The relocation and resettlement of people is expected to increase in future, in part due to climate change rendering some places untenable (Geisler & Currens, 2017; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2014). For this reason, it is important for research on resettlement to better inform relocation planning. This study contributes to the growing body of empirical research on planned relocation and engages with the emerging interest among climate researchers and policy-makers to examine the potential connections between development-induced displacement and resettlement (DIDR) and relocation as a form of climate adaptation (Arnall, 2019; Luetz, 2017; Wilmsen & Webber, 2015).

REVIEWING THE RESETTLEMENT LITERATURE

Resettlement is the process of physically moving people and assets to a new site of residence (Arnall, 2019; Ferris, 2012). Globally, there are many examples where governments have variously enabled, encouraged or coerced communities to resettle in another place. Some of the most preva- lent drivers have been the geopolitical redrawing or creation of new nation states (Khan, 2017), colonial resettlements (Tabe, 2019; Teaiwa, 2017), environmental disasters (Oliver-Smith, 1991, 2006), infrastructure developments (e.g., dam construction, mining and urban renewal) (Cernea, 1997; Terminski, 2013; Wilmsen & Webber, 2015), and, more recently, planned retreat

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 3 of low-lying coastal populations (Luetz, 2017; McMichael et al., 2019; Piggott-McKellar et al., 2019). A central issue that shapes the nature and outcomes of population resettlements is whether it has been voluntary or forced (Ferris, 2012). Studies have documented that relocation and resettlement can be successful when it is community-led and government supported, when the community is involved early, when local decision-making and cultural considerations are incorporated into planning, and when decision-making processes are transparent (Farbotko & McMichael, 2019; Koslov, 2016; Luetz, 2017; Mortreux et al., 2018). Conversely, a large body of research has demonstrated the high costs to communities when resettlement is forced or coerced, including social disarticulation, impoverishment, homelessness, loss of livelihoods and landlessness (Cernea, 1996, 1997, 2000; De Wet, 2006; Oliver-Smith, 2006). It is also widely noted that resettlement should be developmental such that the quality of life and well-being of those resettled is sustained or improved (Arnall, 2019). Restoration of livelihoods has been widely identified as a key factor in determining the success of resettlement initiatives (Ferris, 2012, 2015). Several frameworks and protocols have been developed to guide and inform resettlement initiatives. For example, Cernea (e.g., Cernea, 1996, 1997) discussed the need to reduce impoverishment that occurs during DIDR via the increased risks of landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, health threats, food insecurity, loss of access to common property and social disarticulation. More recently, Tadgell et al. (2018) suggested five principles to avoid adverse outcomes from resettlement: proactivity, communication and participation, permanence, compensation, and livelihood protection. While these principles relate specifically to the resettlement of informal settlements, they are relevant for other types of resettlements. However, international protocols have limited power relative to the political interests of individual states. Resettlement processes result from a complex interplay of government aims and obligations, and population experiences, requests and demands (Mortreux et al., 2018). A key focus of analysis for resettlement studies to date has been on the socioeconomic and livelihood related impacts of resettlement. Resettlement involves more than acquiring land, constructing new homes, developing and restoring livelihoods, ensuring access to public services, and involving communities in decision-making. The impacts on culture, connection to place, well- being, ontological and existential security, and many other intangible factors are beginning to be recognized in discussions on population mobility more broadly (Charan et al., 2017; Farbotko, 2019; Farbotko & McMichael, 2019; McNamara & Jackson, 2019). Richaud and Amin (2020), for example, consider the precarious lives of rural–urban migrants living on the outskirts of Shanghai, and show how endurance is cultivated through ordinary moments of the everyday – the opening and shutting of shops, card games, the daily rhythm of markets, waste management, food preparation, income-generating activity, family life – as people experience government- led urban demolition and redevelopment. Attention to ethnographic detail highlights that everyday experiences of resettled populations are much richer and more diverse than is captured in reductionist categories of identity such as ‘resettled populations’. Planned relocation has been positioned as a core policy and practice response to address emerging climatic and environmental risks (Hino et al., 2017; McMichael & Katonivualiku, 2020; Pig- gott-McKellar et al., 2019). With climate change exacerbating societal disruption and environmental risks, it is widely argued that human mobility will be radically reshaped (Barnett & McMichael, 2018; Ferris, 2015). Some governments – for example, Mozambique, Solomon Islands, Fiji and Vietnam – are developing planned relocation policies related to climate risk and adaptation. Yet, there are as yet few sites globally where climate-related relocation has been implemented (Burkett, 2015; Hino et al., 2017; Lipset, 2013; McMichael et al., 2019; McNamara et al., 2018; Weir & Pittock, 2017). Notable exceptions include Vietnam, where communities have been relocated as a way of mitigating flood risk (Danh, 2011), and Fiji, where the national government has indicated that vulnerable communities are likely to require relocation due

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 4 Aishath Azfa et al. to climate risks – for example, coastal flooding, coastal erosion and saltwater intrusion – and where a few villages have received government and donor support to relocate or retreat (McNamara et al., 2019). The Maldives has been widely positioned as a vulnerable small island developing state where the relocation of populations may be necessary (Kothari, 2014). However, relocation as a form of climate change adaptation is relatively novel with Luetz (2017) suggesting the Maldives government rushed a reactive state-led evacuation and resettlement of Hathifushi Island after flooding events in 2007 and implicated climate change in their decision. Previous analysis had not identified any evidence of the relocation of people or communities as a form of climate adaptation exclusively (Kothari, 2014).

