CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

FOREIGN IMAGES OF ALTA CALIFORNIA, \ \ 1800-1846

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Haster of Arts in

Geography

by

Virginia L. Oliver .-/

August, 1978 The Thesis of Virginia L. Oliver is approved:

Robert Hoffpauir August, 1978

David Hornbeck, Committee Chairman u st{ 1978

California State University, Northridge

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The completion of a thesis is aided by the friendship and support of many·people. I would first like to express my deep appreciation to my family for their patience and understanding. I also want to acknowledge Barbara, Dave, Dots, and Dorothy whose friendship has been important to me during this period. To the faculty and staff at Northridge go my thanks for their support and help. Special acknowledgement is due Dr. David Hornbeck, whose guidance has enabled me to learn and whose questions have stimulated me to further endeavor.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. INTRODUCTION •· • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 11

II. THE FOUNDATION: IMAGES OF THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE • • • 17

III. THE ORGANIZATION: IMAGES OF SETTLEMENTS • • • • • • • • 48

IV. THE PATTERNS : IMAGES OF LAND USE AND LAND TENURE 71

V. THE INTERACTION: IMAGES OF THE COMMERCIAL STRUCTURE • • 94

VI. IN RETROSPECT 110

, BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 115

iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Hispanic California Settlements . . • • • • . • • . . • • 4

v ABSTRACT

fOREIGN IMAGES OF ~T~ e~Jf9RNIA,

1800-1846

by

Virginia L. Oliv~~

Master of Arts in G~~g~gphy

~h~ ~~ntact between hispanic and nGn~hispanic cultures in

Alta eqlif9~Dig eventually resulted in a, nYffiP~~ gf landscape changes.

Wh~ attit~d~s which led to landscape ch~~e g!g pot suddenly appear with th~ infl~~ ~f miners and settler~ 9ft~~ !e49, but represent a

€©ntiP~gti9n gf a trend which had its 9~i~in~ with the earliest fg~§iwn vi~ito~s to Alta California. TQ fy~th~+ our understanding of th!§ ©YltY+e ~ont~qt situation and the ~n~Yin~ landscape alterations, thie th@eb§ e~9m!nes foreigners' images gf h!~p9nic settlement in

Alta ~glifo~nia petween 1800 and 1846. MQ£~ §p~qifically, it will

§§fig~nt.~~te QP their impressions of pa+tiGYl9~ elements of the hispanic

©YltY~al lan4§G9pe~~images of settlement§, lang ~se, and commercial

§tf"Y9tYFe• ~he a,ttitudes towards the hie~9nie e~lture revealed by these views are significant, for they often indicate disapproval and

vi hence strong motives for change. These cultural attitudes as

expressed in the foreigners' evaluations, reveal major differences

in use and organization of the land. Early foreigners' images of

the Alta California cultural landscape indicate what parts of the

. hispanic organizational scheme were eventually to undergo alteration

in the making of tne California landscape.

vii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The contact between hispanic and non-hispanic cultures in

Alta California and the resulting landscape modifications began long before the enticement of riches lured thousands of people to try their

luck in the gold fields. While it is true that the sudden influx of gold seekers made an enormous impact on California, the seeds of change were planted long before American culture became dominant. The

attitudes that prompted anglo resource re-evaluation, different land uses, and landscape alterations did not instantaneously appear with the.newcomers in 1849 but represent a continuation of a trend which had its origins with the earliest foreign visitors to Alta California.

Althqugh it is true that only the United States eventually ruled

California, the opinions of most foreigners who visited hispanic

California reveal a striking similarity. Those who visited California during this period had northwest European or American backgrounds and 1 their views reflect this heritage. An understanding of the attitudes, held by the incoming foreigners toward the hispanic people, their culture, and organization of the environment, will enable us to more fully comprehend this culture contact situation and the ensuing landscape alterations. Focusing upon one aspect of this situation, this thesis will examine foreigners' images of hispanic settlement in

1 2

Alta California between 1800 and 1846. More specifically, it will

concentrate on their impressions of certain elements of the hispanic cultural landscape--images of settlements, land use, and the commer- cial structure.

These particular landscape elements were not the only ones that underwent transformation; on the contrary there were modifications in the land survey systems, population structure and distribution, economic system, agricultural technology, and a myriad of other . 2 cu1 tural pract1ces. A variety of causes contributed to these changes, but in a general sense they can be ascribed to a different culture, a different technology, and a different way of organizing the landscape.

These individual segments can be examined and analyzed separately with numerical data, but such studies often result in narrow and restric- tive interpretations of single factors. What is needed is a more comprehensive view of the culture contact situation--a perspective that rarely can be achieved through manipulation and analysis of numerical data. One way to acquire this holistic view is through the images and attitudes held by people actively engaged in assessing the environment. These perceptions and attitudes held by people of different cultures have meaning in that they reveal differences in how landscapes are organized. These disparities existed between the hispanic occupants of early nineteenth century California and the foreigners with whom they came into contact. A preview of the atti- tudes which contributed to change can be seen in the early foreigners' perceptions of hispanic California. It is these images, these whispers of change that will be examined here. 3

Justification

The contact between cultures importantly affects both groups-- in the technology, customs, and way of organizing the environment one 3 adopts from the other. This cultural exchange usually results in a modified landscape. That the landscape of California was significantly altered after 1846 can not be denied; yet the twin impacts of Ameri- canization and the Gold Rush did not totally obliterate the hispanic contribution. These hispanic elements were to have an important effect on subsequent developments, for often the newcomers had to adapt their institutions to the conditions already established by hispanic organi- zation. Many of these changes have been described and documented in 4 the 11terature,. b ut to a d d an understand1ng. of the att1tu. d es prompt1ng. such changes may well increase our awareness of this culture contact situation. It is hoped that a perception study will provide this additional dimension of understanding.

Scope

The areal scope of this thesis is confined to a narrow coastal band, the area most affected by hispanic settlement (Map I). As illustrated by the map, Spanish settlement inst.itutions were rarely placed far from the coast, and although a few ranchos were later granted in the Central Valley, most of these were granted to anglos and were essentially outside the major sphere of hispanic influence.

Temporally, the thesis spans the period from 1800 to 1846.

Although Spanish settlement of California actually began in 1769, communication with the outside world was severely reduced by Hispanic California. Settlements

,, 'S'an Gabri~!,A~Sf1119el (1711) San Luis Rey de 'Francia (71,98) S~n Diego San Fer'}and0 de R"ev EsPana (7797) i...... * • &. de Alcala (1769) ...... ~----""'---- ' ,.,.,,,_, ..a·--- Juan --... "":-..,. .b 1 ' Los Angeles Capistrano (1776) ... /- .,,...... -Jr.San Juan Baut1s~a (1797) , , ,"" • '\ *Senora de La Soledad (1791) ~a~f1uenaventura (1782) ,'' ... .,.,...... -. .,..,. SanMigue/Arcange/(1797) &...... b. Mission ~ . f ...... ,.,. : b,..,.,._ Santa Birba;a (17,86) .,...... _.,. .. ta ruz T) ~' ""fr...... ' ""'"\ SanLUJs0bJSPO '""" ..a Pueblo Villa de Brancdorte (1797)~ I San Carlos s:;~_AmontO de Padua (Tl71) i;.,. de Tolosa (1172) .... Presidio i --- El Camino Real (Royal Road) i . 1 (1797! Foundmg date I t LAdapted from: David Hornbeck, 'Land Tenure and Rancho Expansion in Alta California; 1784-1846', Journal of Historical Geography. 1978. (J' K·h>m~:tNs i -·----·-·-----·-·----·--·-·-···-·---·-·-·-···-·-·--·-·--·----·------····--·-·-·--·-·-·-·---··-----·-·······-·- --·-·--- ·-·--···---- ·-···----·-·-····----·-·-·-·------·····-·-----·-·--·---·-·------·-----·······-·--·--·-·-·-·----·-·-·-··------·-·-·-·-·------·-·-·-·------·---·-·-·---···-·j

Figure l. Hispanic California Settlements

~ 5

5 restrictive immigration and trade regulations. As Spanish control waned in the early years of the nineteenth century, the number of

foreign visitors to California slowly increased, becoming a steady 6 stream after Mexican takeover in 1822. By 1846 California was in a

turmoil and the hispanic way of life was crumbling under the effects of American conquest and the presence·of ever-increasing numbers of

Americans in California. Thus, although California was governed by

Spain and then Mexico for a period of almost eighty years, this

investigation is confined to the 46 years of significant foreign- hispanic contact under hispanic rule.

Literature Review

The field of perception has grown considerably in the last few years, to the extent that several works can now be found which attempt 7 to pull together ideas and methodologies of perception. Although

geographical perception is increasingly being accepted as an important area of research, recognition of the utility of literature has long been acknowledged by some scholars; one of the earliest declarations came in 1924 when John K. Wright mentioned the geographical qualities 8 to be found in literature.

While scattered references to literature in geographical research can be found prior to 1948, in that year two significant publications appeared utilizing literary sources. H. C. Darby's article, "The Regional Geography of Thomas Ha.rdy's Wessex" attempted

9 to recreate a landscape from descriptions in novels. A different type of literature was used by Ralph Brown in his Historical Geography 6

10 of the United States. In this study, contemporary journals, letters, articles, and newspaper reports were pieced together to show the initial perception of the natural environment and its gradual development into a cultural landscape.

The next landmark in geographical perception studies was a methodological treatise: David Lowenthal's "Geography," Experience 11 and Imag1nat1on:. . Toward s a Geograph. 1ca 1 Ep1stemo . 1. ogy " wh. 1c h " ca11 e d attention to the rich literature on perception in anthropology, philosophy, and psychology, and its relevance to a wide range of 12 problems in human geography." Shortly thereafter, interest was intensified and several books and articles appeared utilizing literary images.13 The topics covered by these works range widely over a number of subjects such as perception of the Great American Desert, early explorers' impressions of the New England coast, and perceptions of California's climate.

There have also been a number of works concerned with hispanic

California. A talk presented in the Department of English at the

University of California, Berkeley, used literary images to provide a cursory view of hispanic California's social character; in essence . 14 it indicated many areas available for future research. A disserta- tion entitled "American Images of California Agriculture 1800-1890" attempted to establish a series of geographical core areas of major

. t f . . •·od 1n erest or success1ve t1me per1 s. 15 Images of California's

Central Valley from ·travelers' records was the subject of another . . 16 d1ssertat1on. Most recently, an article entitled "Californios and 7

the Image of Indolence" examined the literature which portrayed the

Cal1forn1o. . as lazy and 1n . d olent. 17

From this brief review it seems that a study concerned with the perception of hispanic settlement will fill a gap in the existing literature on California and also add to the general body of percep- tion literature in geography.

The most recent development pertaining to perception studies utilizes a humanistic interpretation of data. There have been numerous discussions concerning the merits and limitations, applica- 18 tions, and accuracy of the humanistic approach. Some scholars are skeptical of whether or not this philosophy can actually be applied.

Some studies, however, do reveal that human experience and meaning can be interpreted (albeit in more than one way). In this paper also, such an effort will be made in the expectation that it will provide a new understanding of a people and a landscape of the past.

Sources

The images evaluated in this study will be selected from books written by early foreign visitors to Alta California and augmented by the diaries and letters of additional observers. Because a diverse literature exists which pertains to hispanic California, a number of restrictions were necessarily imposed. First, the sources were limited to only first-hand observations--letters, diaries, and travelogues written by foreigners who actually visited Alta California between 1800 and 1846. Second, if no evidence was found to indicate 8

that the account was written within ten years of the visit to california, it was omitted. The first restriction allows only first- hand observations to be evaluated, the latter eliminates from the study recollections which may have been dulled by the passage of time. Last, in an effort to present what the observers actually saw and experienced, any works which obviously have been distort~d for promotional purposes have also been excluded.

One major limitation encountered with these sources c_oncerns the time factor. Most of the travelers arrived in California during the

1840's; images from the earlier years are of necessity selected from a fewer number of sources. Another problem derives from the personal biases of each observer; knowledge, experience, mood, situation, and purpose all combine with cultural heritage to affect the impressions . . 19 . wh1ch are recorded. For th1s reason contradictory images will at times be presented, although an effort will be made to determine, if possible, the majority viewpoint.

Methodology

A subjective interpretation of literary images will be employed in this study of foreign impressions of hispanic California.

It is hoped that this type of approach will reveal the ideals and values of the people who journeyed to nineteenth century California.

TO achieve an understanding of their experiences, literary images of

Alta. California will be evaluated within a framework of landscape change. This approach has been selected primarily for two reasons. 9

First, an objective or quantitative analysis of literature such as

content analysis often "dilut[es] the very strengths of literature 20 with which we are concerned." To avoid this situation, it is hoped

that the use of a subjective and non-quantitative method here v1ill

more clearly reveal human values. Second, a non-quantitative approach

can be instrumental in adding a new dimension to geographical knowl­

edge. Thus, this approach will not only identify and hopefully con­

tribute to an understanding of images and attitudes held by foreign

observers of hispanic California, but also provide meaning and an

extra quality of appreciation of the human experience not obtainable

by objectifying data.

The use of literary images seems to be amenable to a non­

quantitative approach, mainly because it is of a subjective nature.

Literary images can provide the color and feeling of a place which may not be attainable in an objective analysis of quantifiable data.

The images perceived by the visitors to Alta California are not truly

objective reality, but are colored by their present situation, their own personality, and their cultural conditioning. These same personal

and cultural biases again contribute and produce an evaluation of the perceived environment. Because every culture group organizes its

landscape and society according to its own philosophy and mores, any

appraisal of another group will always be swayed by the cultural 21 biases of the observers.

The images thus perceived are evaluated as positive, negative, or neutral. It seems that landscape characteristics evoking negative feelings would be rapidly and aggressively eliminated or altered by 10

an incoming, dominant culture. Conversely, positively-appraised

elements would not be subjected to rapid modification but would be

allowed to exist within the confines of the new system.

OVerview of Hispanic Settlement of Alta California

The conquest of the New World by Spain was characterized by

continual expansion from the earliest occupied areas in the Caribbean.

Northern expansion pushed Spanish influence into parts of the area

now covered by Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California. Because

they were frontier areas lacking the wealth and organized civiliza­

tions of areas further south, Spanish settlement in the north took 22 on a slightly different character than in the rest of the New World.

Expansion into Al·ta California was both an extension of the

missionary efforts and an attempt to protect the northern frontier

from foreign encroachment (especially Russian and English). In 1769

settlement began in san Diego, California where a mission and a

presidio (fort), were established. A third institution, the pueblo

(civil community) was later implemented in California to increase the

) non-India~ population. When Spanish rule of California ended in 1821,

there were 21 missions (a last mission was founded in 1823 under

Mexican rule), 4 presidios, and 3 pueblos.

The mission was unquestionably the most important of the three

settlement institutions. Originally established to Christianize and

acculturate the native population, they eventually became wealthy

enterprises controlling millions of acres of California land. To

accomplish their original purpose, the missions needed to be 11

self-supporting; therefore broad agricultural and ranching programs were developed. The number of cattle, sheep, horses, and mules increased rapidly until huge herds roamed the hills and valleys.

Agricultural lands yielded wheat, corn, barley, peas, and beans, while vegetables and fruits from the mission gardens added to the padres' 23 die:t.

Commerce during Spanish rule was severely limited by govern- mental restrictions. The province was supplied by government transports from San Blas, Mexico, and no trade was allowed with any

. h f . 24 other vesse1 , Span1s or ore1gn. Toward fore~gn ships needing 25 supplies or water a "hospitable but strict policy" was adopted.

When the wars of independence from Spain disrupted the government in

1810 and prevented the regular transports from supplying Alta 26 california, foreign trade quickly filled the gap. The smuggling that had occasionally occurred was no longer necessary for "the provincial authorities were glad to purchase every cargo • . • that 27 could be paid for in mission produce. • • . n

With independence from Spain coming in 1821, Mexico acquired control over California and a number of changes occurred. First, the laws restricting commerce were eliminated; but the high duties required on all incoming cargoes eventually encouraged the revival . 28 o f smugg 1 Ulg. Land use policies were also altered with the rancho becoming the fourth settlement institution in California. New laws regarding land acquisition were loosely interpreted in an effort by 29 the Mexican government to build up the meagre population. Initially 12

these laws had little effect because the missions still controlled

most of the land in the settled area. It was not until the missions

were secularized (1834-1836) that large amounts of land, formerly

under their control, became available for acquisition. Until this

time the missions had been conducting a brisk trade in hides and

tallow and with the sudden availability of large amounts of land an-

increasing number of Californios and foreigners alike began to acquire 30 rancho grants. The decline of the missions enabled the hide and

tallow trade to dominate the California economy. This commerce, as

all in California, was controlled by foreigners--many of whom chose

to settle here permanently.

Quarrels between the provincial authorities in California, the ever-growing foreign element, and the rumors of an impending

Mexican-American war created an atmosphere of tension and uncertainty between the Californios and the foreigners. The uncertainty was broken by the Bear Flag Revolt and beginning of the Mexican-American

War in 1846. Hostilities were short-lived however, for peace in

California was declared in January, 1847 and the Treaty of Guadalupe-

Hidalgo in February, 1848 ceded California to the United States.