MALDIVES’ RESETTLEMENT HISTORY

In 2019, there were an estimated 531,000 people living in the Maldives, which has 188 inhabited islands among 20 atolls. The country has a literacy rate approaching 100%, life expectancy of over 77 years and 5% of the population is unemployed. However, 7% of the population lives below the income poverty line (purchasing power parity (PPP) of US$1.90/day) and the mean length of schooling is 6.3 years. The country is susceptible to global capital flows and fluctuations with foreign direct investment constituting 11% of the gross national income (United Nations Devel- opment Programme (UNDP), 2018). A total of 39% of the population lives in urban areas, many in the densely populated capital of Malé. The Maldives is among the most densely populated countries in the world, and yet the majority of the population lives outside the capital, in sparsely populated and small outer islands. These are rural in characteristic and limited by a narrow range of opportunities and access to services compared with urban areas. Traditionally, livelihoods centred on fishing, but now tourism is the bedrock of this rapidly developing economy, which – while providing many economic benefits – has dislocated many people from sites of belonging and created significant inequality (UNDP, 2014). Kelman et al. (2019) suggest the main drivers of the voluntary movement of people within the Maldives relate to people seeking improved access to health services, education and livelihoods opportunities, including in the tourism sector. However, the country has a long history of population resettlement proposals and initiatives. Resettlements have taken place as early as the 1940s. Examples include the following: smaller communities in Baa Atoll were resettled to the atoll capital Eydhafushi; a new island (Sh. Fonadhoo) was developed with the populations of three neighbouring smaller islands over 50 years ago; and in the Second World War, the community of Gan were resettled on other islands in Addu Atoll to make room for the British Royal Airforce (RAF) airbase in Gan. Since the 1980s, there have been proposals to resettle populations in the Maldives in major atoll centres premised on the more efficient provision of social services and infrastructure (Kothari, 2014; Simonelli, 2015). However, the first time resettlement appeared as a development policy was in 1997 in the 5th National Development Plan, where community-led relocation programmes were identified as key to improving access to basic infrastructure and services. In this plan, the government invited smaller islands to initiate interest to relocate. Following this, the Maldives government in 2001 then embarked on the National Population and Development Consolidation Strategy and Programme to develop two key regional growth centres, apart from Malé, at either ends of the country. The goal was to provide services in 85 focus islands, and to encourage populations to move to the focus islands and regional centres through various subsidies (Kothari, 2014; Luetz, 2017). Such population consolidation proposals have been unpopular and consequently given a low political profile. Yet, they are now being revisited and are gaining some traction in both the government and among the population, with planned relocation and population consolidation as a mode of adaptation to climate risks (Kothari, 2014).

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 5

Luetz (2017) provides a nuanced picture of resettlements – whether for population consolidation or to reduce exposure to climatic hazards or both – and suggests widespread support with some caveats among his Maldivian research participants. Insomuch as voluntary migration is a widely used strategy by people in the Maldives to gain access to better healthcare, education and employment opportunities, planned relocations which meet these aspirations are often viewed positively (Luetz, 2017). However, when comparing two case studies, it becomes clear that state- led relocations, which have long planning timeframes and are well resourced (i.e., houses provided, livelihood support), are viewed in a more positive light by affected people. Rushed and reactive relocations are shown to have negative impacts on the well-being of affected people. The present study builds on these ﬁndings by providing another type of relocation: state led and well-resourced resettlement but without transparency and widespread community support.

STUDY SITE AND METHODS

The geographical focus of this study is on Gaadhoo and Fonadhoo islands located on the south- eastern ridge of Laamu Atoll of the Maldives (Figure 1). The atoll is characterized by unique natural beauty and rich marine and terrestrial biodiversity, including multiple mangrove ecosystems, wetlands, seagrass meadows and reefs. Approximately 11 of the total 73 islands are inhabited, while the remaining islands are used for industrial- (mainly fisheries or agriculture) or tourism- related purposes (McNamara et al., 2019). The last census enumerated a population of over 12,000 locals living in the Atoll (National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), 2014). The capital of Laamu Atoll is Fonadhoo, which is interconnected via causeways to Gan, the largest natural island in the Maldives. The Gan–Fonadhoo link road stretches over 14 km, making it the longest road- way in the country. Gan–Fonadhoo serves as the administrative and service hub for the region fea- turing a domestic airport, fisheries complex, educational institutions and regional hospital. Gaadhoo Island is located at the western end of Fonadhoo lagoon and hosts the Gaadhoo Kandu (Gaadhoo Sea), the southern channel entry into the atoll. The island is situated right above the one-and-a-half-degree channel and is the top turtle nesting site in the Maldives. Given its relative advancements in social development, presence of critical infrastructure and services, and its high potential for economic growth, Laamu Atoll has been identified as one of the five regional urban development centres by the national government. The lead author used ethnographic methods – semi-structured interviews, participant obser- vation and site visits – to explore the perceptions and experiences of resettled Gaadhoo Islanders. The project had human ethics clearance through The University of Melbourne (approval number 1851729.1), which was then ratified and approved through The University of Queensland (approval number 2019000718). Data collection occurred in July 2019. The adoption of the Act of Decentralization of Administrative Divisions of the Maldives, ratified in 2010, saw the creation of semi-autonomous local government structures at the city, atoll and island levels. This mandates significant responsibilities within the local councils to govern through democratic and accountable decision-making processes to improve people’s living standards and foster socioeconomic and cultural development. The Act provides local empowerment while bringing services closer to the local communities. However, even today, a lot of these powers are held by central ministries (e.g., education and health) and the councils need to obtain permission from these central authorities to perform duties legally mandated to them. The fledgling Act has undergone multiple revisions since its ratification, devolving centrally held powers only in an incremental manner. Among the reasons to incrementally devolve powers include: (1) infancy of decentralized governance systems; (2) weak institutions, especially in atolls; (3) weak human resources; (4) inconsistent laws; and (5) limited awareness on local governance. Despite attempts to decentralize, the resettlement of Gaadhoo Islanders was centrally planned and executed with limited involvement of the Island and Atoll Council.

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 6 Aishath Azfa et al.

Figure 1. Map of the study site: Laamu Atoll, Maldives Drawing: Chandra Jayasuriya.