Organization

This study will be presented in six parts. Following this introductory chapter, chapters two through five will present various images of the people and landscape of Alta California. Specifically,

Chapter II will focus on images of the land and its people; Chapter

III will examine images of the hispanic settlements; land use and 13

land tenure images will comprise the contents of the fourth chapter; while images of the commercial structure will be presented in Chapter

V. The sixth and last chapter evaluates and interprets the images, presents conclusions, and attempts to relate the entire study to the role of foreign images of hispanic California in the making of the

California landscape. 14

Footnotes

1 In an extensive survey of foreigners' creation of the "indolent" image of the Californios, Langum demonstrates the similarity of opinions between men of diff~rent nationalities. See David J. Langum, "Californios and the Image of Indolence," Western Historical Quarterly, 9 (April 1978): 181-196. 2 For investigations of specific changes see, for example, John E. Baur, "California Crops That Failed," California Historical Society Quarterly, 45 (March 1966): 41-68; Rodman W. Paul, "The Beginnings of Agriculture in California: Innovation vs. Continuity," California Historical Quarterly, 52 (Spring 1973): 16-27; David Hornbeck, "Land Tenure and Rancho Expansion in Alta California, 1784- 1846," Journal of Historical Geography, forthcoming, 1978. 3 Examples of change after culture contact are found in Morton H. Fried, "Land Tenure, Geography and Ecology in the Contact of Cultures," in Readings in Cultural Geography, pp. 302-317, ed. Philip L. Wagner and Marvin W. Mikesell {Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); Arthur P. Whitaker, "The Spanish Contribution to American Agriculture," Agricultural History, 3 (January 1929): 1-14. 4 Paul, "Beginnings of Agriculture"; David Hornbeck, "Mexican­ American Land Tenure Conflict in California," The Journal of Geography, 75 (April 1976) : 209-221. 5 Hubert H. Bancroft, History of California, 7 vols. (1886; reprinted., Santa Barbara: Wallace Hebberd, 1963), I: 624. 6 I b'd1. ., II: 681-682. 7 H. C. Brookfield, "On the Environment as Perceived," in Progress in Geography, vol. 1, pp. 51-80, ed. Christopher Board et al. (London: Edward Arnold, Ltd., 1969); Roger M. Downs, "Geographic Space Perception: Past Approaches and ...:'uture Prospects," in Progress in Geography, val. 2, pp. 65-108, ed. Christopher Board et al. (London: Ed>vard Arnold, Ltd., 1970); Thomas F. Saarinen, Perception of Environment, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No. 5 (Washington, D.C.: Association of American Geographers, 1969); J. L. Wood, "Perception Studies in Geography," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 50 {1970}: 129-142. 8 Quoted in Christopher L. Salter and William J. Lloyd, Landscape in Literature, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No. 76-3 (Washington, D.C.: Association of American Geographers, "1977), p. 1. l.S

9 . . Henry c. Darby, "The Reg1onal Geography of Thomas Hardy's Wessex," Geographical Review, 38 (July 1938): 426-443. 10 Ralph H. Brown, Historical Geography of the United States (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1948). 11 . David Lowenthal, "Geography, Experience, and Imagination: Towards a Geographical Epistemology," Annals, Association of American Geographers, 51 (September 1961): 241-260. 12 Marvin W. Mikesell, "Landscape," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 8, ed. David L. Sills (New York: Crowell­ Collier, 1965): 575-580. Seep. 577. 13 Martyn J. Bowden, "The Great American Desert and the Ameri- can Frontier, 1800-1882: Popular Images of the Plains," in Anonymous Americans: Explorations in Nineteenth-Century Social History, pp. 48-79, ed. Tamara K. Hareven (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice­ Hall, 1971); John A. Jakle, Images of the Ohio Valley (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); Douglas R. McManis, The Initial Evalu­ ation and Utilization of the Illinois Prairies, 1815-1840, Department of Geography Research Paper (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1964); Bernard C. Peters, "Early Perception of a High Plain in Michigan," Annals, Association of' American Geographers, 62 (March 1972): 57-60; Kenneth Thompson, "Insalubrious California: Perception and Reality," Annals, Association of American Geographers, 59 (March 1969): 50-64. 14 James D. Hart, American Images of Spanish California (Berkeley: Friends of the Bancroft Library, University of California, 1960). 15 Imre E. Quastler, "American Images of California Agriculture, 1800-1890," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas, 1971. 16 Ric. h ar d A. EJ.gen . h eer, "Early PerceptJ.ons. of Agricultural Resources in the Central Valley of California," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Davis, 1976. 17 Langum, "Image of Indolence." 18 \_ Anne Buttimer, "Grasping the Dynamism of Lifeworld," Annals, Association of American Geographers, 66 (June 1976): 277-292; Anne Buttimer, Values in Geography, Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No. 24 (Washington D.C.: AssociatiQ,U of American Geographers, 1974); J. Nicholas Entrikin, "Contemporary Humanism in Geography," Annals, Association of American Geographers, 66 (December 1976): 615-632; Yi-Fu Tuan, "Humanistic Geography," Annals, Associa­ tion of American Geographers, 66 {June 1976): 266-276. 16

19 The literature is biased but it is hoped that the sources used ensure a representative sample. 20 Salter and Lloyd, Landscape, p. 2. 21 Lowenthal, "Geography, Experience and Imagination," p. 252. 22 For J..n. f ormatJ..on . on SpaJ..n. ' s north vmr d a d vance see Ch ar 1 es Gibson, Spain in America (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1967); John F. Bannon, The Spanish Borderlands Frontier 1513-1821 {1963; Reprint, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974). 23 More d etaJ.."1 e d d.J..scussJ..ons . o f mJ..SsJ..on . . agrJ..cu . 1 ture can b e found in Edith Webb, "Agriculture in the Days of the Early California Padres," The Americas, 4 {January 1948): 325-344; R. Louis Gentilcore, "Missions and Mission Lands of. Alta California," Annals, Association of American Geographers, 51 {March 1961): 46-72. 24 Bancroft, History, I: 624. 25 Ib"dJ.. • ' p. 537 • 26 Charles E. Chapman, A History of California: The Spanish Period (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1925), p. 390-391. 27 Bancroft, History, II: 419.

28Ib.d J.. ., pp. 473' 670. 29 Hornbeck, "Land Tenure." CHAPTER II

THE FOill~DATION: IMAGES OF THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE

The land and its people comprise the foundations of any

cultural landscape. Evaluated by the cultural group inhabiting it,

the landscape is then organized and utilized according to the mores

of that group. The way the people perceive the land creates a unique

landscape; cultural and environmental diversity thus produces land­

scapes widely dissimilar in character. When foreign travelers viewed the hispanic landscape of Alta California, they experienced a

land vastly different from their accustomed environment. Whether

they were from northwestern Europe or eastern America, the traveler's

images of this new environment reflected these cultural differences.

Perhaps because the California environment was so strange to

these people its physical features, vegetation, fertility, climate,

fauna, and peculiarities inspired a multitude of comments in journals,

letters, and books. Most often, the travelers were able to enjoy the lovely and the picturesque in the landscape while still evaluating its fertility and potential. Some were interested in the agricultural possibilities, others }n the curiosities of the land. The variety and abundance of fauna pleased many, but the opinions concerning vegetation were mixed. •rhe climate was of special interest to all.

The people, too, were subjected to intensive scrutiny by the strangers

17 18

who visited their land. They were judged on their appearance, dress, manner, life style, occupations, and recreational preferences.

The sum of these images reflects the foreigner's impressions of the foundation of hispanic California--its land and people.

Most commonly the terrain elicited a traveler's first response and as many visitors arrived by sea, the coastal environs were frequently the object of first impressions. A Frenchman, Auguste

Duhaut-Cilly, sailed into San Diego Bay and was most appreciative of its fine qualities.

San Diego Bay is certainly the finest in all California It is a passage, from one to two miles wide, running at first in a north-northeast direction, then turning toward the east and southeast, forming an arc five leagues in length. It is sheltered, to the west, by a long, narrow and steep hill, extending from the south-southwest, under the name of Point Lorna. Two miles within from this point, juts out, perpendicu­ larly to it, a tongue of sand and pebbles like an artificial mole, ending in a perfectly rounded bank. A deep passage, about two hundred fathoms wide, divides this natural causeway from a sandy peninsula which, following the curve of the channel, protects it on the side toward the sea for its entire length.l

The coastline northward from this magnificent harbor was characterized by low hills only here and there shaded with trees.. Farther inland mariners could also see a mountain range, its peaks jutting up and 2 beyond ~he barren coastal hills. One darticular spot in that stretch \ of shore, San Juan Capistrano, was a favorite of Richard Henry Dana; he regarded it as

the only romantic spot on the coast~ The country here for several miles is high table-land, running boldly to the shore, and breaking off in a steep cliff, at the foot of which the waters of the Pacific are constantly dashing. For several miles the water washes the very base of the hill, or breaks upon ledges and fragments of rocks which run out into the sea. Just where we landed was a small cove, or bight, which gave us, 19

at high tide, a few square feet of sand-beach between the sea and the bottom of the hill. This was the only landing-place. Directly before us rose the perpendicular height of four or five hundred feet.3

A little farther north, near Santa Barbara, a noxious odor assailed all travelers. Smelling somewhat like burning wood, it led 4 at least one captain to fear his ship was afire. The phenomenon responsible for this odor was called by several names: bitumen, naptha, tar, or asphaltum. Where it oozed from the surface

the sea almost everywhere [was] covered with [the substance], now in the form of round flat slabs of some thickness, now in that of large sheets of oil and tar, spread over the water and displaying yellow or blue reflections. The odor exhaled by this stuff was powerful enough to be annoying, and make breathing troublesome and difficult.5

Mariners rarely stopped along the coast between Santa Barbara and

Monterey, but most anchored for at least a short time in Monterey.

Dana, with his fluid powers of description, gives us a picture of

Monterey Bay as he saw it in 1835.

The bay of Monterey is wide at the entrance, being about twenty-four miles between the two points, Ano Nuevo at the north, and Pinos at the south, but narrows gradually as you approach the town, which is situated in a bend, or large cove, at the south-eastern extremity, and from the points about eighteen miles, which is the whole depth of the bay. The shores are extremely well wooded (the pine abounding upon them), and .•• everything was as green as nature could make it. . . • 6 · ·

The coastline between Monterey and San Francisco Bay is

very high in the interior, and everywhere covered with forests of fir trees; it then grows lower by a gentle slope toward the shore; but before reaching it, it rises again to form a long ride of hills, whence it descends finally to the sea, now bathing the foot of vertical rocky cliffs, now gliding in sheets of foam over sandy or pebbly beaches.7 20

Arrival in San Francisco Bay usually elicited rhapsodic responses, fulsome praise and lengthy descriptions. All had to marvel at the sheer enormity of it: the broad expanses and numerous small coves and inlets could, according to one source, hold the entire 8 British navy. Another called it

one of the largest and most valuable harbors in the world. Nature has so defended its narrow entrance, that with little expense it might be made perfectly impregnable. Its steep and lofty cliffs, on either side, combined with other prominent locations within, might be so fortified as to bid defiance to the most powerful and determined foe. The soundings are deep, and, in mid channel, may be found in from forty to forty-five fathoms.9

An equally enthusiastic supporter thought it

a magnificent bay, containing several good harbours, great depth of water, and surrounded by a fertile and finely wooded country. About thirty miles from the mouth of the bay, and on the south-east side, is a high point, upon which the presidio is built. Behind this point is the little harbour, or bight, called Yerba Buena, in which trading vessels anchor. 10

The huge bay at san Francisco was not without its drawbacks, however. The vast expanses offered little protection from the . \ 11 violent wind-whipped waves engendered by winter storms. Another 12 probl em was t h e scarcJ.ty. o f water. Th. J.S magnJ.. f.J.cent natural h arbor was surrounded by lands which were sadly lacking good fresh water.

A number of wells had been dug at San Francisco but their water was poor and brackish. As a result, vessels had to go across the bay to 13 Rancho Sausalito to fill their casks.

The coastal environs of San Francisco Bay had little appeal to some. After passing the lush_green forests of the coast both north and south of San Francisco, the appearance of the barren, rocky 21

pen1nsula. was o f ten a d'1sappo1ntment. . 14 To those penetrating the fog-shrouded entrance after days of misty sailing, the sterile hills . . . 15 and rock s could not h ave b een 1nv1t1ng.

Descriptions of inland areas are not only more numerous than those of the coast, but also usually contain more referer-ces to vegetation and soil fertility than do coastal descriptions. However, the San Francisco peninsula had very little greenery. When viewed by

Langsdorf£ in 1806, its hills were only partly covered by a few kinds 16 of low shrubs. Ten years later Otto von Kotzebue made a similar observation:

Only a few small shrubs here and there diversified the barren hills; and it was not till we arrived in the neighborhood of the Mission, that we met with pleasant country and recognized the luxuriant scenery of California.l7

A naturalist accompanying Kotzebue was no more impressed with the peninsula than was his commander. Adelbert von Chamisso was looking for botru1ical specimens but was disappointed because he found few (r.rr"' \77" 18 species to add to his collection. In August of 1841 the area was still rather barren, the vegetation was withered and dry after the long rainless sunmer and the entire landscape shimn~red in the golden 19 haze of late summer.

The country south of San Francisco elicited more favorable responses than did the peninsula itself. On the way to Mission

Santa Clara

the country presented on all sides a picture of beauty and fertility: the shores are of a moderate elevation, and covered with a bril+iant verdure; the hills, towards the interior, swell gently into an ampitheatre, and the background is formed by high thick woods. Groves of oaks are scattered 22

upon the slopes, separated by lovely meadows, and forming more graceful and picturesque groups than I have ever seen as the produce of art. 20 y"he~ve~

Immediately around Santa Clara the land was eminently suited for 21 agriculture with its dark, rich soi1. Oddly, not too many writers mentioned these fertile soils, even though most passed through this area.at .lea,st once in their travels on tneir way to Monterey.

Almost all of the visitors were charmed by the lovely curve of Monterey Bay and its lush and productive hinterland. For some it provided an opportunity to repair storm-wearied ships; they were assured of a plentiful supply of lumber on Point Pinos. There trees grew which made strong and sturdy masts. Others availed themselves of the opportunity to ride across the stretches of fertile pasture lands which were interspersed with forests of oak- and pine-covered hills. Zenas Leonard, a fur trapper, while some miles east of the bay, also appreciated the loveliness he saw.

our encampment is beautifully located on a rising piece of ground, with a handsome river gliding smoothly along immediately in front, an extensive oat plain stretching out as far as the eye will reach to the rear •.•• The banks of this river are most delightfully shaded with timber, principally oak and elm. The soil in the plain is very strong and deep, producing heavy crops of wild oats and grass--affording excellent pasture for horses, at this season of the year.22 one of the many lovely spots nestled among the hills surrounding

Monterey was Rancho Alisal. It was

a romantic spot, in a valley, between large hills covered with trees. In the centre, a fine stream winds its way towards an extensive plain, and supplies the "Lagunas," where the cattle resort to drink. There are fine gardens, and plenty of good ground for cultivation. The soil, on the highlands, has the appearance of possessing mineral qualities. . • .23 23

There were portions of the area, however, that evidently had little appeal. The

plain extending from Monterey to the Salina River is covered with a low evergreen bush, closely resembling wormwood, except in the absence of the pungent aroma found in that class of plants; a few diminutive live-oak trees grow in the hollows, but not a blade of grass appears either on the ridges or in the intervening depressions the surface being a loose sand, unfit for cultivation, with an exceedingly sterile aspect.24

Journeying inland past this desolate plain, the traveler next encountered the Salinas Valley. One wrote that

the unfavorable impressions we had formed of the country, in our travels of yesterday were all effaced, on entering the beautiful valley of the Salina, this morning.

It lay extended before us level as a park, running to the eastward beyond the reach of view, ranges of low mountains bound it on two sides, and the Salina River runs upon its border; the surface is covered with short green grass and its loose, friable, rich soil, inclining to a dark brown colour, excites a feeling of regret, that so fine a tract of land should be left in a state of nature.25

Southward of Monterey the character of the landscape begins to alter, gradually becoming drier and presenting "a naked, level 26 appearance, though it is still fertile." The many plains and coastal valleys were obviously fertile--possessed of fine pasturage 27 t h ey were .t:~requent 1 y d otte d w~t . h graz~ng . h er d s. The vast reaches of the San Pedro plain were populated only by the wild animals and occasional herds of cattle, horses, and mules. They grazed upon the short, sparse grasses and the mustard plants which grew thickly upon the plain. In some of the places the mustard was as high as a man's head--attesting to the fertility of the soil. To Commander ap

Catesby Jones, the land held little potential. When he traversed the desolate plain in the dry January of 1843 24

little_or__ no rain had yet fallen, consequently everything was arid and parched as far as the eye could extend; nor was there a single tree or shrub of any kind to be seen on this extensive table land, except here and there, a specimen of some of the dwarf varieties of the cactus. • 28

Many leagues inland from San Pedro lies Mission San Gabriel, situated upon rich soils that supported both grasses and oak trees covered with acorns. To some it was almost paradise, for "no better soil or climate could be found for grapes and semi-tropical fruit.

The sight of the charming groves of nut, olive, and orange trees

. ] - - . f . ..29 [ g1ve the greatest sat1s act1on.

Although no paradise, the outskirts of the Pueblo de los

Angeles presented a pleasant and productive appearance, with flourish­ 30 ing grape vines all about. The inhabitants of the pueblo had constructed an extensive irrigation system which b:r:ought water to the carefully cultivated plots. The main crops appeared to be corn and 31 grapes.

In addition to the terrain, the visitors also reported their encounters with the peculiarities associated with the California la.

the ground under my feet began to heave with such violence that I was forced to hold on to a tree. These movements were repeated four times and seemed to move north and south in a horizontal manner. The trees shook for a moment, but [although] the shock failed to damage the houses, ••• the bay and shore were strewn with dead and dying fish. . 32

Duhaut-Cilly's encounter with an earthquake is not recorded in such a matter-of-fact tone. According to him 25

this terrible scourge shows itself under so dreadful an aspect, and gives so unexpected and instantaneous effects, that it sometimes suspends all our faculties. • • .33

The effects of earthquakes were visible in crumbled walls of build- ings. The most spectacular damage, however, was a large fissure in the ground near Mission San Carlos, about 30 or 40 feet deep and 34 approximately a mile long.