Following customary Maldivian traditions, an initial meeting between the lead author and Laamu Atoll Council members was held to discuss the study and intended use of the findings (i.e., publications). Permission was obtained to interact with the community, collect photographic evidence and access (abandoned) Gaadhoo Island. The former Council President of Gaadhoo was appointed by Atoll Council to act as a guide and facilitate the research process. A list of potential interviewees was identified by Atoll Council, paying attention to ensure gender balance of the participants, inclusivity and diversity. Interviews were organized through the assistance of the Sec- retariat of Hadhdhumathi Council (Laamu Atoll Council). A courtesy meeting was held with Fonadhoo Council, the host community for the Gaadhoo population. Fonadhoo Council extended support for the study by contacting the identified individuals, obtaining their consent and scheduling a convenient time and location for the participant interviews. A total of 16 interviews were conducted in person with 19 individuals. While a semi-structured interview guide was

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 7 used, participants could also speak freely about issues that concerned them, although the inter- viewer used cues to return to the research questions when discussion veered signiﬁcantly off- topic. The interviews were conducted in Dhivehi, digitally recorded, and later translated and tran- scribed into English. A summary of the interviewees is provided in Table 1. The interview transcripts were inductively coded using NVivo to identify the major, prominent themes, which were: life on Gaadhoo, leaving Gaadhoo, negative outcomes of the resettlement and some positive outcomes of life on Fonadhoo. Multilayered coding by some of the authors provided a tightening of themes over several rounds of analysis. The overwhelming strength of this research was the lead author’s indigeneity to the Maldives and the strengths that a local researcher brings to such a process though local experience, local language and contextual knowledge. The major limitation of this research, constrained by research funding parameters, is the lack of longitudinal framing, as argued by Luetz (2017), which would have allowed for a more comprehensive research outcome. A more nuanced evidence base may have been possible, had it not been for exclusive interviewing of those who were involuntarily resettled. Future research would be enhanced by backtracking the voluntary migration previously over time for well-being, employment and educational motivations to further balance the ﬁndings. Despite this, this research highlights important learnings for resettlement studies, as explored in detail below.

THEME 1: LIFE AND LIVELIHOODS ON GAADHOO ISLAND

Our island was so peaceful and tranquil. (interviewee 10)

At the time of the resettlement, Gaadhoo Island was home to around 170 people. Contrasted with most other islands in the Maldives, considering the low population density, it was a large ‘spacious’ island with abundant trees, raised fertile land, near shore reefs, and high quality and quantities of accessible groundwater. Primarily subsistence livelihoods revolved around coconut palm cultiva- tion, crop production (e.g., chillies, cucumbers, banana, breadfruit, watermelons, sweet potato and papayas), chickens, coastal resource collection (e.g., turtle eggs and crustaceans) and ﬁshing. Additionally, thatching, toddy tapping,1 curry paste production and the collection of cowrie shells for export to Malé, among other islands, were some traditional livelihoods. Limited formal sector jobs in education, health and small business were available. Participants suggested a low cost of living and relatively high food security, although some claimed life was hard without modern conveniences. While many families or individuals had voluntarily migrated by the time of resettlement in January 2016 for the greater opportunities afforded them in more developed islands around the Maldives, it remained their home and part of their identity. As expressed by a male school teacher, ‘I was proud to call it my island’ (interviewee 13). Participants reported a strong sense of community and due to limited external development, purposeful collective action to improve services was frequently cited. For example, the former Island Development Committee and residents dredged the harbour channel, built roads, a jetty, a mosque and a power station, ‘without any involvement from the government’ (interviewee 2). People indicated that there was strong social cohesion on Gaadhoo. One elderly woman captured this sentiment, stating: ‘I was happy that everyone got along, and that we had community bonds’ (interviewee 10). These bonds were strengthened through the many traditional activities and celebrations that informants suggested were a staple of cultural life, for example, marriage rites (Kaiveni mah’chah balai dhiyun), Eid, dances (dhandi jehun), feasts and many other local traditions which supposedly ‘no one else in Laamu Atoll do …’(interviewee 19). These local expressions of culture were a bedrock in the development of a Gaadhoo identity which differentiated them from other Maldivians.

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 8 Aishath Azfa et al.

Table 1. Summary of participants. Age Participant Interviewee Gender (years) Current living arrangement

Former Island 1 Male 43 Private residence provided by the state Development Committee member/cleaner Former fisherperson/utility 2 Male 40 Private residence provided by the state worker Community health worker 3 Male 63 Private residence provided by the state Photographer 4 Male 30 Lives in a rented unit in Fonadhoo until the permanent housing units are completed. Rent is subsidized by the government Gaadhoo Island Council 5 Male 26 Lives in his grandfather’s house. Did not President receive private residence during resettlement Housewife 6 Female 64 Lives in the housing unit provided to her husband Person with disability 7 Female 39 Lives in the housing unit provided to her father Former fisherperson and 8 Male 80 Private residence provided by the state farmer Community leader 9 Male 62 Private residence provided by the state Former farmer/thatch 10 Female 65 Lives in the housing unit given to her weaver/housewife husband Former fisherperson and 11 Male 73 Private residence provided by the state farmer Former fisherperson/utility 12 Male 64 Private residence provided by the state worker School teacher 13 Male 41 Private residence provided by the state Community worker/ 14 Male 42 Private residence provided by the state council member Youth/employed in the 15 Male 23 Private residence provided by the state private sector Fisherperson 16 Male 34 Private residence provided by the state Midwife 17 Female 70 Lives with her son and his family in a private residence provided by the state Former council member/ 18 Male 30 Private residence provided by the state utility worker Youth/photographer 19 Male 21 Lives in a rented unit in Fonadhoo. Does not receive rent subsidy from the government

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 9

Nonetheless, there were hardships faced by residents. Notably, access to healthcare was constrained by distance to services and cost of transport. The small clinic housed a midwife and health worker and therefore only had capacity for minor ailments, not major illness or injury. All participants spoke of the necessity to travel by boat to Fonadhoo, Gan or even Malé, depending on the severity of the problem, to see doctors or specialists. A return trip to Fonadhoo was around MVR 200 (US$13) and up to MVR 600 (US$39) to Malé. Education was another signiﬁcant issue in Gaadhoo; parents reported there were limited educational opportunities for their children. Older informants suggested that when the population was greater in the past and people did not have expectations for skilled formal jobs, education was considered adequate. However, as families migrated school enrolments had dropped to 13 children at the time of the resettlement. The school only taught to grade seven. Indeed, people suggested that healthcare and education were signiﬁcant challenges that they faced on Gaadhoo, but most did not want to leave.