Other signs of geologic activity in California were the mineral springs which emitted their sulphuric gasses from pools near

San Juan Bautista, San Jose, and Santa Barbara. The smelly waters were frequented by the sick, as in Europe, but here no shelters or resting places had been built. Also of interest to visitors were the naptha springs near Santa Barbara.

A sort of broken ground surrounded with marshes • • . opens • • • an excavation in the bottom of which naptha is issued in a dark boiling mass not unlike molasses. The strong smell from the spring do not enable one to stopp [sic] long for to examine the whole process.35

A similar deposit near Los Angeles was

interspersed [with] pools of cold water that lower the temperature of the bitumen. . • • At sunrise these springs are coated with heavy deposits of asphalt, often a meter high, resembling soap bubbles. As the air grows warm, the gas in these balls expands and the bubbles finally burst with a lcud report.36

Sandels and De Mofras, both writing in the 1840's, each reported that the local inhabitants used the black, sticky substance to roof their 37 homes. These peculiar features, earthquakes and naptha springs, further emphasized the uniqueness of the California environment.

When extolling the glories of the california landscape, the writers were often pleased to note the variety of native fauna to 26

be found therein. "The country abounds with deer, hares, foxes, wolves, bears, ounces, panthers, ••• wild goat, ••• moose deer, ••• tufted partridges and quails •••• the bays and harbours .

• abound with geese, brant, ducks, •.• sea elephants, and fur ,.38 and hair seals •. In fact, the abundance of "game of all kinds [was] so plentiful, indeed, as soon to lessen the desire of 39 pursu1t• II f or t h e h unters f or one s h"1p. Ships anchored in Monterey may have had the opportunity to supplement their ever-present beef 40 diet, for the bay was teeming with fish of all kinds. Also in amazing numbers in coastal waters were the sea otters, whose lovely fur brought such high prices in China that many ships risked arrest and confiscation to trade for or trap the animals off the California 41 coast. The least popular of the California animals were the grizzly bear and the flea. Even though the bears were hunted for sport by the Mexicans, the ferocious reputation of these animals made some people reluctant to penetrate the depths of the Santa Lucia 42 range near Monterey. Unlike the bear, the flea must have been ubiquitous, for many travelers complained of the hordes of the little creatures which infested every home, blanket, and bed in the . 43 prov1nce.

The landscape descriptions reveal much about the California that early visitors viewed. But it is interesting to note that only rarely do the accounts relate vegetation types to climate. Most often, the travelers commented with delight on the salubrity or healthfulness 44 of the climate. One of the,earliest records of such praise derives 27

from Shaler's journal of his 1804 voyage. "The climate of california," he remarked, "generally is dry and temperate, and .. 45 remarkably healthy •• Another described it as "remarkable 46 for its salubrity."

The climate in New California is mild and consists of two seasons, summer and winter. The summer begins in April or May and lasts until November or Decenilier. During the summer there are practically continuous northwestern winds, and in the region of San Francisco and Monterey the coasts are covered with fog •••• During the summer there are no rains, but dew moistens the soil ..•• From November or December winds being to blow from the southeast to the southwest, with heavy rains which at times flood the ground, wash off buildings and seeds which have been sown.47

Most visitors were amazed (and pleased) to find the climate so temperate. Accustomed to the long, cold and wet winters of north- west Europe or northeastern America, as most were, they tended to dwell upon the mildness of California winters. When compared with other cities in corresponding latitudes, San Francisco usually was favored. During the winter

the temperature of the climate [sic] is as mild as the most southern parts of the Atlantic portions of our territory

the [united States]. The mercury in the 1Thermometer is very seldom below the freezing point; Snow is ve~J rarely seen here, and ice but seldom makes; There is almost a perpe·tual verdure, and some kinds of vegetables are even now thriving • . • [in] the latter part of December. IndeE:.-.1, pretty good Water-melons are brought on board for sale!48

Walter Colton in Monterey marvelled that even in mid December

we have not yet experienced the first wrinkling frost. The hills and valleys, since the recent rains, are mantled with fresh verdure, and here and there the violet opens its purple eye to the sun. The children are out at play, as in June; their glancing feet are unshod. • • • Even the old men • . • are abroad in the same garments which covered them in mid­ summer. Such is the climate of a California winter, or, at 28

least, its interludes, and these will continue to visit us like sunbows between the showering clouds.49

Even the rains did not detract from the mildness of California's winter, for they were rarely cold, and thus compared favorably with the summer showers found in the United States. The result of such a benign climate, according to one of the visitors, was a lack of any severe diseases and only rare occurrences of minor illnesses.

The recovery of sailors from the rigors of long voyages were also 50 ascribed to the benefits of the climate.

Only a few disparaging remarks appear concerning the Califor- nia climate. Robinson complained at the end of one very dry summer that although

the year was nearly at a close [and] the season for rain had set in • • • as yet none had fallen. The hills and fields were parched by the heat of the sun, and all vegetation seemed partially destroyed. Every one cried for rain!51

Yet when the rain did arrive in the winter it often rained "unceas- ingly for a week, and sometimes so furiously as to wash down the mud 52 houses~"

The few objections to the climate that did appear in print most commonly concerned the fog which obscures California coastal areas so frequently during the summer months. The coastal areas often were enshrouded in fog for days on end, the sun only rarely penetrating the grey skies. The cool evenings produced by the cold, dank fogs caused some to wish for a fireplace to warm the chilly homes. 53 29

Despite the fogs, cool evenings, earthquakes, and poison ivy, most of the early travelers were appreciative of the California landscape. The consensus was that

no fault can be found with its climate; its soil is in general fertile, it possesses forests of oak and pine con­ venient for building and contributing to the necessities of vessels¥ plains overrun with cattle, excellent ports, and navi,gable rivers to facilitate inland communication.54

California appeared to.be a paradise, a "beautiful country, richly endowed by Nature [sic] with all that an industrious population could .. 55 require to furnish the comforts and enjoyment of life.

This lovely land admired and praised by almost all foreigners who touched its shores, was inhabited by people of a different culture than most of the visitors. The Spanish heritage introduced into

California in 1769 was the product of centuries of development in the

Mediterranean. Transplanted to California, it was adapted to an environment very similar to that of Spain. That the Spanish culture and way of life of the Californios was quite different from their own was quickly perceived by foreign visitors who perhaps did not recognize .that this culture was well~adapted to the unique environment of California. As a result, the initial contact and subsequent interaction between peoples of a northwest Eurovean heritage and a southern European-Mediterranean background was bound (as in any culture-contact situation) to produce harmony, discord, or both. Thus it is interesting to see what the foreigners, arriving in a land they almost unanimously favored, thought about its inhabitants.

Among the earliest Spaniards to arrive in California were the Franciscan priests who established and operated the missions. 30

For the most part, the foreign visitors thought well of the padres, though in some cases they objected to certain aspects of the mission system. However, most of the padres appeared to be hard-working and devoted to the welfare of their charges, as was

father Narciso Duran, a venerable, old man, who had spent the most valuable part of his life, in incessant labor, to promote the advancement of his holy religion. Generous, kind, and benevolent, the natives not only revered him, as their spiritual father and friend, but seemed almost to adore him. He was universally beloved, and the neighboring village bore testimony to his charitable heart, while many a transient traveller blessed him, and thanked God, that such a man existed among them.56

Duhaut-Cilly visited Father Antonio at Mission San Luis Rey and observed the padre's rapport with the Indian neophytes.

The padre spoke to each in turn. He knew them all: he praised one, mildly reproached another; to this one a joke befitting the occasion, to that a fatherly reproof: all went away satisfied or touched.57

Another priest, Padre Felipe Arroyo, gained the respect of foreigners because he was so obviously devoted to his native charges. After an intensive study of two Indian dialects he was fluent enough to compose a grammar of them. Because he was concerned enough to teach the Indians Christian doctrine in their own language, he won their 58 love and devotion. other padres, suc.1 as Father Sanchez at Mission

San Gabriel, were widely praised for the hospitality to travelers.

Old Father Sanchus [sic] has been the greatest friend that I ever met with in all my travels, he is worthy of being called a christian, [sic] as he possesses charity in the highest degree, and [is] a friend to the poor and distressed.59

Often the travelers had both good and bad remarks about the mission fathers. For example, one author was very pleasantly received 31

by helpful and hospitable ?adre Tomas at Mission San Francisco.

Yet this same observer wrote that most of the priests were bigoted 60 and thorough1 y un f 1t. for t h e1r . respons1'b'l' 1 1t1es. . Another instance is recorded by Captain Beechey who was treated very kindly by the padres during his stay. A slight problem developed, for occasionally he and his companions had

some difficulty in maintaining ••• [their] good temper, in consequence of the unpleasant remarks which-the difference of our religion brought from the padres, who were very bigoted men •••• At other times they (padres] were very conversable, and some of them were ingenious and clever men; but they had been so long excluded from the civilized world, that their ideas and their politics, like the maps pinned against the walls, bore date of 1772 .••• 61

A some\v-hat different objection was penned by the who was concerned with the attitude of the missionaries towards their charges and the padres' suitability for teaching the Indians.

The contempt which the missionaries have for the people, to whom they are sent, seem to us, considering their pious occupation, a very unfortunate circumstance. None of them appear to have troubled themselves about their history, customs, religions, or lan~~ages. • ••

Nor, he adds, are they "skilled in the arts and trades which they ought to exercise and teach •••• " He did admit, however, that the 62 padres evinced a true feeling and conce£n for their charges~

Treatment of the Indians was another item for criticism.

Rogers, who was so enamored of his "greatest friend" Sanchez, never- theless disapproved of the many whippings he saw Indians receive, 63 often which were for not obeying an order to go to work. Twenty- 64 five lashes was the maximum allowed for any one offense. The 32

methods used to make wild Indians submit to mission life were observed with horror:

Heavy Irons, starvation & other strong coercive measures, with persuasion & the different mode of treatment they see practised towards those belonging to the mission, make the prisoners ready in ten days or a fortnight to receive baptism, and consent to enter the community.65

The effectiveness of such persuasive tactics was revealed by the high incidence of runaway neophytes.

Many indeed of these unfortunate victims prove, by their attempts to escape, that their submission is involuntary; but the soldiers, as I have before observed, generally hunt them from their place of refuge, and bring them back to undergo the severe punishment their transgression has incurred.66

Not all of the visitors to California had the opportunity to see the missions: those arriving after secularization saw only decaying buildings and abandoned gardens, some were not allowed by the vagaries of Spanish laws, others had no time or interest. However, all of the visitors did have some contact with the hispanic men who inhabited the settlements and ranchos of California. Women in

California during the hispanic period were never more than a very small minority of the total population; perhaps that is the reason only a few of the foreigners comment upon them.

Opinions of the women were rarely neutral--for the foreigners thought they were either good or bad. It would be difficult to surpass Alfred Robinson's admiration.

No part of Mexico can show so large a share of bright eyes, fine teeth, fair proportions, and beautiful complexions .•• and perhaps there are few places in the world, where in proportion to the number of inhabitants, can be folind more chastity, industrious habits, and correct deportment, than among the women of this place.67 33

Any type of entertainment was occasion for the ladies to add their gay and lively company to the assemblage. Picnics and fandangoes

(dances} alike were sure to draw a bevy of lively ladies whose manner and charm to strangers assured all of a good time. Their love of a party was reflected by their desire for finery. When a trading ship was anchored near their home, the women spent many hours pouring over the clothes, silks, shawls, fabric, and .jewelry. The number of the purchases made by the fairer sex was amazing. Foreigners often regarded this enthusiasm for ornamentation as excessive, and attributed to it a lack of moral standards. It was told that a

California lady would receive presents from admirers if her husband did not dress her well, thus leading to questionable remarks about h er f 2"d el2ty. . 68

The hispanic men, more commonly than the women, were disliked and derided because, according to Robinson, they "are generally indolent, and addicted to many vices. "69 The Californios' gambling and other amusements seem to have aroused the ire of most of the visitors, for many sprinkle their narrative with numerous barbs on that subject. Wilkes wrote:

they are exceedingly fond of gambling, .•• cards, dice, &c. Their amusements are cock-fighting, bull and bear-baiting, and dancing; these are the predominant occupations of their lives, always accompanied with excessive drinking.70

Card playing was supposedly in such favor that men happening to meet at a crossroads would make themselves comfortable and begin a game.

They were reported to love gambling so much that they would fritter 71 away all they had. Apparently the Californios enjoyed betting on 34

all types of amusements such as horse racing and bear-bull fights.

After viewing an exhibition of a bear baiting, Zenas Leonard remarked that

there are also many other methods of gambling practiced by these people,--and vice of every description seems to be openly countenanced in some parts of the settlements, such as horse racing, card playing, and even stealing, the latter of which is carried on to a considerable extent • and is even recognized, under some circumstances, as one of the established customs of the country.72

The negative views toward the men were reflected by numerous ' comments: Shaler, although not very happy with his reception by the

Spanish authorities, nevertheless says that the people "are of an 73 indolent, harmless disposition and fond of spirituous liquors."

On the other hand, Belden felt that they were "great rogues" and that "most of them would not hesitate to rob • • • [a person] the ,74 Th 1 . minute his back is turned •• e general cone us~on seems to have been that the Californios were indolent--spending their days drinking, smoking, and sleeping. Other pastimes of this indolent race were eating and admiration of their finery. Indolent was the most commonly used word to describe the Californio character, yet there are frequent references to the chase, galloping around the 75 country, and the horse races so loved by them.

The land use system and attendant societal structure was such that in actuality there was little to do besides play, for much of the work was done by Indian servants. This feature of California life created and sustained the image of indolence. The men rarely had to work at any time other than at the annual matanza. (slaughtering) , 35

and therefore could spend much of their time enjoying the pursuit of 76 pleasure. When passing judgment on these people of a different culture, foreigners were apt to reach the conclusion that the people were

so indolent, and withal have so much pride, as to make them look upon all manual labor as degrading; in truth, they regard all those who >'lark as beneath them; they, in conse­ quence, can never be induced to labour.77

This attitude created a situation in which the hispanic people occasionally were reluctant to work. One ship captain, after sending word ahead to Monterey requesting supplies was quite irritated to find that "the habitual laziness of the inhabitants won out over their interests and had not let them begin the project • • • of making 7R us biscuit and salt meat." - It was said that as long as there was a dance to prepare for and attend, or a horse to ride, the California 79 wou ld 1gnore. a 11 oth er respons1'b'l't' 1 1 1es.

The dances, or fandangoes, acquired substantial fame among the

, , , 8Q • 1' • I f ore1gn v1s1tors, but even more w1despread was the Ca 1forn1os reputation of superb riding skills and fine horsemanship. Even those travelers who thoroughly disliked the peoples' character had to 81 admire the superb manner in which the Californios rode their horses.

Edmund Vischer, a merchant,

observed with interest and pleasure the horsemanship of Californians [who] seem to be born in the saddle. From childhood on, they spend most of their time on horseback and attainan adroitness and agility which are almost unbelievable.82

Combining riding skills with games, the men held contests which demonstrated their abilities. One of the more popular contests required a horseman, dashing at full gallop, to pick a coin up off the ground. This and other exhibitions of skill drew praise from 83 all visitors; one even compared them favorably to the Cossacks!

As an early acquaintance with horses and riding was an essential aspect of California life, children were at home on a horse at an early age. It was not uncommon to see

many children of not more than three or four years of age, two or three together on one horse, who appeared as secure in their seats as the old men who had lived all their lives in the saddle. The young commence thus early their lessons in horsemanship, and when despached by their parents on some errand, the two more expert riders seat the youngest between them, and go tearing across the country without the least apprehension •••. 84

Perhaps because they learned to ride so young and because distances were far and horses plentiful, the Californios developed the habit 85 of riding wherever they went. Along with horsemanship, the use of the lasso was an integral part of California life, and thus was also taught to the very young.

The handling of the lasso is as important a part of their education as reading and writing are with us. Rarely need a Californian throw a second time; in most cases the part of the animal's body which the rider's fancy may choose is encircled at the first throw. At the time of brru1ding ru1d killing, the field is a regular arena of equestrian skill, one rider trying to outdo the other.86

The use of the lasso was not familiar to the foreigners who were usually impressed with the great skill and dexterity exhibited by 87 its use. Another custom that intrigued foreigners vTas that the

Californios always rode at a gallop--even if .only for a few yards.

Not only was there always a saddled horse waiting at every door, but the owner would always take off at a gallop. 37 I '

He never stops until he reaches his destination, no matter how far distant it may be. If the horse gets tired, the rider lassoes another at the next pasture, changes the saddle, and continues his journey. Outside of notifying the owner of the borrowed horse, and releasing it to find its way back home, there are no formalities necessary.88

When a large number of people were traveling (as sometimes occurred when visitors were taken on a sightseeing trip) another method of changing horses was implemented. A number of loose horses, with a vaquero in charge, were driven along with the riders. When the mounts became tired; the saddles and riders were switched to the 89 fresh horses. Consequently traveling in California was faster and 90 easier than in other places. This easy availability of horses not only made traveling easy but also made Californios nonchalant about distance. Colton relates:

they will speak of a place as only a short gallop off, when it is fifty or a hundred miles distant. They think nothing of riding a hundred and forty miles in a day •••• 91

Traveling in California was made even more pleasant by the generous hospitality of the inhabitants. Whe·ther at isolated rancho, mission, or port settlement, visitors were universally welcomed and accommodated. They were invited to eat with their hosts, were provided a place to sleep and were often given horses to continue their journey. Thus the Californios acquired a very kind and helpful 92 reputation. Not orily were they hospitable, but at times it appeared as if they were vying with each other to see who could provide the best time for the guests. 93 While staying in the Pueblo de los

Angeles, Edward Vischer took long walks arolliid the settlement and into the surrounding countryside, often stopping at various adobes to chat 38

with the inhabitants. He remarked:

[r] was always certain of being received in a friendly and hospitable manner. I should have offended the good people had I refused to eat or to take along their offerings of grapes or figs.94

Farther north, in the Salinas Valley, James Douglas hesitantly stopped at an isolated rancho which was so shabby in appearance that he feared its owners were truly destitute. Yet, after meeting the ranchero and his family,

there was no denying, the hospitable entreaties with which he urged our stay, without positive incivility. He put himself to a great deal of trouble about us, every good thing in the house whether eatable or liquid was produced for our entertainment.95

An outstanding feature of this hospitality was that only rarely was 96 any charge made for helping travelers. Perhaps the most penetrating glimpse of Californian custom was penned by the Reverend Walter

Colton, who, at other times was bitingly critical of Californios.