THEME 2: LEAVING GAADHOO

And one day we heard on the radio that they’ve decided to make Gaadhoo an uninhabited island. (interviewee 7)

To change their situation, either Gaadhoo would be developed or be relocated. (interviewee 5)

Elder participants provided first-hand accounts of two previous attempts to forcefully relocate and resettle Gaadhoo residents. The first was suggested to be in the late 1950s, while the second was during Abdulla Hameed’s time as Minister of the Atolls in the early 1980s. These attempts were unsuccessful due to Islanders asserting themselves when confronted by the government’s landing parties. This narrative is captured by a male community health worker regarding the first attempt:

Gaadhoo people did not want to move. So, when they found out, the womenfolk ground chilli paste, the men took up batons and went to the beach. Some people drew a line in the sand, and told them that if they crossed it, they would die. That they won’t get in without killing them ﬁrst. (interviewee 3)

However, all participants suggested that over time they became resigned to the inevitability that they were going to be resettled at some point in the future. The community health worker above called this narrative a ‘sickness’ (interviewee 3) which stymied future hopes and plans for Gaadhoo. Nonetheless, many Gaadhoo residents chose to migrate to more developed islands such as Malé, Gan and Fonadhoo. Access to education, healthcare and formal jobs were cited as primary drivers. For example, a male teacher from Gaadhoo suggested: ‘as people became more aware about education, they started to move to different places where the education system was better. Most of them came here to Fonadhoo’ (interviewee 13). Others believed a causeway between Gaadhoo and Fonadhoo would be beneﬁcial for the island’s development while avoiding the alienation of people from their homeland. For example, a male community worker and council member stated:

we had this dream that Fonadhoo and Gaadhoo would become one place, joined by a causeway. … It was decided, and it was even announced by the Planning Ministry. The drawings were done too, but then for some reason it kept getting delayed. (interviewee 14)

Indeed, it was not to be, and the government decided to go forward with a permanent, involuntary resettlement in 2016. The formal resettlement processes started with an attempt to consult with the community by Laamu Atoll Council. A survey was distributed to the residents of Gaadhoo Island to gauge their level of support. Many participants remained ﬁrm about not wanting to relocate, yet agreed they

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 10 Aishath Azfa et al. would rather be resettled in Hulhumalé (connected to Malé) if forced to decide. The council president at the time of resettlement said: ‘if more than 50 percent of an island’s population wanted to move to Hulhumalé, the government will allow that. More than 75 percent of the people of Gaad- hoo wanted it’ (interviewee 5). Despite these responses, the representativeness of the survey was called into question by some participants. For example, a response by a male from Gaadhoo captures this theme:

I heard that some officials from the Housing Ministry did a survey, but I don’t think everyone filled the forms. I for one didn’t. If I heard correctly, most forms weren’t filled. At that time, the government’s policy was that we should be relocated so they did it. But I don’t see it as something that was done fairly. (interviewee 2)

This sense of injustice was widely felt among the participants, even by those who wanted to leave and were involved in the process. Houses were built on Fonadhoo in two separate wards2 and while ‘negotiations’ were continu- ing with Gaadhoo Islanders, the government continued to claim these were not designated for them. This was perceived by the islanders as the government keeping up a pretence that they (the islanders) would control where they were settled. Further, several participants suggested that the elites of Gaadhoo (e.g., island chief, council and previous migrants) were aware of the actual plan and were supportive of the resettlement to Fonadhoo. For example, a male health worker suggested political obfuscation:

At ﬁrst MP Abdul Raheem said the houses weren’t being built for Gaadhoo people that they would be rented out. He said this to the people who didn’t want to move. And to those who did want to relocate, he said they were for Gaadhoo people. (interviewee 3)

Participants stated that there came a time when no more formal developments occurred in Gaad- hoo such as the ceasing of issuing of new land plots. Before the resettlement in January 2016, children were told to enrol in Fonadhoo schools. As such, everyone knew the resettlement would occur. Here the data are mixed: some participants (those who wanted to leave) said they were told up to one year prior, while others said they only had two months or less. As the time got closer, participants claimed veiled threats were made to those who did not want to leave. For instance, an elderly married couple were given this proposition: ‘They said if you don’t want to relocate, you can stay here, but you won’t get any services’ (interviewees 10 and 11). A planning worker suggested that to avoid parliamentary losses,

They [government] informed about two months after the parliamentary elections that those houses were being built for people from Gaadhoo … [and further] relocating after saying there will be no relocation was a political move. Securing votes from people by saying they will not be relocated. (interviewee 18)

For those who knew of the intention to relocate to Fonadhoo, the issue of compensation for livelihood assets and housing became a point of contention. A sum of MVR 60,000 (US$3900) was to be given to each household in addition to a house, which was meant to be commensurate with their property in Gaadhoo. However, during the opaque decision-making process, some people missed out on registration of housing completely, such that some with large families are now living in cramped apartments, and many assets such as coconut palms were not fully compensated for. A council member at the time of the resettlement referred to the inadequate number of houses built in Fonadhoo, stating:

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 11

They only gave us the authority to decide which of them will get a house, as they didn’t have the required amount. 85 or 87 houses were built there and 118 houses (in Gaadhoo) and we had to decide who should be prioritised if the required number can’t be met. (interviewee 18)

Several families were still renting houses – paid for by the government – at the time of fieldwork. Other families that were given MVR 100,000 (US$6500) and a block of land instead of a house were suggested to be living with relatives and spent most of that money on depreciating assets such as ‘cars and motorcycles and things’ (interviewee 8). Furthermore, the houses were in a poor state on the day Gaadhoo Islanders, at least those lucky enough to have one, moved in. Many stated they were dirty after construction and being unoccu- pied for some time. For example, one participant suggested: ‘we had to move and then start clean- ing the house. Which was quite difficult, after having worked so hard back there and then having to clean the house as soon as we moved here’ (interviewee 18). The houses also lacked privacy and had no curtains or boundary walls, which needed to be paid for by the residents at high cost. They also lacked a water supply, which led to people becoming dependent on bottled water. Returning to compensation for livelihood assets, when participants discovered they would not be adequately compensated for coconut palms, they cut them down and brought them to Fonad- hoo to sell as timber in order to try to get as much value from their assets as possible. A lack of registered palm trees was suggested to be partly responsible for the lack of compensation, as ‘most people just plant them without registering them’ (interviewee 5). Before the resettlement, MVR 1500–2000 (US$97–130) was the lowest price people would sell palm trees for, and despite government claims of giving up to MVR 1000 (US$65) for premier trees, many did not get any money. To put this in perspective, the former council president suggested: ‘There are people who own 1,000 to 2,000 palm trees’ (interviewee 5). These issues, along with a perception of elite benefit to the resettlement, are encapsulated by the fact that those privy to the formal processes (e.g., registration of houses and crops) are perceived to have gained significantly from the resettlement, while others are worse off. In summary, the resettlement of Gaadhoo Islanders to neighbouring Fonadhoo was perceived by Gaadhoo Islanders to have been undemocratic and driven in a top-down, command-and-control manner, thereby restricting the agency of those affected. Leaders and elites were widely perceived to have benefitted from and driven the process, while many, especially elderly people, had no say in the process despite Laamu Atoll Council espousing a bottom-up narrative (e.g., survey and discussion with communities). Nevertheless, as the following two sections will demon- strate, the outcome of the resettlement is perceived to have had both negative and beneficial outcomes, even for those who did not want to leave their island of birth.

THEME 3: ‘IT’S NOT THE SAME’: THE NEGATIVE IMPACTS OF RELOCATING TO A DIFFERENT ISLAND

We previously explored the forced and top-down approach to the resettlement of Gaadhoo Islanders to Fonadhoo Island. However, participants also spoke in detail about the numerous negative impacts of resettlement, including individual/psychosocial, household/family and community-level impacts. Each of these will be explored below. The greatest psychosocial impact of the move was the distress of no longer residing in one’s birthplace and home place. One participant described people’s sense of loss following resettlement: ‘people were still affected; emotionally, psychologically, after the relocation’ (interviewee 4). The sense of sadness about the resettlement and yearning for their previous island was shared by an elder man when asked whether he still thinks of Gaadhoo. He stated, ‘yes I do. Just seeing it makes me sad’ (interviewee 8). Similarly, a poignant statement by an ex-ﬁsherperson highlights the sense of sadness and loss:

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 12 Aishath Azfa et al.

We didn’t want to leave our island. Leave everything. Now that we are here, we can’t even get a banana or a coconut. If we get sick also, it’s hard to get a coconut even. So, we have difﬁcult situations like this. (interviewee 12)

Two interviewees, including a community worker, expressed deeper emotions. When asked if people need psychological support post-resettlement, which was not forthcoming nor directly funded by the government or outsourced to a non-governmental organization (NGO), the response was telling. The community worker and council member suggested that people had lost their sense of everyday engagement in meaningful activity since the move to Fonadhoo Island, with many ‘staying idle’:

a lot of people stay away from doing any activities. That’s because they feel depressed. For example, instead of doing the things they used to do, they would just stay idle. That’s because it’s a new environment and they miss the things they used to do, I’ve only seen the experiences of the people of my island relocating here. Back in our island, many people did thatching, made coir ropes, toddy tapping, but after they relocated, even though there are palm trees and things here, they didn’t do any of it. People are slowly getting into it after three years. (interviewee 14)

Resettled community members also made reference to the lack of purpose and activity since their move to Fonadhoo. Among those who describe the sense of meaninglessness and boredom in Fonadhoo is an older ‘housewife’, who was formerly a farmer and thatch-weaver (interviewee 10) and an elderly man who was formerly a fisherperson and farmer. They shared: ‘Now I don’t do anything,’ and ‘I did all sorts of work, carpentry, fishing, farming; I did that until recently’ (interviewees 10 and 11). Apathy and lack of motivation post-resettlement could be indicative of potential loss or grief of what was once. For some, they have become a persistent condition that prompt people to reflect on what they have left behind and to perceive their current circumstance as lacking significance (see also Richaud & Amin, 2020). While the move has provided opportunities that will be explored below, such opportunities also have unanticipated consequences. One such impact is that the increased development opportunities, infrastructure and employment on Fonadhoo, contrasting the subsistence and simpler life of Gaadhoo, has resulted in a reported increase in living expenses and consumption. A common negative expression of the move was the dissatisfaction with increased cost of living, reliance on staples rather than subsistence and general expenses increases such as fuel. Such expression alluded to seeing the benefits and opportunities but missing life when it was simpler.