Writing during the troubled and uncertain months of 1846 when all of

California was in chaos, he thought:

though a quasi war exists, all the amenities and courtesies of life are preserved; your person, life, and liberty, are as sacred at the hearth of the Californian as they would be at your own fireside. He will never betray you; the rights of hospitality, in his generous judgement, require him to peril his own life in defense of yours.97

That is quite strong praise for a people whose character was most often condemned by strangers. Perhaps the mission priests were too harsh, perhaps when considering hispanic culture they were not.

Maybe the men ~~d women were lazy and indolent, with nothing but amusements such as dancing, gambling, or riding to occupy their time; 39

or perhaps the evaluator did not understand the hispanic society and its customs. In many cases the writer did not understand the language and thus had to rely on interpreters or his own ingenuity to understand what was occurring.

The foreigners who have left accounts of hispanic California have portrayed it as a lovely and bountiful land, blessed with a warm and healthy climate, and peopled by a race who are in one breath castigated for their indolence and love of amusements and in the next applauded for their unsurpassed horsemanship and hospitality.

A land of contrasts was California and its people--but the people and their land are the basics of any country. Understanding this framework will help in interpreting the way in which the environment was organized and utilized. The imprint made on the environment by the hispanic settlements reveals the organizational structure of their society.- Outsiders' views of these settlements--missions, f9rts, towns, and the homes in them--will be examined next. 40

Footnotes 1 Auguste Bernard Duhaut-Cilly, a French navigator, was on a trading voyage around the world when he stopped in California in 1827 and 1828.. Traveling to many of the missions to arrange purchases of cattle hides enabled him to become acquainted with much of the settled area of hispanic California. See Charles F. Carter, trans., "Duhaut-Cilly's Account of California in the Years 1827-1828," California Historical Society Quarterly, 8 (June, September, December 1929}: · 130-166, 214-250, 306-356. Quote from p. 217. 2 Ibid. 1 P• 177 o 3 Richard Henry Dana, arriving in 1835 on the hide ship Pilgrim, spent about 16 months in California. He was a Harvard stu­ dent, crewing on the ship to regain his health. Precise and articu­ late in his descriptions, his upper-class Boston attitudes are nevertheless evident in his evaluations. See Richard Henry Dana, Jr., Two Years Before the Mast (1840; Reprint, New York: Airmont Publishing Company, Inc., 1965), pp. 110-111. 4 Commander Frederick W. Beechey of the British Navy led an exploring expedition which stayed in California for about two months in 1826. ~fuile waiting for supplies to be delivered, the crew and officers surveyed San Francisco Bay and made scientific observations on its shores. After spending five days in Monterey, Beechey left, only to return in the fall of 1827, staying about six weeks in Monterey and San Francisco. His record of the voyage was published as: Frederick w. Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait to Co-operate with the Polar Expedition, 2 vols. (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1831), 2:320. 5 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 157. 6· Dana, Two Years, p. 60. 7 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 149. 8 Beechey, Narrative, p. 4. 9 After arriving in California, Alfred Robinson became an agent for a Boston trading company. Remaining in California, he bought hides and sold merchandise throughout most of the settled area from 1829 until 1837, when he married a California lady. They left for Boston but Robinson returned in 1840 as agent, staying this time for two years. His successful book on California was published in 1846. See Alfred Robinson, Li_fe in California (1846; Reprint, Santa Barbara: Peregrine Smith, Inc. , 197 0) , p. 42. 10 Dana, Two Years, p. 175. 41

11 earter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 217. 12 Kirill Khlebnikov spent most of his life working for the Russian-American Company being assigned to the Sitka post for 16 years, from 1816 to 1832. During that time he made several trips southward along the coast--to California, Mexico, Peru, and Chile. In addition to his native Russian, he learned to speak both Spanish and English. He made at least three trips to California, in 1820, 1825-26, and in 1830-31. Shortly thereafter he left America. His memoirs were published in Russian newspapers in 1829, and are reprinted in Anatole G. Mazour, trans. and.ed., "Memoirs of California by K. T. Khlebnikov," Pacific Historical Review, 9 (Narch 1940): 307-336. Reference is to p. 318. 13 G. M. Waseurtz af Sandels was a Swedish scientist who spent at least three months in California during the spring of 1843. One requirement of the school he had attended in Sweden was to travel after graduation and write of the various lands seen. He came to California in his travels after he had heard of opportunities in business. This article is a translation of the California part of his manuscript of his travels. G. M. Waseurtz af Sandels, "The King's Orphan's Manuscript," Quarterly of the Society of California Pioneers, 3 (June 1926): 56-98. Reference to p. 76. 14 Lt. Charles Wilkes of the United States Navy was in charge of the United States Exploring Expedition. In California for about three weeks in the fall of 1842, Wilkes spent most of the time in San Francisco except for a brief trip to Santa Clara. See Charles Wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento (Oa.lcland, Calif.: Biobooks,

1958) 1 pp. 41-42. 15 Ibid. .-- 16 Georg Heinrich von Langsdorf£, a German naturalist, accompanied the Rezanov voyage to learn more about natural history. After spending a few months in 1806 Alta California, he wrote a popular narrative about the people of that province. Georg Heinrich von Langsdorf£, Voyages and Travels in Various Parts of the World, During the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, 1806, and 1807 (London: Henry Colburn, 1813), pp. 154-155. 17 The first time Otto von Kotzebue of the Russian navy visited California was in 1816 while he was on an exploration voyage. Staying for one month, he was entertained by the Spanish officers while his ship was being supplied with provisions. On his second visit in 1824 he stayed for about two months and made several extended trips to inland areas. The purpose of this second voyage was two-fold: to establish a Russian-California trade and to make scientific observa­ tions of the lands he visited. Otto von Kotzebue, A New.Voyage Round the World in the Years 1823, 24, 25, and 26, 2 vols. (1830; reprint ed. Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1967), 1:57-58. 42

18 Adelbert von Chamisso came to California wl ':,h Kotzebue's 1816 expedition. He was the party's naturalist and ,;~,·:,';;o served as interpreter for the two-month sojourn because he spo}:e Spanish. His account of the voyage is reprinted in August C. Mahr, Visit of the Rurik to San Francisco in 1816 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1932), pp. 29-51, 71-89. Quote from p. 75. 19 wilkes, Columbia River, p. 43. 20 Kotzebue, Voyage of Discovery, pp. 87-88. 21 As a naturalist with the United States Exploring Expedition headed by Charles Wilkes, William Dunlop Brackenridge carne overland to california from Oregon in September, 1841 and remained about a month. His journal is reprinted in Alice J. Maloney, ed., "Journal of William Dunlop Brackenridge," California Historical Society guarterly, 24 (December 1945): 326-336. Quote from p. 334. 22 Zenas Leonard was the official clerk of the Joseph Walker exploring party (affiliated with the Bonneville expedition). He wintered near Monterey from 1833 to 1834 and then returned to the east. His journal is reprinted as Zenas Leonard, Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard, ed. Milo M. Quaife, The Lakeside Classics (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley & Sons Co., 1934), pp. 186-187.

23Robinson, Life in California, p. _132. 24 The Hudson Bay Company sent James Douglas to California in 1841 to purchase produce and stock for Oregon. He also discussed the possibilities of establishing a Company post in California. His two­ month (approximately) visit was mostly in the Monterey-San Francisco area. See James Douglas, James Douglas in California 1841, ed. Dorothy B. Smith (Vancouver: The Library's Press, 1965), pp. 40-41. 25 Ibid., pp. 41-42. 26 Dana, Two Years, p. 60. 27 . Eugene Duflot de Mofras was sent by the French government to determine the opportunities for French commercial interests in the Pacific Northwest. Arriving in Monterey in 1841 he quickly aroused the ire of the Mexican officials with his arrogant manner. He spent several months in the Monterey--San Francisco area and in the Sacramento Valley before leaving. Duflot de Mofras, Travels on the Pacific Coast, 2 vols., ed. Marguerite E. Wilbur (Santa Ana, Calif.: Fine Arts Press, 1937), 2:197. 43

28When Thomas ap Catesby Jones, Commander of the United States Pacific Naval Squadron, heard of war with Mexico, he hastened to capture Monterey, the capital of Mexican California. This he did on October 18, 1842. Two days later, after finding that his information had been erroneous, he returned the town to Mexican officials. The governor of California, General Micheltorena demanded that Jones make reparations and sign a treaty. As Micheltorena was in Los Angeles, Jones left Monterey after a short stay and made a brief visit to Los Angeles before he left California. Carl I. Wheat, ed., "A Visit to Los Angeles in 1843: Commodor~ Thomas ap Catesby Jones' Narrative of His Visit to Governor Micheltorena," Historical Society of Southern California, 17 (1935): 123-134; 18 (1936): 7-19. Quote from pp. 131-132. 29 As clerk for Jedediah Smith's trapping company, Harrison G. Rogers kept an account of events during the 1826-1827 visit to California. He was a staunch.Calvinist, probably from New England, yet appears to have had good relations with the Catholic priests. Most of his eight-month stay was spent at Mission San Gabriel. His journal is reprinted in Harrison C. Dale, ed., The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific 1822- 1829 (Glendale, Calif.: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1941), p. 214. Edward Vischer, a German, came to California in the fall of 1842 to inspect a friend's business. To do this he was required to travel through most of settled California, which he did in his two-month visit. His account may be found in Erwin G. Gudde, trans. and ed., "Edward Vischer's First Visit. to California," California Historical Society Quarterly, 19 {September 1940): 193-216. Quote from p. 208. 30 Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 203. 31. Carter, "Dul>..aut-Cilly," p. 246. 32 Mofras, Travels, 2:26. 33 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 249. 34 s ~r· George S1mpson· was Governor-1n-c· h 1e· f o f t h e Hu d son Bay COmpany's Northwest territories when he stopped.in California during his journey around the world. In his month-long visit of 1842, he saw little more than the towns of San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Barbara, although he had much contact with the hispanic people. For ·an account of his voyage see George Simpson, Narrative of a Journey Round the World, During the Years 1841 and 1842 (1847; Reprint ed. Thomas C. Russell, San Francisco: Thomas C. Russell, 1930), p. 109. 35 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 81. 36 Mofras, Travels, 2:187. 44

37 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 81; Mofras, Travels, 2:187. 38 william Shaler's account of his 1803 visit to California was the first to appear in the American press. His stay in California, however, was brief; he was in San Diego for only a few days. After the Spanish authorities caught his men trading illegally for otter skins, he hurriedly departed under fire from the Presidio. William Shaler, Journal of a Voyage Between China and the Northwestern Coast of America, Made in 1804 (1808; Reprint, Claremont, Calif.: Saunders Studio Press, 1935), pp. 53, 55. 39 · Beechey, Narrative , 2 : 6-7. 40 Edmund Le Netrel was a lieutenant on Duhaut-Cilly's ship, Heros, which stopped in California in 1827 and 1828. Edmond Le Netrel, Voyage of the Heros Around the World with Duhaut-Cilly in the Years 1826, 1827, 1828 and 1829, trans. Blanche C. Wagner (Los Angeles: Glen Da~~:S' 1951), p. 26. 41 \ :rpuis Choris, a Russian, served as an artist for Kotzebue's expedition. Although only 18 years old when the voyage began, he was highly talented a~d his ·excellent drawings are included in the official report of the voyage. His descriptions of California scenes have been reprinted in Mahr, Visit of the Rurik; see p. 101 for this reference. 42 Mofras, Travels, 2:203. 43 Robinson, Life in California, pp. 76-77. 44 Josiah Belden came to California in 1841 because he got "California fever" and itchy feet. Although imprisoned by Mexican officials for not having a passport, he ~as quickly released. He clerked in Larkin's store until opening his own in 1844. The follow­ ing year he was granted a rancho, but continued his commercial activi­ ties and was quite successful. Quotes from his letters are only used for this study, as his memoirs were not dictated until 1878. Josiah Belden, Josiah Belden, 1841 California OVerland Pioneer: His Memoir and Early Letters, ed. Doyce B. Nunis, Jr. (Georgetown, Calif.: The Talisman Press, 1962}, p. 117. 45 Shaler, Journal of a Voyage, p. 52. 46 Beechey, Narrative, 2:71. 47 Mazour, "Memoirs," pp. 316-317. 48 Camp, "Philo White, " p. 60. 45

49walter Colton kept a journal during his three-year stay. in California. He was a chaplain on the United States Naval Ship Congress which arrived in Monterey in 1846. He spent two years as alcalde for Monterey before starting the first newspaper in California in 1846. A staunch Protestant, he had difficulty in relating to the catholic religion practiced in California. He left the coast in 1849 and published a book about his experiences the following year. Walter Colton, Three Years in California, ed. Marguerite Wilbur {18,50; Reprint,Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1949}, p. 56. 50 John Bidwell led the first emigrant train to California in 1841. He was imprisoned upon arrival because he did not have a pass­ port, but was quickly released. He settled in the Sacramento Valley. John Bidwell, A Journey· to California (1843; Reprint, Berkeley: The Friends of the Bancroft Library, 1964), p. 42; Camp, "Philo ~'lhite," p. 60; Beechey, Narrative, 2:71. 51 Ro b'~nson, L1'f e 1n. Ca 1'1forn~a, . p. 10 4 • 52 rbid. I p. 9.3. 53 Colton, Three Years, p. 22; Simpson, Narrative of a Journey, p. 68. 54 Beechey, Narrative, 2:66. Fs~j ···.jKotzebue, A New Voyage, p. 73. 56 Robinson, Life in California, p. 52. 57 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly ," p. 231. 58 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 313. 59 oa1e, The Ashley-Smith Explorations, p. 222. 60 George Peard was first Lieutenant for Captain Beechey's British exploring voyage. He spent about 3~ months in California, mostly in San Francisco and Monterey, in 1826 and 1827. His journal is reprinted in Barry ~1. Gough, ed., "The Views· of Lietenant George Peard, R.N., on Alta California, 1826 and 1827," Southern California Quarterly, 56 (Fall 1974): 213-232. Reference to pp. 217, 220. 61 Beechey, Narrative, 2:33.

@Mahr, Visit of the Rurik, pp. 83, 79, 81. 63 Dale, The Ashley-Smith Explorations, p. 204. 64 Gough, "The Views of George Peard," p. 218. 46

65 rbid., pp. 217-218. 66 Kotzebue, A New Voyage, pp. 96-97. 67 Robinson, Life in California, pp. 50, 51. 68 For re f erence to Ca 1 1. f orn1a . women see car t er, " Du h au t -

Cilly, " p. 141 ; Dana, Two Years 1 p. 66; Mazour 1 "Memoirs, " p. 32 3. 69 Robinson, Life in California, p. 51. 70 wilkes 1 Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 65. 71 Mention of gambling practices can be found in Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 325; Leonard, Narrative, p. 184; and Carter, "Duhaut­

Cilly I II p. 311. 72 Leonard, Narrative, p. 184. 73 Shaler, Journal of a Voyage, p. 59. 74 Belden, Josiah Belden, p. 120. 75 As a master of a hide ship, the Bostonian, John Girdler, spent about two years, 1844-1846, sailing up and down the California coast collecting hides. A letter of his describing his experiences is reprinted in Anthony L. Lehman, ed., "A California Hide Trade Letter, 1844," Southern California Quarterly, 51 (March 1969): 57-61. The various recreations enjoyed by the Californios are described in Lehman, "A California Letter," pp. 58-59; Leonard, Narrative, p. 166; Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 311; Nofras, Travels, 2:11. _ 76 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 46. 77 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 66. 78 The purpose of Captain Abel d,,_ Peti t-Thouars' voyage to accumulate information on prospects for French commercial interests, particularly whaling in the Pacific Ocean. His scientific corps was to obtain information on the countries visited, with special interest in harbors and navigable waters. To this end his ship remained in Monterey for a month in 1837. Abel A. du Petit-Thouars, Voyage of the Venus: Sojourn in California, trans. Charles N. Rudkin (1840; Reprint, Los Angeles: Glen Dawson, 1956), p. 4. 79 Colton, Three Years, pp. 4-5. 80 Ro b"1nson, L1fe. 1n . Cal"f 1 orn1a, . p. 37, and Rogers 1n. Dale, The Ashley-Smith Explorations, p. 217, both tell of fandangoes that lasted until daylight. 47

f 81 S~mpson,. Narrat~ve. o a Journey, p. 64 • 82 Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 205. 83 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 50. 84 Robinson, Life in California, p. 66. 85 Gudde, "Edward Vischer, " p. 2 05. 86 Ibid. 87 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 50. 88 Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 205. 89 Beechey, Narrative, 2:40. 90 Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 205. 91 Colton, Three Years, p. 19. 92 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 66.