We have to buy everything we need, if it’s fish or something like that. In Gaadhoo, we could get enough to fulfil our basic needs. Groceries, coconuts, so expenses are low. And there were no unnecessary expenditures. The thing is, cost of living rises along with development, for example, while we were living in Gaadhoo, it wasn’t necessary to have a motorcycle, but now it’s a necessity. Now we have to spend 40 Rufiyaa for petrol every 24 hours. (interviewee 2)

We grew food in the island, so we had food, we can’t get anything here … Breadfruit, coconut, bananas, we had all of them available back in our island. We can’t get any of these things here. We have to buy them at a high price. (interviewee 7)

Another impact of the move on individuals is the shifting environment. Gaadhoo Islanders had ease of access to their fishing grounds directly from their community. Through their move to Fonadhoo, the lives and livelihoods of those who rely on fishing have been drastically altered; previously they could go out fishing and be gone for only a day/night, but the move means that now people are away days at a time in order to fish. Fonadhoo is more administrative and service

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 13 centred, and there are no fishing vessels or fisherpeople in Fonadhoo. Fisherpeople from Gaadhoo mostly took employment from Gan or other islands from neighbouring atolls which require them to work for long periods away from their families. The most significant shortcoming of the resettlement was that it took place across two distinct districts. As explored above in the first theme, this was politically motivated and has had negative effects. Families have been fragmented, with some parents being resettled in one district and grandparents being resettled in another district. The process was devastating as shared by one young male Islander:

It wasn’t good that families were split apart. People lost their neighbours who lived next door for 27 years, things like that. Yes, the bonds were lost, and it’s still there. I don’t think that this will be ﬁxed, something important was lost. (interviewee 8)

Such a process has generated signiﬁcant household/family distress, community fragmentation, and loss of heritage and culture. The distance between the two districts requires commuting as it is not in close walking distance. Physically separating families and friends who were already being dispossessed from their home place is a signiﬁcant negative impact driven by political motives. The outcomes of this are captured in the following statements:

That’s a miserable situation that they have created for the people. Because we are divided, we can’t even take part in the traditional Eid festivities that we took part in in the past. (interviewee 16)

When we moved here, we were placed on two sides of the island, kind of scattered all over. It’s a bit difﬁcult because my house is on this side, and my father lives on the other side, and there are some relatives on the other side too. It would be easier if everyone got to live in the same area so that families won’t be scattered. (interviewee 13)

Now they have separated mother and father too, one on this side, the other on that side. It’s a sad situation. Because they knew that Gaadhoo people were strong people and they can do things so that’s why we were housed on two sides. (interviewee 3)

Yes, a people that lived together and got along so great, can’t even see each other now, mothers and children, and siblings, and relatives, the fact that they are so far away makes me very sad. (interviewee 10)

Vehicle reliance was cited as a major issue of this fragmentation. More signiﬁcant than the transportation impacts of a fragmented resettlement were a common feeling that such a process has really destroyed Gaadhoo Islanders’ sense of community at large. The physically broken ties have had a direct impact on community life as demonstrated by these responses:

The main reason we lost our traditions was that we’re separated. Eid festivities were a big part of Gaadhoo culture. Langiri Bodu Beru, bodu mas all these things. They haven’t done any of these since we relocated. (interviewee 13)

As I said, the main reason for the loss of traditions was the separation. If we were all housed in one area, they would still do it because we are people who get out and do things. They would have it in them no matter where they lived. But because we are separated, it’s hard to be one community. It’s hard for people to go to the other side with their kids. (interviewee 8)

The thing is, it’s not something we do all the time anymore. Only during Eid and after Ramadan. In the past, in our island we played drums and sang songs every three nights or so. The bonds were stronger then too. And we also went to other islands and did it for circumcision celebrations and things like that. And people from other islands also came, Dhambidhoo and Mundhoo people also came for langiri and things.

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 14 Aishath Azfa et al.

But now we don’t have any traditions like that. So, the bonds won’t be as strong either, right? (interviewee 12)

Compounding these barriers were other strong feelings that they were losing their sense of community. Resettled Gaadhoo Islanders shared that they felt their unique and strong cultural practices were not appreciated by Laamu Atoll Council. This partly relates to there not being similar celebrations such as Eid, dances (dhandi jehun) and feasts in Fonadhoo. While people generally felt content about their life, they did express that their unique heritage could be lost. Moreover, there were issues raised by a number of participants about discrimination and also security. Islanders expressed that they felt separated from the host community or at times discri- minated against because of where they came from. Discrimination was described as being experienced in the school system and in ﬁnding employment opportunities, as demonstrated by the following responses: ‘Discrimination in jobs and living’ (interviewee 1); ‘It is there in schools as well. There is discrimination in schools’ (interviewee 13). Political connections and corruption were mentioned as strong forms of discrimination. If you have the right politics you get a job, if you do not then you struggle to ﬁnd work. Political discrimination was cited as a concern throughout the relocation process and into resettlement, as described by a male community worker and council member:

The thing is, Gaadhoo people like to get things done, so they would get out and look for opportunities. For example, workshops that do AC maintenance and things are run by Gaadhoo people. The discrimination comes from political discrimination. When it comes to politics, Gaadhoo people are kept away. (interviewee 14)

An inadequate sense of safety and security was expressed as a negative outcome for participants, particularly for women.

There are no lights on the roads here so it’s hard to go to places at night. It’s very dark, and my eyes aren’t good now. Even if there is light coming from houses, the roads aren’t lit. In our island, we had lights the whole way … Here I can’t walk at night. (interviewee 17)

Despite the described negative impacts, there was a sense that time has allowed for the transition to be more positive. The move itself was highly contentious, the compensation and support were lacking, but people have been adaptive and resilient in the face of this challenge. The ﬁnal theme explores the renewed sense of opportunity and life post-resettlement.

THEME 4: SOME POSITIVE OUTCOMES OF LIFE ON FONADHOO

We now turn to the ways in which components of everyday life for Gaadhoo Islanders have been improved now that they are living on Fonadhoo following the resettlement. According to participants, several positive outcomes have emerged, especially in terms of greater access to and opportunities for education and healthcare. Often when participants were asked about what they like about living in Fonadhoo, most would express how the improved education and healthcare services were the most signiﬁcant positive changes to their lives: ‘Easier access to health services, education services. These things are more convenient in Fonadhoo’ (interviewee 1). Additionally, although to a lesser degree, greater access to markets and formal employment were considered positive by some, particularly younger participants. For the Gaadhoo Council President, there have been a number of advantages of the resettlement, all things considered: ‘Mostly good, it’s easier. Good education, better healthcare, easier to live compared to Gaadhoo but it’s a bit more expensive to live here, because of the higher living standards here’ (interviewee 5).

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 15

Education was clearly one of the most signiﬁcant improvement to everyday livelihoods and opportunities for Gaadhoo Islanders:

The most important one is education. In the past, I had to send my children to Malé for further studies and that’s a lot of money. And they had to move from house to house, so they couldn’t focus on their studies. (interviewee 13)

Having improved access to better education facilities in the local community was considered a key positive from the resettlement with education only being available up to Grade 7 on Gaadhoo Island. When comparing the education provided on Gaadhoo with that of Fonadhoo, the overwhelming response from households was that ‘it’s very good … compared to Gaadhoo’ (interviewee 2). For some participants, the improved education facilities and services has allowed opportunities for young people to attend school for the very first time: ‘It’s good. This is the first year that someone in my family is going to school here’ (interviewee 7). A local school teacher provided reflections on the impact of the resettlement on students and their integration into the school on Fonadhoo. The teacher explained how school for students has been different, especially in terms of the increased number of students in the new school making it ‘louder also in the classrooms because there are more students. Back in our island it was 2 or 3 so it was very quiet’ (interviewee 13). The teacher explains how the students have adjusted very well to the new school and their overall academic performance has also improved: ‘We’ve seen a lot of improvements. Some students whose performance was poor back in our island are doing really well now. Most are doing very well now’ (interviewee 13). Despite the many and varied challenges and difficulties incurred by households due to the resettlement, the improvements to education were talked about in a positive light. Also considered a positive improvement due to the resettlement was access to healthcare, including doctors and hospitals. The majority of participants expressed how access to healthcare services had vastly improved: ‘It’s easier now’ (interviewee 8); ‘It’s very good’ (interviewee 2); and ‘Compared to Gaadhoo, healthcare is very good here’ (interviewee 2). Reflecting on life in Gaadhoo, one participant detailed the difficulties associated with the available healthcare facilities and services: ‘Healthcare was worse than education actually. Even if somebody got sick late at night, there were no doctors, or even a health worker so we had to come here in a small boat or dinghy’ (interviewee 13). It was also a major expense to travel to Fonadhoo and Gan to seek medical assistance, given the cost of speedboat or dinghy hire to Fonadhoo and then vehicle hire to travel to Gan where the hospital is located (about 500 rufiyaa per trip; interviewee 7). This cost used to present major barriers for some families, as expressed by one participant: ‘poor people weren’t able to afford it’ (interviewee 6). The healthcare facilities that existed on Gaadhoo Island included a small health centre and pharmacy (with limited medicine) and some family health workers but there was no doctor. Now Gaadhoo Islanders have access to more expansive healthcare facilities: ‘Now it’s easier. If we got sick, we can go to the doctor anytime, day or night’ (interviewee 8). One final improvement to livelihoods from the resettlement was significantly greater market and formal sector employment in Fonadhoo, caveated by the loss of traditional subsistence practices and increased cost of living. For example, a young photographer stated: ‘Even if you want to start a business. For example, look at me. I am a photographer. I have more demand here. More clients here because there is a big population. In Gaadhoo I would not have that’ (interviewee 19). An older woman also suggested that jobs are easier to find with more people in work: ‘Now everyone can get jobs’ (interviewee 17). A married couple further reinforced that formal jobs are more accessible stating: ‘All my children are working now. My Fazna was working at the health post, she was in charge in our island, and she has the same job here. And Farhad does his own thing. Fareed

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 16 Aishath Azfa et al. also working at the mosque’ (interviewee 10). Greater population size, higher levels of development, and market engagement were considered as positive outcomes by many participants.

DISCUSSION: LESSONS LEARNED AND LOOKING AHEAD

We have explored the perceptions and experience of Gaadhoo Islanders during an involuntary resettlement to the island of Fonadhoo. The resettlement was politically motivated, top-down, inequitable and most importantly against the wishes of the majority of participants in the study. Nonetheless, Gaadhoo Islanders have adapted to their site of settlement over time, as the disruption of their relocation gives way to the ordinariness of the everyday in which people develop skills, adjust to new pressures and create new modes of living. These orientations toward everyday life and adaptation are productive and even familiar. Indeed, many previous Gaadhoo residents had voluntarily migrated to core regions throughout the Maldives to improve their individual and family’s livelihoods through access to healthcare and education services among other benefits such as paid work. As such, even those that did not want to leave their island identified these co-benefits. These findings align with previous research on state led relocations in the Mald- ives (Luetz, 2017). We will now contextualize and position our findings within the existing literature and provide lessons and potential directions for future research on relocation and resettlement, which is increasing around the world (Ferris, 2015). Tadgell et al. (2018) stressed that in the lead up to any resettlement, an emphasis must be placed on proactivity, communication and participation, permanence, compensation, and livelihood protection. From the present study, the Maldives government performed poorly on several of these counts. A two-tiered process was demonstrated by the obfuscation regarding the two stories provided to Gaadhoo Islanders: one for those wanting to leave and a different narrative to those who preferred to stay in their island. The government waited for the election results before for- mally stating that the new buildings in Fonadhoo – built in two separate wards to avoid a Gaadhoo voting block – were designated for Gaadhoo Islanders. A survey, which only some completed, was presented as evidence for a proactive and participatory process, despite most wanting to stay and those wanting to leave preferring Hulhumalé if forced to decide. Although many participants were aware that they would inevitably be forced to leave because of previous attempts at resettlement, they were not given an active role in the process and the date given to leave was imposed rapidly. Nonetheless, it appears many who wanted to leave were aware much earlier. While compensation was given through the provision of a house and MVR 60,000 (US$3900) or MVR 100,000 (US $6500) and rent assistance, livelihood assets such as coconut palms were not adequately compensated. While many suggest they now have greater access to formal sector employment most bemoaned the loss of their subsistence base and the increased cost of living. These negative outcomes may have been preventable through transparency, greater bottom-up control, and foresight to enable communal land to continue to produce crops. It is evident that Gaadhoo Islanders recog- nize the structural challenges and inadequacies of the resettlement processes; they perceive government actions and processes of resettlement as beyond their immediate reach, and as requiring a readiness to adapt to ensuing difficulties. This is what Richaud and Amin (2020) refer to as the ‘labour of endurance’. Cernea (1995, 1997, 2000) discussed the heightened risks associated with DIDR. Somewhat positively, only some cases of landlessness occurred in this study: those who did not receive a house but instead are receiving rent assistance and greater cash compensation. Conversely, loss of access to common property and social disarticulation were identified by all participants. Further, and more insidiously, impacts on cultural practices, connection to well-being and ontological security were concerningly high. These impacts from relocation have been described previously in the literature (e.g., Charan et al., 2017; Farbotko, 2019; Farbotko & McMichael, 2019). The loss of culture and identity, which was geographically and spiritually linked to Gaadhoo, was a significant