93 Du Pet~t-T. h ouars, Voyage, p. 46 • 94 . Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 204. 95 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 44. 96 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 50. 97 Colton, Three Years, p. 3. CHAPTER III

THE ORGANIZATION: IMAGES OF SETTLEMENTS

The organization of a landscape into varying settlement types

is basic to the development of a cultural landscape. Settlements

represent more than just individual locations; they reflect the

cultural attitudes, the aspirations, and the methods by which a people maintain themselves upon the land. In the California experi­

ence, among the first images formed by visitors were of the settle- \/ ments which stretched along the coast from San Diego to just north

of San Francisco Bay. Initially founded as presidios (forts), the port towns of San Diego, Santa Barbara, Monterey, and San Francisco

eventually became the destinations of mariners needing provisions or

repairs for their ships, and for merchants seeking customers to buy

their cargoes. Overland parties (or at least a few in each group)

journeyed to at least one or more of these settlements, usually to

request passports or supplies. Thus, there are a large number of

accounts which present images of these four settlements. The inland pueblos of Los Angeles and San Jose were less frequently visited and

therefore occupied a minor role in developing images of hispanic

settlements. The missions, however, were objects of great interest /. to the early visitors, who, when allowed, made journeys to visit 1 these establishments. In addition, many foreigners went to the missions to purchase and arrange delivery of provisions. After

48 49

secularization, they seem merely to have been objects of curiosity

for passers-by.

Images of hispanic settlement were not confined to only the

towns and missions, however. Also of concern to foreign observers

were the homes of the people: their construction, furnishings, and

appearance. Another frequent topic was the scarcity of towns and

the small population--apparently the lack of any concentrated efforts

to extensively colonize California. Thus, a variety of elements

contribute to the portrait of settlement in hispanic California:

images of the few towns, the appearance of homes, and the missions.

These topics will be discussed in turn, beginning with the basic organizational structure of the landscape--the towns. In this

situation, it was the lack of towns which provoked oft-repeated

comments in the literature.

In the minds of many of the foreigners, California was desolate, deserted, and in need of people. They frequently lament

in their journals and letters how small the population is, how few

settlements there are and of the great distances between them. At

times the country seemed almost uninhabited because the settlements were so widely scattered that miles of empty lands stretched between 2 them. Travelers could journey for hours without seeing more than 3 an occasional Indian hut. To them, this land was too empty, there· i was room for millions more people. Even a very large city in Europe could boast of almost as many people as the entire California

4 t err~"t ory accord" ~ng to one v~s~tor.. . The few small towns that did 50

exist were strung out along the coast and had a distinctive character

that was frequently strange to a foreigner. Images of towns will

therefore begin with what surely was one of the most frequented

places in California--Monterey.

Some miles south of the huge harbor at San Francisco lies a

lovely, gently curving bay.

The town of Monterey is situate[d] in the Bay of the same name and about two miles from Pt. Pines the southern extremity. It consists of a presidio and a few scattered Houses, containing altogether not more than five hundred souls, and is built on a gently rising ground which being studded with groups of fine Oak trees has much the Appearance of our park lands in England, whilst an agreeable finish is given to the picture by the woods of lpfty Pines that cover the hills at the back of the town.S

The site, it was acknowledged, was lovely, but the town, too, made

a very pretty appearance, its houses being of white-washed adobe •••• The red tiles too, on the roofs, contrasted well with the white sides and with the extreme greeness of the lawn, upon which the houses--about a hundred in number--were dotted about, here and there, irregular+y. There are in this place, and in every other town which I saw in California, no streets nor fences (except that here and there a small patch might be fenced in for a garden), so that the houses are placed at random upon the green. This, as they are of one story, and of the cottage form, gives them a pretty effect when seen from a little distance. 6

Some called Monterey a pleasant and civilized place but others had a different perspective. For some the la~k of straight streets, the

irregular placement of the houses, and the roofs made of reeds or 7 branches gave it an untidy and decidedly unattractive appearance.

The evaluations evidently depend on many individual attitudes, for ethers did not see, or else chose to ignore, the arrangement as untidy, or the brush-covered roofs as unsightly. To De Mofras, the houses were scattered about the two parallel main streets, but he 51 ' '

saw nothing wrong with that.

The majority of the houses are constructed of sun~dried bricks, or adobes, and have wooden roofs, floors, and partitions. Many of them are fairly attractive. Inasmuch as all dwellings have gardens and large courts, the village spreads over a wide area and from afar has the appearance of a large city ••.. The main facade of the houses invariably faces southeast, thus avoiding the strong northwesterly winds that blow six months of the year. Viewed from the sea, Monterey presents a sightly appearance.B

Others, too, saw the charm in the houses scattered at random and in the little streets winding their way amongst the homes and gardens. 9 To them it had a character all its own and was, in fact, very pretty.

Some visitors were so disgusted with the town's casual and simple looks that they resorted to caustic barbs and sneers to express their opinions. For them, because Monterey did not look like towns in their own countries (England and the United States, for example), it was an object of derision. Taking offence to the town's haphazard placement of buildings, one visitor wondered if it had even been 10 planned. (Planned, that is, according to the standards of his culture, not that of the country he was ~n.) In similar vein, the town was compared to a cow pasture: the houses scattered aroQnd like cattle grazing "so that the most expert surveyor could not possibly classify them into crooked streets!" Furthermore, the same man jeers,

"what a curious dictionary of circumlocutions a Monterey directory would be! ,ll

The primitive appearance of the town was further downgraded for its poor fencing and construction materials. Fences made of branches stuck in the ground surrounded many of the homes and protected 52

the gardens from hungry cattle. Unfortunately they were, to some, very sloppy and makeshift. The adobe houses they surrounded were badly built and not at all refined in any sense of the word. To some, 12 the ent1re. c h aracter o f t h e town was pr1m1t1ve.. . .

The character of the town was created in part, no doubt, by the irregularly~spaced buildings, but also by the construction materials. Only a few had a second story and most were tiny rec- 13 tangles of adobe. Roofs of tile were interspersed with those of reeds or woven tree branches. The mud-ugly adobe gave the homes a 14 "dingy Black [sic] dirty appearance." They were further disfigured by the piles of brush that leaned against the southern sides, which were simple attempts to shield the adobe bricks from melting under 15 the onslaught of rains from winter storms.

Contributing also, perhaps, to the poor impression made by

Monterey was the presidio, around which grew the town. Established in 1770, the presidia! buildings formed "a square of two hundred meters on each side, and which .•. look[ed] like ••. long 16 warehouses, roofed with tiles." By 1837, its condition was "very miserable" and its fortifications

consisted of a mud wall of three sides, open in the rear, with breastwork about three feet in height; with rotten plat­ forms for seven guns, the discharge of which would annihilate their remains of carriages. The muzzles of one or two brass twenty-four pounders, very old and very handsome, are absent, and their vents might, upon an emergency, be used to load, provided it became necessary to make a second effort to discharge the shot ..••17

Thus do foreigners represent hispanic Monterey. There seems to have been little there to entice visitors to tarry, for the streets were 53

too crooked, the homes an ugly adobe with one side covered with

brush, and the presidio in disrepair.

If a few of the foreigners who saw Monterey under hispanic

government liked it, even fewer were impressed by San Francisco, or

Yerba Buena as it was often called. The San Francisco that is

depicted by these observers consists mainly of the presidio and its

various buildings, for the barren peninsula did not attract a large

number of inhabitants. Visitors had little incentive to remain for

even a short time: there was little of the society found in the

capital at Monterey, the terrain was bleak, and the climate cold and

foggy. These reasons, among others, perhaps explain why San Francisco

is not as well-represented in the literature as is Monterey. Never-

theless, it was the stopping point for many ships (few of the overland

travelers reached San Francisco) and it is by patching together the

recordsof these seafarers that a mosaic of San Francisco can be

presented.

Settlement on the bay started with a presidio, a square

adobe fortress high upon a point on the western side of the magnificent

bay. The thick adobe walls centered around a courtyard upon which

opened the only windows. Beyond the two gates, which during Spanish

rule were "guarded by a considerable company of men" were the

. 18 . f quarters f or t h e comman d ant an d h ~s men. . Occupy~ng one corner o 19 the presidio was the commandant's house, in another stood the chapel.

The other two sides of the quadrangle contained storehouses, artificers' shops, and the gaol, all built in the humblest style with badly burnt bricks, and roofed with tiles. The chapel and governor's house were distinguished by being white-washed.20 54

The assumption of Mexican rule in 1822 had a strong impact on the presidio buildings at San Francisco even though one captain

said that

the presidio was in the same state in which I found it eight years before; and except for the republican flag, no trace of the important changes which had taken place was perceptable. Every thing vras going on in the old, easy, careless way. 21

Perhaps he was unwilling to acknowledge decay, for the deterioration by that time had already begun, and was reported by many others who tell of broken down walls, rubbish heaps, and generally decayed 22 appearance. By the time Charles Wilkes sailed into the San

Francisco harbor in 1841, there was little left of the presidio. He wrote: we are

scarcely able to distinguish the Presidio; and had it not been for its solitary flag-staff, we could not have ascertained its situation. From this staff no flag floated; the building was deserted, the walls had fallen to decay, the guns were dismounted, and every thing around it lay in quiet.23

There was not much else there--just a few small buildings, and they were

not calculated to produce a favorable impression on a stranger • [the] buildings may be counted, and consist of a large frame building, occupied by the agent of the Hudson Bay Company, a store, kept by Mr. Spears, an American, a billiard-room and bar, a poop cabin of a ship, occupied as a dwelling, .•• a blacksmith's shop, and some out-buildings. These, though few in number, are also far between.24

Evidently by this date little of the hispanic character remained in

Yerba Buena for although it was still small like the other towns in 25 California, its houses were built of wood and had an American look.

To some travelers, it was the only place in California with "a prosperous appearance having several neatly built frame houses, & 55

. h . ,,26 stores--all Eng1 1s or Amer1can. Thus, by 1841, there was a settlement in hispanic California that had a distinctly foreign flavor.

The small town at San Diego had even less to offer than

San Francisco. It was the "saddest" place Duhaut-Cilly saw in

California. The presidio

is built upon the slope of a barren hill, and has no regular form: it is a collection of houses whose appearance is made still more gloomy by the dark color of the bricks, roughly made, of which they are built ...• Below the presidio, on a sandy plain, are scattered thirty to forty houses of poor appearance, and some badly cultivated gardens. A stream ••• flows at the foot of the hill, and rushes to the sea to the west of Point Loma.27

As happened in San Francisco, after Mexico g~ined control, the presidio in San Diego too was neglected, and by 1835 it was

in a most ruinous state, with the exception of one side, in which the commandant lived, with his family. There were only two guns, one of which was spiked, and the other had no carriage.28

San Diego was used by the hide and tallow trade ships to store and cure the hides, for with its smooth and sandy beach and little surf it was ideal for loading and Qnloading the curobersome hides. Few others though, had reason to stop, as there was "little or no. 29 busines~ ... By the early 1840's the fort was almost in a state of total ruin; neither the commandant nor any of the garrison lived 30 there any longer.

If Santa Barbara did not deteriorate as rapidly as did the settlements of San Francisco and San Diego, neither did it have the

American flavor that was developing in San Francisco. Nor was it in as appealing a setting as Monterey. At any rate, the town did not, 56

for some reason, arouse the emotional outpourings that the other settlements elicited, and the picture we receive of Santa Barbara is mostly that of precise description rather than strong approval or criticism. The town in 1835 was situated about half a mile from the shore of a crescent-shaped bay,

on a low plain, but a little above the level of the sea, covered with grass, though entirely without trees, and surrounded on three sides by an ampitheatre of mountains, which slant off to the distance of fifteen or twenty miles • • . [It] is composed of one-story houses built of sun-baked clay, ·or adobe , some of them white-washed, with red tiles on the roofs .•.• there were about a hundred of them, and in the midst of them stands the presidio, or fort, built of the same materials, and apparently but little stronger.31

This presidio

is a square enclosure surrounded with one-storied houses; near the northwest corner is a building, distinguished some­ what from L~e others, and surmounted by a balcony: this is the commandant's dwelling. At the opposite corner, turned toward the shore road, appears what the California engineers intended to be a bastion; but one would have to be gifted with great good nature to say they have succeeded.32

The town, which had developed around the presidia! buildings, was a contrast to other California settlements for it appeared to be 33 "tolerably well built" although regretably "not very regular."

George Simpson, the Englishman who had made such scathing remarks about other places in California, surprisingly said of Santa Barbara that

the houses are not only well finished at first, but are throughout kept in good order, and the whitewashed adobes and the painted balconies form a pleasing contrast with the overshadowing roofs blackened by means of bitumen • • Compared with the slovenly habitations of San Francisco and Monterey, the houses of Santa Barbara are built and maintained. . 34 57

As has been illustrated by the images presented on the

preceeding pages, it is obvious that the hispanic settlements in

California aroused a number of emotions and opinions. There is a

common thread in the literature, however, that weaves its way

throughout the length and breadth of settled California--an aversion

to the individual homes.

To many of the foreigners, most of the dwellings exhibited

a slovenly air that disgusted them. Scattered around the homes were

heads, •.• horns and legs of bulls, which they usually slaughter on Saturdays. • they slaughter the animal and after removing the meat and skin, the head, legs and inner parts are thrown away. Refuse is also never cleaned away; and having no proper places, they scatter it everywhere.35

Rancho dwellings were enclosed by nwalls built of bullock skulls--

plains in all directions covered with carcasses in different stages 36 of decomposition •••• " It was a common sight to see "bones,

hoofs, horns, and pieces of hide, lying in every direction" around

a ranchstead with "ducks, dogs, and fowls .•• picking at the bones 37 and offal. " "After that one can imagine what the air is like in 38 the settlements."

~ne building material, adobe, was also disagreeable to the

foreign writers, who frequently referred to the habitations rather

sarcastically as mud houses. The adobe bricks which were used for 39 construction were about "22 inches long, 11 wide and 4 thick."

When mortared together to make the houses, they made 22-inch thick walls which kept the houses comparatively cool under the hot summer sun. Glass was quite dear in this territory so far from manufacturing centers so the windowless houses were of a depressingly dark and 58

40 cheerless nature. The roofs were either thatched or tiled and in general were built in a very simple style. Rarely kept up by their oWners, they were often very messy. Except for the. homes of the very wealth y, most h a d on1 y one room, no fl oor, and no f 1rep. 1 ace. 41 42 "Because of the filth there are usually many fleas" in the homes.

Some homes were larger than one room, according to Colton who lived in Monterey.

Nearly all the houses in Monterey are of one story, with a corridor. The centre is occupied by a large hall, to which the dining-room and sleeping apartments seem mere appurtances. Every thing is in subordination to the hall, and this is designed and used for dancing. It has a wodd [sic] floor. • 43

Many of them had no chimneys, which, according to some of the 44 foreigners, were unnecessary due to the mildness of the climate.

Homes of the poorer people were often very rude. In some "a small 45 mound raised in the center [served] as a fire-place." Others were fortunate enough to have a small fireplace tucked away in a 46 corner, even if its chimney extended "only a little above the mantle."

Furnishings in many of the homes described were primitive and make-shift. Cow hides placed on the floor at night to alleviate some of the hardness were piled high with blankets. Used for bedding at night, the blankets were rolled up in the morning to serve as 47 chairs during the day. Cattle skulls were also used as seats.

In general, both the homes of the Californios and their settlements aroused various opinions in foreign visitors. The missions, an integral feature of the hispanic colonization scheme also evoked strong and sometimes conflicting feelings among the 59

different travelers. Many of the twenty-three missions were visited by foreigners. Though no one account covers all aspects of any single establishment, put together they provide a comprehensive view 48 of the missions both before and after secularization.

Only a few of the missions were situated near another hispanic settlement, for they were established where there was a dense Indian population. San Francisco de Asis (also called Delores) was located on the peninsula

two leagues to the southeast of the presidio and on the southern shore of the harbour ••.• and makes a fair-sized village. The mission church is large and is connected with the house of the missionaries, which is plain and reasonably well kept. 49

At a more amenable site than·the barren, wind-swept peninsula of

San Francisco, was the Mission San Jope. It was located just beyond the southern-most tip of the bay and near the pueblo of the same name.

It was "situated on an enclined plain at the base of a range of low mountains, and surrounded on one side by Gardens [sic] and the rest ,.50 by fields. The structure itself was a hollow square com- pound, dominated by the church on one side. Directly across from it were a few rows of dormitories for the Indians. Quarters for 51 officers and priests completed the square. Closest to another settlement, perhaps, was the Mission Santa Barbara which was "about

2 miles from the Town, [sic] beautifully located on the slope of an 52 eminence, surrounded by finely cultivated fields .••• " With its whitewashed walls shimmering in the bright sunlight, the mission could be seen from far out at sea, and was used by ship captains as 53 an identification point for anchorage. San Diego mission, the i." 60

first one founded in California, was some distance from the 4 -presidio and rest of the settlement, about seven miles inland. 5

Other missions were located in particularly lovely settings;

for example, Santa Clara was

situated beside a stream of the most pure and delicious water, in a large and extremely fertile plain. The buildings of Santa Clara, overshadowed by thick groves of oaks, and surrounded by gardens, which, though carelessly cultivated, produce an abundance of vegetables, the finest grapes, and fruits of all kinds, are in the same style as at all the other missions. They consist of a large stone church, a spacious dwelling-house for the monks, a large magazine for the preservation of corn, and the Rancherios, or barracks, for the Indians •••• These are divided into long rows of houses, or rather stalls, where each family is allowed a space scarcely large enough to enable them to lie down to repose.55

On the northernmost arc of Monterey Bay a plain stretched from the

densely forested Santa Cruz Mountains to the foaming breakers of the

Pacific. Not too far from the shore was Mission Santa Cruz. Sur-

rounded on all sides by pastures and lush, well-cultivated fields,

1t. presente·a one o f t h e n1cest . v1ews . o f · a m1ss1on. . . 56

The mis~ion buildings had to be quite extensive to accommodate

the numerous activities needed to sustain the establishment and its

population. In 1827 Duhaut-Cilly visited San Luis Rey which at that 57 t1me. h a d the l argest Ind. 1an popul at1on. .