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE ‘We didn’t want to leave our island’: stories of involuntary resettlement from Gaadhoo Island, Maldives 17 factor that made the transition more difficult than it might have been. Intangible losses such as these are difficult if not impossible to quantify (McNamara & Jackson, 2019), but should not be dismissed for this reason. The decline in locally specific customs and celebrations elicited sadness which was explored in the second theme. Additionally, many participants felt politically voiceless throughout the resettlement and as such have lost faith in their role of being actively in control of their future, which impacts ontological security (Farbotko, 2019). The wilful fracturing of their community increased this sense of dislocation immensely. While not dependency, elders have witnessed a growth in a mentality which is suggestive of ‘wait for the government’ instead of the reported can-do attitude of Gaad- hoo in decades past. Narratives of life in Gaadhoo characterized by pride, community connections, strength and capacity are counterposed with the sense that it is now difficult to shape or transform everyday circumstances in Fonadhoo in the face of state policies. Yet, while participants regard government initiatives as beyond their reach, many also accept the rationalities that lie behind their resettlement. Nonetheless, when each participant was asked to suggest what should happen during future resettlements, based on their own experience, clear ideas emerged. First, most participants felt that being separated into two wards on opposite ends of Fonadhoo was detrimental to culture, community and even family bonds, and negatively affected the transition to their new home. Second, the loss of livelihoods, culture and activities was widely cited as affecting participant’s well-being. Some suggested the government should designate some funding to help people transition such as job programmes, sports, communal land and cultural activities. Lastly, greater communication of the intention to resettle populations, increased bottom-up control and giving more time to prepare were considered crucial. Several suggested directions for future research on relocation and resettlement have arisen from this idiographic study. While a number of economic and livelihood benefits emerged from the resettlement, this came at a significant cost to community bonds, subsistence, and sense of individual and collective Gaadhoo identity. As such, a greater emphasis on how these non-tangible losses might be mitigated in the increasing scholarship on planned relocation would be highly valuable. Moreover, there is a greater need to record people’s experience and perception of decision-making and engagement with the resettlement process to guard against tokenistic participation such as demonstrated in this study. Furthermore, research during and after resettlement would be valuable to explore whether those affected are being listened to. Their stories will be crucial for minimizing harm and creating equitable outcomes in future relocations and resettlements.

CONCLUSIONS

As voluntary and involuntary resettlement continues to be earmarked as a key development and climate change adaptation strategy in the Maldives and throughout the world, understanding the subjective experience of those affected is crucial. Therefore, we explored the history, politics, and perceptions and experiences of Gaadhoo Islanders during their involuntary resettlement to Fonadhoo in 2016. In the Gaadhoo case we found that resettlement is more than acquiring land, constructing new homes and compensation, although these are of course important. Greater emphasis on strategies to mitigate non-tangible loss such as to cultural practices, identity and community cohesion are needed. The process itself was found to be equally vital. Transparency, consistency and open communication must be central to the process throughout: from pre-decision for resettlement, during the resettlement process itself, during the compensation stage and post-resettlement. The ﬁndings suggest there were numerous shortcomings in this case where elite decisions and politics trumped clear communication, transparency and equitable outcomes. As evident in the ﬁndings, those that have been resettled have diverse experiences post-resettlement that range from improved opportunities for their future through education, healthcare and

TERRITORY, POLITICS, GOVERNANCE 18 Aishath Azfa et al. work, to losses that are less tangible and include cultural heritage and ways of life. For example, we identiﬁed the decision to resettle Gaadhoo Islanders in two separate wards, to ensure they could not wield too much political power, was a signiﬁcant shortcoming of the resettlement. As if having to pack up and leave the island of their birth were not traumatic enough, the added loss of community connection and cohesion was truly unnecessary. As such, trying to ensure resettled people can maintain their connection to each other and their way of life must be considered, even though changes will always occur. Such considerations might help in maintaining the community’s collective sense of security, identity, culture and ‘place’ post the transition. It is hoped that the experience of Gaadhoo Islanders may contribute to the improvement of future resettlements, which we suggest must look beyond shelter and compensation and pivot equally around cultural maintenance and safeguarding community cohesion.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors express their sincere gratitude to the people of Gaadhoo who participated in this research; they are so grateful for their time and important insights. The authors thank the Sec- retariat of Laamu Atoll Council and Fonadhoo Island Council for granting permission to their land, and for their invaluable support and cooperation in scheduling the interviews and organizing ﬁeld visits to the abandoned Gaadhoo Island. A special note of thanks also to Mr Azeez, the last President of the Gaadhoo Island Council, who accompanied all house visits and provided crucial information about the resettlement process.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

No potential conﬂict of interest was reported by the authors.

FUNDING

This study was undertaken as part of the project ‘Navigating Rising Seas: A Comparative Study of Relocation in Fiji, the Maldives and Tuvalu’, funded by the National Geographic Society [grant number HJ2-194R-18].

NOTES

1. Toddy tapping relates to the extraction of sap from coconut palms. 2. This served a political purpose (gerrymandering) to ensure Gaadhoo residents could not wield too much electoral power. It will be returned to in the discussion.

ORCID

Karen E. McNamara http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4511-8403

REFERENCES

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