This construction forms an immense square of five hundred feet on each side. The main front is a long peristyle borne upon thirty-two square pillars supporting their full semi-circular arches. The building is, indeed, merely a ground floor; but its height, of fine proportion, gives it as much charm as dignity. It is covered with a flat tiled roof, around which, outside as well as within the square, is a terrace with a fine balustrade, which feigns still more height. Within is found a vast. court, clean and well-leveled, around which pillars and arches, like those of the peristyle, make a long cloister, by which communication is had with all of the dependencies of the mission. 61

To the right of the exterior facade is found the church with its bell tower surrounded by two rows of balconies. The front of this building is simple and without pillars, but the interior is rich and well decorated: a faucet gives a flow of water in the sacristy ••••

In addition to the immense main building I have just described, there are two others much smaller, one of which is given up to the mayordomos, the other to the mission guard composed of a sergeant and eleven soldiers. This latter building has a flat roof and a dungeon with barbicans and loopholes.58

The church, because it was ostensibly the focus of mission life, was

usually kept in good condition. At Mission Sonoma, the church

was a large edifice, almost as plain as a barn, excepting in front, where it was prettily finished with small columns, on which was hung~a peal of bells. The interior, however, of the building presented a prodigality of ornament. The ceiling was painted all over, the walls were covered with pictures and pieces of sculpture, and the alter displayed all the appointments of the Romish service in a style which, for this country, might well be characterized as gorgeous. Even to our Protestant tastes the general effect was considerably heightened by the "dim religious light" of two or three narrow windows, which themselves appeared to be buried in the recesses of a wall between five and six feet thick.59

Many of the foreigners, especially the non-Catholics, were surprised

to find such ornamentation in a countr~ whose people lived in mud

houses. In addition, they expressed amazement at the workmanship to be found in some places. For example, several visitors commented upon the lovely fountain that splashed Lts frothy water in the court- yard of Mission Santa Barbara.

In front of the building, in the middle of a large square, is a playing fountain, whose workmanship, quite imperfect as it was, surprised us the more, the less we expected to find in this country, so far from European refinement, that kind of luxury reserved with us for the dwellings of the wealthiest. After rising to a height of more than eight feet above the ground, the clear and sparkling water of this fountain fell again in broad sheets upon a descending series of stone basins forming altogether an octagonal pyramid; it fills a reservoir 62

of the same shape to the brim, whence, issuing from the jaws of a bear, also in stone, it fell into a fine laver in stucco. 60

The images recorded by foreigners towards the mission organi-

zation generally are positive though in some instances, neutral. Yet the images reflect completely opposing attitudes towards the purpose behind the missions and their treatment of the Indians. Time and again in the literature appears the basic observation that the

Indians were not happy with mission life. The cruel methods employed in forcing Indians into mission life and the harsh treatment of the mission Indians aroused no little criticism. The priests were also chastized for their stern customs of whipping disobedient neophytes and for keeping unmarried girls segregated from their families and . d 61 f r~en s.

All the girls and widows are in separate houses, and are kept to work under lock and key; they are only sometimes permitted, by their superiors, to go out in the day, but never at night. As soon, however, as a girl is married she is free, and lives with her husband .•.• 62

The entire mission system itself underwent a complete reorganization when it was secularized. During a three-year period the missions were transferred from church to secular control, their extensive lands granted away or rented, their huge herds sold, stolen, or butchered, and their Indian population dispersed. As a result, without proper maintenance the buildings began to disintegrate, weeds choked the gardens, and the fields were abandoned. Even in their state of decay, however, the missions, or what was left of them, still attracted foreigners. 63

In 1842, just six years after it was secularized, Mission

Santa Cruz was visited by Josiah Belden who wrote home that "it can

hardly be called a town or even a village, there is so little of it."

The buildings were "fast going to decay though there is still some

trade here amongst the few Indians that remain and the farmers • 63 that are about here. " As Duvall passed by the remnants of San

Jose, it presented

a singular appearance of desolation[,] the adoby [sic] walls which form the enclosures are fallin~ into decay, all the workshops deserted, and the whole establishment once large enough for hundreds of persons, now tenanted by less than a dozen people. The Church was closed and silent ••.• 64

Although the secularization efforts were still in progress in 1835,

Mission San Carlos (Carmel} was already decaying, the adobe crumbling and the once-strong gate about to fall to the ground. Two years later travelers passing it were

struck by the solitude of the place and the ruined condition of the buildings ••.• The houses were without doors or windows and the roofs, broken through in several places, were caving in under their own weight.65

When Dana saw Mission Santa Barbara just a year after its seculariza- tion, it was "a large and deserted-looking place, the out buildings going to ruin, and everything giving on~ the impression of decayed 66 grandeur."

Post-secularization images of missions are almost of a matter-of-fact tone, although many are ·tinged with regret that once- prosperous enterprises were allowed to deteriorate. The foreigners were impressed with what had evidently been very large agricultural undertakings and did not approve of the once-cultivated fields and 64

gardens being used to pasture stock. The neglect of cultivation and

importance of grazing coupled with the enormous agricultural potential

evident throughout the province provoked the foreigners to decry the

waste. They lamented the lack of industry that prevented the present

population from unlocking California's great wealth.

It is from .thes.e .images that we can discern a great chasm

between the attitudes of the foreign visitors in California and their

hispanic hosts. The hispanic towns were haphazardly organized around

the crumbling shells of forts no longer needed, and the foreigners

critiqued both arrangement of towns and decay of presidios. The most acute and belittling criticisms were directed at the adobe homes

of the Californios. The foreigners never did understand that homes were built of adobe bricks not because the people were too lazy to

cut down trees, but because it was a technique that was a part of

their cultural heritage. Nor did they understand that the thick mud bricks offered a relief from the summer heat that never could come

from wooden walls. A cultural gap can also be sensed from the images presented of the mission establishments. The visitors did not quite

grasp the significance of the missions and the strong role which the

Catholic church held in the colonization of California. They saw it in existence but were not saddened by the demise of the system--only by the resultant loss of industry.

Environment and cultural heritage determine to a large extent the character of a cultural landscape. In California, the labels of

"lazy" and "indolent" with which foreigners love to pepper their 65 i' '

commentary, combined with their oft-repeated wishes for an industrious population to occupy the land, indicate how little of the hispanic culture and its organization of the landscape they really understood.

Had California been settled by a different people it surely would have been organized in a different way. Foreigners, naturally best familiar with their own settlement organization, were not able to objectively evaluate the hispanic scheme. It was not how they would_ have occupied the territory; therefore it was not as good. Only a few had the ability to see the posjtive qualities the Californios _ had developed. This lack of awareness and understanding was to contribute to the great_changes which occurred after the demise of / hispanic rule. 66

Footnotes 1 The Spanish government forbade visits to inland areas. 2 James Clyman was a Virginian who surveyed and trapped throughout the west. He arrived in California in 1845 and spent the winter hunting. Keeping account of his activities in a diary, he left California in 1846 but returned in later years to settle. James Clyman, "James Clyman: His Diaries and Reminiscences," California Historical Society Quarterly, 5 (June 1926): 109-139. For this reference seep. 135; also Mofras, Travels, 2:218. 3 Robinson, Life in California, p. 41. 4 Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 203. 5 Gough, "The Views of George Peard," p. 226. 6 Dana, Two Years, p. 60. 7 Du Petit-Thouars, Voyage, pp. 10-11. 8 Mofras, Travels, 2:213. 9 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 66. 10 A Kentuckian, Philip L. Edwards, came to California in 1837 with a group intending to purchase stock for the Willamette Valley in Oregon. He remained for only a few weeks while the animals were bought and rounded up. Philip L. Edwards, California in 1837: Diary of Col. Phiiip L. Edwards Containing an Account of a Trip to the Pacific Coast (Sacramento: A. J. Johnston & Co., Printers, 1890), p. 20. 11 simpson, Narrative of a Journey, p. 89. 12 Archibald H. Gillespie was the carrier of confidential messages for John Fremont in 1846. After traveling north from Monterey to meet Fremont, Gillespie remained in California to help form the California Battalion. His diary has been reprinted in George w. Ames Jr., ed., "Gillespie and the Conquest of California," California Historical Society Quarterly, 17 (June 1938): 123-140. In June, 1840, Captain Joseph de Rosamel of the French Navy arrived in Monterey to avenge the reported murder of French residents. Finding the rumor to be false, Rosamel spent a pleasant three weeks in California. His observations of California are found in William F. Shepard, trans., "california Prior to Conquest: A Frenchman's.Views," California Historical Society Quarterly, 37 (March 1958): 63-78. Additional descriptions of town appearances can be found in Ames, "Gillespie and the Conquest," p. 137; Shepard, "California Prior to Conquest," p. 74; Simpson, Narrative of a Journey, p. 91. 67

ljDu Petit-Thouars, Voyage, pp. 10-11. Buildings with a second story were American-built. 14 Clyman, "James Clyman," p. 132. 15 Arriving in California in 1832 as a trader, Thomas Larkin soon became an influential and wealthy merchant. Although never renouncing his United States citizenship, he nevertheless became a man of property. He lived in Monterey and had business ties through­ out most of California. In 1845 he was secretly appointed a confiden­ tial agent of the United States government to promote sentiment for annexation to the United States. Some of his correspondence is reprinted in Ruben Underhill, From Cowhides to Golden Fleece (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1939), p. 54. 16 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 154. 17 Lt. Edward Belcher was a member of Beechey's expedition which visited California in 1826 and 1827. In command of his own expedition, he saw the coast again in 1837 and 1839, spending a total of three months in San Francisco, Monterey, Santa Barbara, and San Diego. The report of the trip was published in 1843. Edward Belcher, Narrative of a Voyage Round the World Performed in Her Majesty's Ship Sulphur, During the Years 1836-1842, 2 vols. (London: Henry Colburn, 1843), p. 136. 18 From Chor1s, . 1n . Ma h r, V1s1t . . o f t h e Rur1 . k , p. 18 • 19 Beechey, Narrative, 2:9. 20 rbid. 21 Kotzebue, A New Voyage, 1:23.

22 1 Jed ea1~• h Sm1t . h was a mounta1n. man an d trapper o f renown who brought his trapping party to California in search of badly needed supplies. After reaching Mission San Gabriel in November, 1826, he went to Monterey to see the officials. He endured arrest and much harassment before he was able to procure the necessary passports for his company. After receiving the papers he went east with some of his men, leaving the rest to trap the Central Valley waters. He returned the next year for the rest of his party. Fragments of his journals are all that remain and are quoted in Maurice S. Sullivan, ed., The Travels of Jedediah Smith (Santa Ana, Calif.: The Fine Arts Press, 1934), p. 51. See also Beechey, Narrative, 2:9. 23 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 42. 24 Ibid. 68

25 As a naturalist and artist with the United States Exploring Expedition commanded by Charles Wilkes, Titian Peale was in the over­ land party that came to California south from Oregon in 1841. His few weeks in California were spent making notes and drawings of the flora and fauna, especially in the San Francisco Bay area. Clifford M. Drury, Diary of Titian Ramsay Peale: Oregon to California Overland Journey September and October, 1841 (Los Angeles: Glen Dawson, 1957), p. 76. 26 Ibid. 27 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," pp. 218-219. 28 Dana, Two Years, p. 94. 29 Ibid. I pp. 94, 98. 30 Camp, "Philo White," p. 73. 31 Dana, Two Years, p. 50. 32 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 157. 33 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 79. 34 simpson, Narrative of a Journey, pp. 118-119. 35 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 326. 36 Drury, Diary of Titian Peale, p. 73. 37 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 92. 38 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 326. 39 underhill, Cowhides, p. 54. 40 Sllllpson,. Narrat1ve. o f a Journ~y, p. 89. .•

41Dr. Mar1us. Duva 1 1 serve d as Ass1stant . Surgeon on t h e USS Portsmouth which spent about a year in California waters in 1846 and 1847. While making friends with the Californios, he criticized the participants of the Bear Flag Revolt. Marius Duvall, A Navy Surgeon in California 1846-1847: The Journal of Marius Duvall, ed. Fred B. Rogers (San Francisco: John Howell, 1957). Overton Johnson and William H. Winter, two young men with an adventuresome spirit, traveled overland with an emigrant party to California in 1843. They remained only a fev1 months before returning to Indiana. Winter eventually came back to California, settling in Napa. Overton Johnson and William H. Winter, Route Across the Rocky Mountains (Lafayette, Ind.: John B. Seaman's, 1846). The construction of the homes is 69

described in Duvall, A Navy Surgeon_, p. 40; Johnson and \ilinter, Route Across tne Mountains, p. 107; Colton, Three Years, pp. 4, 66; and Wilkes, Co1umbia River to the Sacramento, p. 92. 42 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 324. 43 Co1ton, Three Years, p. 4. 44 Dana, Two Years, p. 67; Johnson and Winte:r:, Route Across the Mountains, p. 107. 45 eamp, "Philo White," p. 70. 46 Leonard, Narrative, p. 166. 47 rnterior furnishings of the houses are described in Lehman, "A california Letter, .. p. 59 and in Leonard, Narrative, pp. 166-167.

48For an explanation of mission secularization consult Irving B. Richman, California Under Spain and Mexico, 1535-1847 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911). 49 Choris' report in Mahr, Visit to the Rurik, p. 93. 50 Maloney, "Journal of Brackenridge," p. 333. 51 Drury, Diary of Titian Peale, p. 72. 52 eamp, "Phi1o White," p. 72. 53 simpson, Narrative of a Journey, p. 115. / 54 Belcher, Narrative, 1:326. 55 Kotzebue, A New Voyage, p. 94; however Kotzebue was wrong here, for the buildings were all of adobe. 56 Le Netrel, Voyage of the Heros, p. 25. 57 Indian populations varied greatly among missions, but in general ranged from 500 to 2000. From David Hornbeck, "The California Missions: Was Secularization Necessary," paper read at The Associa­ tion of Borderlands Studies Meetings, April 27-29, 1978, in Denver, Colorado. 58 carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," pp. 227-228. 59 . . Sl.IDpson, Narrat1ve of a Journey, p. 80. 60 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 158. 70

61 Rogers ' narrat• 1ve 1n. Da 1 e, Th e As hl ey-Sm1 "th Exp1 orat1ons, . pp. 204-205; Gough, "The Views of George Peard," p. 218. 62 . Langsdorff, Voyages and Travels, p. 159. 63 Belden, Josiah Belden, pp. 119-120. 64 Duvall, A Navy Surgeon, p. 43. 65 Du Pet1t-T. h ouars, Voyage, pp. 5 3-54 • ,66 Dana, Two Years, p. 105. In this instance Dana was incor- rect, for Santa Barbara is the only mission that has been in continu­ ous use since its establishment. Its land, however; as at the other missions, was removed from Church control during secularization. CHAPTER IV

THE PATTERNS: IMAGES OF LAND USE AND Llu'JD TENURE

When a people colonize a new land they invariably transfer accustomed practices from the old land to the new. One particular element that colonists or settlers carry with them is the way in which they organize and utilize the land, for land tenure and land use are fundamental and integral aspects of each cultural experience.

The particular systems of land tenure and land use employed are reflected by the patterns they create upon the landscape. The size, shape, and location of landholdings may reflect or directly influence

(as would probably occur in early stages of settlement} bom1daries of all kinds, transportation structure, population distribution, and 1 even the type of agriculture practiced.

The imprint made on the lru1dscape by Spanish and Mexican land use and tenure practi~es was probably their most enduring contribution to the California character. As their primary method of organizb1g the land and its native inhabitants, the Spanish had instituted the mission system. Their establishment was directly responsible for the disorganization, movement, and decline of the

Indian population. A more positive contribution was their introduc­ tion of a number of agricultural crops and domestic animals previously unknown to the province. Some of these crops (especially fruit

71 72

trees and grape vines) were to provide a basis for future agricultur- alists. Mission locations have also proved to be of significance: with but few exceptions towns later developed in the places where 2 missions once stood.

The development of the rancho system and the granting of large parcels to would-be rancheros was possibly most influenced by the existence of the missions. The vast holdings of the missions covered much of the available agricultural or pasture lands in the occupied areas; consequently only a handful of ranchos were granted before secularization freed lands for private ownership. The locations of the ranchos thus influenced by the missions, in turn had

v a major impact on the subsequent anglo occupation and settlement of cal ]_"f ornl.a. . 3

Foreigner's images of the missions and ranchos and their use of the land provide an important key to later conflicts. The systems of land use and tenure utilized by the hispanic people and the incoming settlers were disparate enough to create numerous conflicts, thus influencing California land ownership and its use long after the transition to American rule had been effected. Some of these differences can be seen in the attitudes of the early foreign visitors to hispanic California.

Land use at the missions was frequently an item of interest to mariners, for it was from these institutions that ships received fresh food needed to supplement the crew's diet. In making the arrangements for provisions some of the ships' officers journeyed 73

out to the mission establishments. Lt. Peard received a large quan·tity of produce from the missions:

besides potatoes, we got Cauliflower, Cabbage, Pumpkins, Tomatoes, Capsicums [green peppers] & Beet root. Good sallad [sic] is to be had in the proper season. Fine Quinces were sold •••• The Water Melons, Apples, & Pears are indifferent. It was not the time of the year for Grapes or figs. We found some Mushrooms and made several bottles of good Ketchup.4

From Mission Santa Clara, Kotzebue was able to lavish praise on the

"fine melons, peaches, grapes, and figs, and to the magnificent 5 apples. which have no equals in Europe." The fertile lands produced a wide variety of fruits and vegetables.

Apples of various kinds-, pears, peaches, and figs are charac­ teristic of the entire country; but in the southern regions, beginnin-g from Santa Barbara, huge masses of grapes, lemons, oranges, tangerines, pomegranates, citron, and plane trees are cu1tivated. Fruit gardens are decorated with rose bushes, pinks, and stock; there are many medicinal herbs and vegetables such as canteloupes, waterrrfelo~s, pumpkins, garlic, onions, potatoes, various kinds of cabbages, lettuce, and other greens • • • • Of grain there are cultivated wheat, barley, peas, beans, frijol, garbanzos, lentils and corn.6

Unfortunately these products were only available at the missions; there was very little cultivation by the rest of the population.

The gardeh at Mission San Jose when Langsdorff saw it in 1806 was

extremely well laid out, and kept in very good order; the soil is every where rich and fertile, and yields ample returns. The fruit-trees are still very young, but their/ produce is as good as could be expected.?

He was also amazed at

the quantity of corn in the granaries [which] far exceeded my expectations. They contained at that time more than two thousand measures of wheat, and a proportionate quantity of maize, barley, pease, [sic] beans, and other grain.8 74

San Jose was evidently in a more fertile spot than Mission San

Francisco, for when Langsdorff saw the garden at San Francisco he noted that

there was nothing in it but some sorts of pulse and culinary vegetables, with a few stunted fruit trees, which scarcely bore any fruit, and most of the beds were overgrown with weeds •••• the only things that grow well .•• are asparagus, cabbage, several sorts of salad, onion:;; and potatoes .•• pease, [sic] beans, Turkish corn •••• 9

Even after secularization, some of the mission gardens prospered, depending on the character of the administrators who were

in charge. Visitors to Mission Santa Clara in 1841 would have seen a

small fruit Garden which was principally stocked with Grape vines in the center .surrounded by a number of Fig, Peach, Olive, & Almond trees, in another enclosure not far distant were Apples, Pears, and small fruits in abundance, •.• and Prickly Pear. 10

In the same year, Mission San Jose, although mostly in ruins, still had a large kitchen garden in which "peaches, pears, apples, figs, grapes, and o 1 ~ves• II were st~'11 ava~'labl e. ·ll Of the garden at Mission s~~ta Barbara, eight years after its 1834 secularization, there was still

five or six acres. Notwithstanding the neglect of several years, it contained figs, lemons, oranges, pears, apples, grapes, quinces, raspberries, strawberries, melons, pumpkins, plums, prickly-pears, and whole avenues of olives •••. Of esculent vegetables there was an almost endless variety,-­ potatoes, sweet and common, cabbage, tomato, garlic, onions, Chile pepper, and of course the everlasting frijole. 12

Not all of the mission gardens were kept up, however. For instance, there was little left of the once extensive garden at San Luis

Obispo, and there was no one to harvest its once fine olive trees.

In similar condition were the olive trees at San Buenaventura; their 75

limbs were bowed by the masses of unpicked fruit. At San Jose, the garden was desolate--weeds choking out all but a few patches of vegetables and a few onion shoots which were pushing their way through the masses of oats which grew wild all over the ground. Of the many fruit trees once yielding bountifully, there remained none but the 13 heavily laden pear to sample.

When the missions flourished, grapes grew so abundantly in their gardens that they were used to make wine--the quality of which engendered conflicting reports. With the many different factors that must combine to make good wine, it was inevitable that the various types produced in California w~re not going to be of the same quality.

"The wine of Santa Barbara"·was in Roquefeuil's opinion, "the best,

••• red, sweet, a little heady, and much resembles the medium 14 quality wine of cape Good Hope. " Another observer reported that 15 the wine was excellent-- "sweet, and resembling Malaga," yet

Khlebnikov regarded the wine (either red or white) as "sometimes very good • • • but generally of low quality. ·~ 16 To others the wine was miserable, had a terrible taste, and was so bad that it should not 17 even be called wine. One Frenchman, tasting the wine produced by a fellow countryman who had settled near Santa Barbara, acknowledged 18 that "although the wine is not very good, it is fit to drink."

In addition to intensive cultivation, the missions also had large herds of domestic animals; cattle, sheep, horses, and mules are most frequently mentioned. Almost every observer in California

"passed innumerable herds of cattle, horses, and ••• sheep" as did

,· 76

Jedediah Smith's fur trappers as they approached Mission san Gabriel 19 in 1826. Farther north, when traveling between San Francisco and

Santa Cruz, Duhaut-Cilly "constantly saw immense herds of cows, sheep, and horses" which caused him to write that "this long strip 20 of eighteen leagues is but one continual pasture." Thousands of cattle grazed the lu~ri~nt grasses of the extensive plains surround­ 21 ing Mission San Luis Rey. Jedediah Smith, after seeing several of the missions thought that the cattle were "nearly as numerous as the Buffalo [sic] of the plains of the Missouri •.

The freedom of the animals was a curiosity to some travelers who were surprised to see the huge herds of domestic animals--horses, 23 mules, and cattle--almost completely wild. One wrote that the cattle, "living in freedom in immense fields, are almost as wild as if they had no masters."24 It was thought that since the stock was allowed to roam the hills and pastures freely having little contact 25 with man, that they easily became wild.

After the secularization of missions ru1d the corresponding growth of the hide and tallow trade, the system which allowed thousands of cattle to roam free only to be slaughtered for their hides and fat, evoked much comment by the foreigners in California.

In fact, when Edward Vischer toured California in 1842 during the heyday of that trade, he was moved to write that "cattle-raising has such an important place in this country that the wealth of the 26 J..n. d.~v~aua . - 1 ~s . est~mate . d b y t h e n umber o f h.~s cattle." Concurr~ng. with his statement is Bid\'Tell' s remark that "a person who has not a 77

27 thousand [cattle] is scarcely noticed as regards stock." These cattle, the mainstay of the economy during Mexican rule, were killed by the thousands for their hides and tallow which were sold mostly to Yankee merchant ships. The meat, beyond that needed for immediate 28 consumption, was left to the wolves and other scavengers. "Large, exceedingly strong and agile, ••• " the cattle exhibited "a fecundity 29 unknown in Europe, bearing calves after the second year."

"The great waste of beef by the way of killing bullocks in

California has been and partly is now tremendous" wrote Sandels in 30 1843. Visitors were shocked at the "beef which is used and wasted 31 here in the greatest profusion." They gazed in disbelief at 32 slaughters of several thousand head at one time. Besides not utilizing the meat, the foreigners critiqued the Californios for. their overall gross mismanagement of the animals. Not only were they wasting most of the meat that was made available, but ·they were ignoring the potential in the live cows--that is, their milk. The cows were not milked and therefore there was not any milk, butter, or cheese.

Other domestic animals are rarely mentioned, except in passing. One writer indicated that the sheep were of a fine quality but since they were not cared for in any way their wool was not of . 33 a good qua1 J..ty. Reference to mules is made only rarely and horses are usually described (as are sheep, cattle and mules) as being numerous. "Immense herds of wild horses •.• fled swiftly" when approached by Robinson; Jedediah Smith was able to purchase from a 78

34 ranchero "as many horses and mules as he want[ed]." Most visitors· were impressed by the qualities of the horses, for they were

"remarkable for their agility and extraordinary endurance. • 35 They either walk or gallop." Never provided shelter, even in the most inclement weather, the horses were "allowed to run wild and

graze wherever they please. Sometimes their necks were encircled by lassos so they could be caught easily, and all were 37 b ran d e d f or easy ~'d ent~ 'f' 1ca t' ~on. Because of their great numbers,

"horses are the cheapest thing in California; very fair ones not being worth more than ten dollars apiece, and the poorer being often 38 sold for three and four."

OUtside of mission endeavors, little agriculture was practiced by California residents. Near San Francisco in 1817, Roquefeuil 39 "noticed some gardens badly enclosed and badly tended" and Duhaut-

Cilly saw on Fra.'1cisco Castro's rancho near Mission Solano "some fields where grain had been harvested recently; but all the rest was 40 pasturage support~g. • • • catt1 e a'1 d • • • h orses. n / He was -F_orce d to conclude, after his extensive travels that

agriculture is entirely neglected by the Californians. The labor of some among them, in this Flrticular, consists of cultivating some vines and small gardens where are planted, without judgement, various species of fruit trees and vegetables which they do not know how to graft or improve.41

The primitive state of agriculture and its associated imple- ments also came under criticism by some of the foreign observers

{although there are only a few pertinent references available) • Most concluded that all aspects of agriculture were exceedingly backwards, 79

notwithstanding the productive mission gardens. Had the soil not been so fertile and had there not been so many Indian laborers to perform the necessary tasks, it was possible, according to one source, 42 that a great amount of food would have been imported. Some of the

foreigners observed with amusement the agricultural techniques

utilized by the cultivators.

Their mode of preparing the soil for_grain is of an awkward and rather novel nature. When they want to plough, they repair to the woods and get a sapling with a knot or branch jutting out on one side, which they make sharp, hitch two or more teams of oxen to it and then proceed to score out the ground--which is generally done in wet weather, when the ground is moist.43

Although the plow used in California was considered almost useless, the level, fertile soils responded with amazing yields, reportedly 44 sixty or eighty for one. The plow that Douglas saw in use at

Mission Santa Clara was "shod with a thin flat place of iron, not exceeding a pound in >'Ieight • scoop[ed] out, in the manner of a

Gouge [sic] about three inches of turf at every passage. ..45

The harrows in use were not at all sophisticated either: "they use a brush, and by laying a weight on it, some times scratch the ground 46 in tolerable style."

In a country where agricultural implements were of a primitive nature, so too were the techniques.

It will scarcely be credited by agriculturists. in other countries, that there were seventy ploughs and two hundred oxen at work upon a piece of light ground of ten acres ••.• The greater part of these ploughs followed in the same furrow without making much impression until they approached the padre, when the ploughman gave the necessary inclination of the hand, and the share got hold of the ground. 4 7 80

After the seeds were sown they were plowed under, b11t the primitive methods failed to turn over many clods of earth, which left the seeds . 48 bare and eventua11 y to d1e. Sometimes plowing was so irregular

that "scarcely two furrows were in parallel lines, as they met, 49 crossed, and receded, according to the vagaries of the cattle."

Either none of the observers·· ever saw a harvest in progress or else none deemed it important enough to describe, for there are no such descriptions in the literature. Threshing was only infrequently

seen, but it too, was quite primitive.

The threshing-floor the padres use is round; it is sixty feet in diameter, and entirely enclosed in a palisade. When it is filled to a certain height with ears of corn without husks, a herd of mares are let in and made to run round and round for two hours; these are relieved by another band, and so on, until there remains no more grain in the ears.SO

Grains were also threshed on the ground in this manner and thus had 51 too roue h sand an d d1rt. 1n . 1t . to b e o f goo d qua1' 1ty.

Mills for grinding this grain are rarely mentioned in the literature. During his 1816 visit Chamisso saw very primitive mills, powered by horses, at the missions, but they appeared to be broken and irreparable. Twenty years later Robinson saw only one mill in south ern Ca l 1'f orn1a. . 52

Keeping the vast herds of animals from eating crops must have been a difficult task, for one writer observed that the culti- vated fields did not have any fences. Other travelers, however, do describe the fences they saw, although many were disgusted at the way the Spaniards fenced their fields. One even thought that to have a good farm, the fences must be made like those in the United States. 81

The objectionable fencing was made of brush or willow branches woven together to create a fine mesh. They may have taken root;

. . f 53 more probably bushes h ad been p 1 ante d to f orm a 1 ~v~ng ence. other rancheros fenced their fields with rows of cut willows with 54 branches lashed or woven horizontally to the poles. Evidently these crude barriers were effective for the people were usually able to produce enough food for their own consumption. There was even enough to provision ships, although one captain worried about the condition in which his produce would arrive, for it was

carried to the place of embarkation on heavy and very badly constructed cars dra\vn by oxen: the wheels were made of thick planks nailed together, without any regard to mechanical science either in their form or poizing; and the machine slowly advanced with a difficult jolting motion very pre- judicial to our [produce] • • 55

It is surprising that in an area as dry as that covered by hispanic settlement, that there is not more frequent mention of irrigation_ The explorer, Fremont, stated in his book that "cultiva­ 56 tion has always been by irrigation" south of Point Concepcion and

Robinson briefly remarks that "in many parts of the country irrigation 57 is necessary." Even more surprising is the dearth of references to the extensive and elaborate irrigation systems created by the 58 padres to bring water to their gardens. One description of an irrigation system was actually in reference to the construction of a water mill at Mission Santa Barbara in 1827. Duhaut-Cilly saw that the water to power the mill was "brought for more than two leagues 59 by a canal following the side of the mountains .••• " Touring 82

the remains of Mission San Francisco Solano seven years after its secularization, one visitor could see even then that the garden had

the priests to thank for the means of artificial irrigation, a small stream having been brought from the hills, under their direction, and made to flow in tiny channels wherever water could be required.60

The use of irrigation, some of the crops grown, and the custom of allowing stock to run wild only to be slaughtered for their hides, all were practices new and strange to most of the foreigners who visited hispanic California. Even more alien, however, was the hispanic system of land tenure. Rarely mentioned in the literature prior to mission secularization, the availability and acquisition of huge tracts of land after it occurred aroused considerable comment.

The missions are almost all, entirely gone to ruin & can never be brought back to their former state; and there is no doubt but that the temporal welfare of a great portion of the inhabitants has been much improved by their ruin, for formerly almost all of the land of the country belonged to the missions and the white-inhabitants were not able to obtain any, and now the former are barely left with what is sufficient for the cattle they at present possess, and the latter have obtained grants of farms, many of which are now well stocked and in general are improving rapidly.61

The ease with which a person, even a foreigner, could acquire a rancho is reiterated time and again by the visitors.

To obtain lands a memorial is laid before the Governor, if the memorial be favorably entertained, he gives his assent in a formal deed, which must be laid before the Junta and by another deed confirmed by them; the District Alcalde then proceeds with his Officers to measure and survey the lot and furnishes a plan of it, a copy of this, together with an exclusive brand and ear mark for cattle accompany's [sic] the titles from the Junta, which are registered in its archives.62 83

In Thomas Larkin's report to the United States government, he too, speaks of the ease with which ranchos were granted.

The farms now occupied are owned by Mexicans, Californians, and naturalized foreigners, who became so by signing a simple memorial (some even by proxy), stating that such was their wish; when a letter of citizenship was immediately filled up for the petitioner, without any form, oath or cere­ mony on his part. The farms are given to any petitioner (who is a c.iti:zen) .from. one to.~eleven square leagues, and he may ask for it, with no expense. The land adjoining the seacoast is principally taken up: also that immediately on the bay of San Francisco, and a few on the river Sacramento, but none on the San Joaquin river. Taking the whole extent of the country, but a small portion of it is divided into ranchos having owners.63

Although he had been in California only a short while, Pierson Reading

received from the government a large tract of land as a grant. The title is good and secures the land to me forever. The ~act is in length five leagues, on the bank of the river, and one league deep; one league makes three miles, which gives me 15 miles in length by three miles in breadth. A more beautiful tract of land I never saw.64

In spite of his success others perhaps may not have been as fortunate, for it was reported that "these grants cannot • be had at all times, or by all persons; only those who are in favor with the 65 authorities, are likely to get lands." Occasionally it did seem to the foreigners that only favorites or important men received rancho grants, but it was not always the case. Some foreigners wanting to acquire land objected to certain of the requirements (such as having to become a Mexican citizen and a Roman Catholic) demanded by the government. Most of them agreed, however, that the rules for obtaining land were reasonable, the process itself simple, and the policy of the ~ex~can.• . government ~n . grant~ng . ranc h os to fore~gners,. · 1 ~bera. 1 • 66 84

One facet of the California rancho that engendered numerous discussions, was its large size.

Every man of any consequence owns what is called his rancha, [sic] usually a piece of wild land 4 or 5 leagues square, not divided from any other piece of land in any way except by land marks.67

The ranchos of necessity spanned thousands of acres for the herds were so numerous that the cattle were forced to forage widely for their sustenance. To Americans accustomed to the square, precisely surveyed sections in the Township and Range system, a single rancho encompassing the equivalent of six and one-half sections was totally incomprehensible. Even stranger to them, particularly those from the

United States, was the shape--for instead of a prescribed square or rectangle, the ranchero was allowed to request any parcel regardless 68 of size or shape. They did not have to adhere to survey lines as in the United States. Because foreigners had difficulty adjusting to the immense size of the ranchos, and perhaps also because they judged rancho lands to be under-utilized, some felt it necessary to vent their anger by sarcastically deriding the hispanic system.

It sounds strange to an American, and much more so to an Englishman, to hear Californians talk of farms. They never speak of acres, or even miles; they deal only in lea~~es ..•. Only fancy a farm covering sixty miles in length! Why, a man would want a railroad through it for his own private use. 69

The way in which the land was being used in hispanic

California was almost universally criticized by the foreign visitors.

To a man they felt that any other people could better use and exploit the natural fertility of California's soils. For example, Duvall lamented that 85

although the country around Monterey is fertile, few seem inclined to cultivate it--there are no regular gardens or plantations in the neighborhood, and to procure vegetables in small quantity is a great difficulty, in abundance, an impossibility.70

The lush, rich soils of the nearby Santa Clara Valley were not being

cultivated either--a few scattered vegetable gardens for the inhabi- 71 tants own use were the on1 y ev1.d ence o f agr1cu . 1 ture to b e seen.

"The upper part of the Salinas Valley • would afford excellent

stock farms , . particularly well suited to sheep" but when Fremont 72 saw it in 1846 it was devoid of man or beast. Much of the land

was covered with thick stands of wild oats attesting to the richness

of the earth. They are of "an excellent quality; but as neither 73 cattle nor horses are ever fed here, ·they are never harvested. "

Of course there were examples in California which, according to the

visitors, served to verify their statements and indicate what would

result from an active and energetic population. A number of

foreigners had migrated to the province and established residences

L- I - there. Many were quite prosperous: by 1840 M. Vignes, a Frenchman,

was selling his wine throughout California and in Los Angeles some

Americans were developing the natural resources, building stores and

engag1ng. 1n . b us1ness . • 74 Two years after arriving in California,

.Juan Leandry was

a "ranchero," and now possessed a stock of about six thousand bullocks, besides horses, sheep, and all the necessary append­ ages to constitute a farm of first rate character. A vineyard occupies a large space on the left of the house, from which he anticipated the pleasure of one•day remitting a cargo of wines to the United States. Should he continue his indefatigable labors, he will have one of the richest "haciendas" in the country. 75 86

Of the land that was under cultivation, it was but "of trifling extent and bears no proportion to the population it is 76 destined to maintain." Not even the vast herds of cattle were as extensive as they could have been, for the lush grasses were capable of feeding fifty times the number of cattle that presently grazed 77 upon them.

Most of the foreign visitors agreed that California lands were not being put to proper use by the hispanic population and that there existed tremendous opportunities for an enterprising people.

That such opportunities were anticipated caused some to acquire land

"under the expectation of the United States' flag being hoisted. This 78 idea already enhances the value of the land." These people saw the wealth of California in different terms from the hispanic people; therefore they wished for a population that would exploit the land in ways they thought best, not as it was currently managed. If that happened, "we should see a country as powerful as any 79 mentioned in history." Had California been settled by another people then Captain Beechey would not have had "to depend on American vessels" for supplies other than "flour, fresh beef, vegetables, and .. so . . . . salt. • • • A lucrat1ve trade w1th v1siting sh1ps could be developed with ease by an enterprising farmer who could prosper by filling the ever-increasing demand for provisions. With a little more industry, he could raise grain for sale throughout the province and also for export.

Upper California is a very fertile land and is ideally suited for raising animals, grains, and vines. If this country had 87

originally been colonized by a hardworking and industrious people, today it would occupy a high rung on the commercial ladder; one might also say that it would be the granary, the wharehouse [sic] of all the lands on the Pacific .... But depopulated, prey to civil discord, inhabited by a people for whom life's supreme happiness consists of horseback-riding and sleep~ng, what can you expect from her? Nothing, except conquest by the first people who take the trouble to seize her!8l

The foreigners were confident of their abilities; they felt that with

their "prudence and economy" they "would not fail to make • a vast fortune" if they v1ere able to acquire a good farm and obey the

laws. 82 "Hardworking and industrious people" with "prudence and economy" 83 would thus be able to get rich in California agriculture,

for the "lazy" inhabitants did not organize their land in a prosperous way.

The foreigners found fault with almost every aspect of·

California agriculture. Although they approved of the extensive crops in the mission gardens, the tools and methods of cultivation were considered ludicrous and inadequate at best. The scarcity of agricultural plots outside the missions were frequently censured; however, the local wine, produced from these very same gardens, received mixed comments. From the images and opinions the foreigners recorded, it is evident that they never quite understood the practice of allowing stock to run wiid. Consequently, once the hide and tallow trade had expanded to dominate the entire economy, the foreigners added to their c~iticisms of free-roaming stock the wasteful practice of killing beef for their hides and fat only. In addition, they found fault with the Californios for having poorly 88

built fences (if any) around their crops. And lastly, the system of

land tenure which enabled people to own huge, sprawling ranchos was condemned for two reasons: the ranchos were too large and the land was not being utilized to its full advantage.

The patterns produced by this extensive land use were alien and. hostile to the Anterican and European .tradition of small farms.

Even though major problems developed only after.newly arrived settlers found much of the land already owned, evidence of cultural differences were apparent long before. Because the new arrivals did not approve of the hispanic land use and land tenure system, 84 conflict developed between the two cultural groups. Viewing these attitudes in a historical perspective provides a more thorough understanding of the contact process.

As a result of the contact, the foreigners observed and evaluated the way in which the Californios used their land and organized their land tenure system. Finding both schemes lacking according to their own standards, they envisioned what California might be like if inhabited by a progressive and industrious, non­ hispanic population. However, the peopJe they desired were already arriving: lured by stories and tales of fertile soil or commercial opportunities, or arriving by chance, an ever-increasing number of foreigners made their homes in California. So many established themselves in trade that the economy of hispanic California was eventually controlled by non-hispanic migrants. This unique situation will be explored in the following chapter. 89

Footnotes

1The opposite situation could also occur--the type of land use the inhabitants wish to pursue may indeed determine land tenure customs.

2Two exceptions are Soledad and San Antonio. The former is presently surrounded by valuable agricultural fields and the latter is on a military base.

3 For a thorough investigation of this process refer to Hornbeck, "Land Tenure and Rancho Expansion." 4 Gough, "The Views of George Peard," pp. 221-222. 5 Kotzebue, A New Voyage, 1:102. 6 Mazour, "Memoirs," pp. 319-320. 7 Langsdorff, Voyages and Travels, p. 193. 8 rbid. 9 rbid., pp. 161-162. 10 Maloney, "Journal of Brackenridge," p. 334. ll Drury, Diary of Titian Peale, p. 72. 12 simpson, Narrative of a Voyage, p. 132. 13 Descr1pt1ons. . can be IOun~ d 1n . Duva 11 , A Na~J Surgeon,. p. 4 3; Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 79. 14 Even though he was a lieutenant in the French navy, Cruaille de Roquefeuil was in charge of a round-the-world commercial voyage for some French merchants. He spent about six weeks in San Francisco during the autumn of 1817; a subsequent visit the following fall lasted a month. The trip was successful as the Spanish authorities made no efforts to stop his trading, even though by the laws.of Spain it was illegal. Camille de Roquefeuil, Camille de .Roquefeuil in San Francisco, 1817-1818, trans. and ed. Charles N. Rudkin (Los Angeles: Glen Dawson, 1954). 15 Langsdorff, Voyages and Travels, p. 193. 16 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 320. · 17 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 49. 90

18 Shepard, "California Prior to Conquest," p. 72. 19 Rogers' account in Dale, The Ashley-Smith Explorations, p. 194. 20 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 149. 21 Robinson, Life in California, p. 19. 22 Su11' 2van, Trave1 s, p. 52 • 23 Leonard, Narrative, p. 168. 24 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 153. 25 Kotzebue's report reprinted in.Hahr, Visit of the Rurik, p. 67. 26 . Gudde, "Edward Vischer," p. 205. 27 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 47. 28 Father Jean A. Bachelot was a Catholic priest who was expelled by Protestant zealots from Hawaii. After being forcibly stranded with a companion on California shores in 1832, he spent the next five years administering to the congregations at Mission San Gabriel and at the pueblo of Los Angeles. Two of his letters are reproduced in Lindley Bynum, trans., "Two Letters from San Gabriel in the Thirties," Historical Society of Southern California, 14 (1928-30): 366-373. Reference is to p. 370. 29 Mofras, Travels, 2:252. 30 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 83. 31 Clyman, "James Clyman," p. 136. 32 Rogers in Dale, The Ashley-Sn,ith Explorations, p. 196. 33 Mofras, Travels, 2:254. 34 Rob'2nson, L2'f e 2n. c a l"f2 orn2a, . p. 22 ; Rogers 2n. Da 1 e, Th e Ashley-Smith Explorations, p. 202. 35 Mofras, Travels, 2:252. 36 Dana, Two Years, p. 69. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid., p. 94. 91

39 Roquefeuil, Camille de Roquefeuil, p. 8. 40 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 243. 41 I b"dJ. • ' p. 310 . 42 Beechey, Narrative, p. 38. 43 Leonard, Narrative, p. 167. 44 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 97. 45 Douglas, James Douglas, pp. 35-36. 46 Leonard, Narrative, p. 168. 47 . Beechey, Narrative, pp. 38-39. 48 · Kotzebue, A New Voyage, p. 100. 49 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 36. 50 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 237. 51 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 320. 52 chamisso's observations in Mahr, Visit of the Rurik, p. 87; Robinson, Land in California, p. 23. 53 . Leonard, Narrative, p. 168; Bidwell, A Journey, p. 46; Clyman, "James Clyman," p. 259. 54 Clyman, "James Clyman," p. 259 •. 55 Kotzebue, A New Voyage, p. 102. 56 The career of John c. Fremont was checkered with controversy arising from his actions in California. As an Army lieutenant in charge of topographical engineers, he led his party into California in 1844. After being given permission to rest men and animals in the San Joaquin Valley, he violated the terms of the agreement and moved to another position. When Mexican officials told him to leave he made fortifications on top of a mountain and raised the United States flag. Two days later he left for Oregon to continue his survey, but Gillespie reached him in mid-journey to bring him back. He then supported the Bear Flag Revolt of 1846-47, was military governor for a few short months before he was sent east for court-martial. John C. Fremont, Geographical Memoir Upon Upper California (Washington: Wendell and Van Benthuysen, 1848). 92

57Ro.b" ~nson 1 Land in California, p. 43. 58 Remains of these systems can still be seen at Missions San Antonio, La Purisima, and San Diego. 59 Carter, "Duhaut-Cilly," p. 160.

60 . . f 81 S1mpson, Narrat~ve o a Journey, p. • 61 william E. P. Hartnell, an Englishman, came to California in 1822 to organize the hide and tallow trade for the firmofMcCulloch, Hartnell, & Con@any. He wrote a three-year contract with the missions which in effect began the growth of the hide and tallow trade. After he was naturalized he married into a Califol~io family and received a land grant in the Monterey area. He had many occupations--such as ranchero, merchant, teacher, tax collector, and interpreter. One of his letters is reprinted in Lauro de Rojas, "California in 1844 as Hartnell Saw It," California Historical Society Quarterly, 17 (1938): 21-27. Seep. 24. 62 Douglas, James Douglas, pp. 18-19. 63 Larkin report, in Oscar Lewis, ed., California in 1846 (San Francisco: The Grabhorn Press, 1934). Seep. 3. 64 After traveling overland to California from New Jersey, Pierson B. Reading arrived at Sutter's Fort in 1843. While working for Sutter he was able to travel widely throughout California, mostly in the northern parts. He received a land grant in the Sacramento Valley and after serving in the California Battalion, settled on his rancho. Pierson B. Reading, "A Letter Written by Pierson B. Reading at Monterey February 7, 1844," Quarterly of the Society of California Pioneers, 7 (September 1930): 143-147. Seep. 145. 65 Johnson and Winter, Route Across the Mountains, p. 109. 66 Camp, "Philo ~Vhite," p. 62. 67 Jackson, The Conquest, p. 17. 68 Clyman,"James Clyman, II p. 135; Bidwell, A Journey, p. 47. 69 Colton, Three Years, p. 7. 70. Duvall, A Navy Surgeon, p. 10. 71 Cr"'"'~'f'V'lym_..an~,-.....J"''""'lam=e1'l'slf"'"''C""l.,.,ym~an, " p. 131. 72 Fremont, Geographical Memoir, p. 40. 93

73 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 41. 74 . RobJ..nson, Land in California, p. 25.

75 I b'dJ.. ., p. 142. 76 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 39. 77 George Yount was a trapper who arrived in california with the Wolfskill party in 1830. He hunted otter in San Francisco Bay and later .rece.ived a .rancho grant in Napa Valley. Charles L. Camp, ed., The Chronicles of George c. Yount," California Historical Society Quarterly, 2 (1923-1924): 3-66. See p. 52. 78 Larkin in Lewis, California in 1846, p. 8. 79 Daniel D. Heustis was an English traveler on his way home to England when he was stranded for about seven months in California. He wrote a book about his experience. Daniel D. Heustis, Remarkable Adventures in California, 1845 (1847; Reprint, ed. Carey S. Bliss, Los Angeles: Glen Dawson, 1957). Reference top. 19. 80 Beechey, Narrative, p. 6. 81 Shepard, "California Prior to Conquest," p. 71. 82 Bidwell, A Journey, p. 53. 83 Shepard, "California Prior to c;onquest," p. 71; Bidwell, A Journey, p. 53. 84 .. See Hornbeck, "Mexican-American Land Tenure." CHAPTER V

THE INTERACTION: IMAGES OF THE COMl\ffiRCIAL STRUCTURE

A people make a specific imprint upon a landscape with their settlements, type of land use, and land ten~re system. Each element has a character of its own, but when bound together in a commercial system they produce a landscape with its own unique personality. The commercial structure is thus reflected by the way in which people interact with their environment. In Alta California, this interaction stimulated the growth of certain settlements and, most importantly, encouraged the expansion of a particular land use and its associated land tenure system. Images of commercial activities, therefore, encompass the ways in which people organize and utilize their land.

When foreigners came to California, the commerce they saw was more than just a method of buying and selling goods; it was also a direct reflection of the personality of the cultural landscape.

At first glance it may appear that the Spanish period con­ tributed little to later commercial activities, but in actuality it was then that its nucleus (settlements, land use, and land tenure) was established. Under Mexican rule the existing system was modified, gradually giving the province a new character. One reason for this change is that during the Mexican period an extensive commerce developed on the California coast.

94 95

With the advent of the hide and tallow trade in California, a number of changes occurred. One of the earliest and most important of these changes was signalled by the 1822 arrival of William E. P.

Hartnell. As supervisor for McCulloch, Hartnell & Company, he was to oversee the hide and tallow trade in California. Theraafter, an increasingly large number of fore~gners arrived in California for commercial purposes and eventually carne to dominate its entire 1 economy. After traveling up and down the coast in 1835 and 1836,

Dana ascribed this successful enterprise to the "industry, frugality, and enterprise" of the foreigners, which enabled them to

get nearly all the trade into their hands. They usually keep shops, in which they retail the goods purchased in larger quantities from our vessels, and also send a good deal into the interior •••• In every town on the coast there are foreigners engaged in this kind of trade, while I recollect but two shops kept by natives.2

By this time the hide and tallow trade was expanding rapidly with an ever-increasing number of ranchos being established to raise cattle. As a result, the trade quickly bec~~e the major economic activity on the coast. Controlled by such firms as the House of 3 Appleton & Company of Boston, the profits were enormous. This company was only one of the many American-owned firms conducting business on the California coast. Although ships of other nations 4 also traded in California, the Boston merchants were predorninant.

Thomas Larkin attributed this dominance to an unofficial policy of the Mexican government which

has always had and continues to have a strong partiality for Boston vessels, as from them they have received the best goods, ·greater variety, fair treatment, largest amount of duties and less smuggling than from some other vessels.5 96

This apparent tendency provoked comment from James Douglas who, in

1841, was trying to procure a license for the Hudson's Bay Company to hunt sea otter and beaver in California waters. Frustrated and embittered by the attitude of the Mexican officials he reported to his superiors that

we have been hitherto excluded from this field of enterprise, by the unaccountable repugnance of the Calefornian [sic] Government to license our vessels, so that private adventurers, who are not restrained by the same punctilious regard of character hold almost exclusive possession of the business.6

Evidently his assumptions were in error, for a few years later, the

Company had become involved in the hide and tallow trade, having an agent in San Francisco who bought furs and traded English goods for 7 hides. The efforts of the Company in California were not very successful: their fur trapping parties returned with small amounts of inferior furs, and their establishment was apparently not very 8 profitable as little business was conducted there.

So many foreign (especially American) traders were in Califor- nia that they

never expect to speak the prevailing language of the country, so that at this early period a knowledge of the English language is, to a merchant, of more importance than the Spanish. 9

Perhaps that is too exaggerated, but there were many English-speaking traders living in California who purchased most of their goods from

Boston ships. They organized a system to facilitate trade which had many unique characteristics.

Two active supercargoes well acquainted with the language & country are placed in each vessel, who on the moment of their arrival in port, ride into the country with their Books of Samples and call from house to house according to a list they carry in 97

their possession to display their samples, and procure orders for goods •••• 10

On. the ship itself, a large room was made into a store: shelves were built to display the merchandise and weights were provided to 11 measure the amounts. While anchored in the harbor the ship became

a whirlwind of activity as the local inhabitants carne from all around

the surrounding countryside to shop, to see the ship, and to socialize.

The customers--men, women, and children--were all carried out in the 12 ship's boats to see the cargo. This system was convenient for

rancheros and merchants alike.

The regular Boston traders generally have two vessels on the coast at a time. After collecting in company for periods varying from twelve to eighteen months, one of them returns home, leaving the other until a fresh ship supplies her place, or relieves her; by this means constantly keeping the work of collecting going on. Their hide-houses are in San Diego, to which place each vessel proceeds two or three times during the year, to land such hides and tallow as they may have collected from nine or ten ports between San Francisco and San Diego, the customer being expected to pay a part of his debt every time the vessel anchors.l3

The goods that they brought to California were of infinite variety, including "cotton cloths, velvet, silks, brandies, wines, teas, &c •• ·,.14 Dana's ship, the Pilgrim, carried

spirits of all kinds (sold by the cask), teas, coffee, sugar, spices, raisins, molasses, hardware, crockery-ware, tin-ware, cutlery, clothing of all kinds, boots and shoes from Lynn, calicoes and cottons from Lowell, crapes, silks; also shawls, scarfs, necklaces, jewelry, and combs for the women; furniture; and, in fact, everything that can be imagined, from Chinese fireworks to English cartwheels •..•15

The traders also brought foods and other items for their fellow countrymen who had no wish to accustom themselves to a California 16 diet, and were loath to part with their white flour, cocoa, and tea. 98

The prices of these items were exorbitant because of the enormous duties demanded by the customs officials and because of the expenses incurred by a trip around the Horn. In 1835 the merchandise sold for about three hundred percent more than what it was worth in Boston.

By the mid 1840's, as a result perhaps of the economy and attitude of 17 the officials, prices were raised only two hundred percent.

The chief exports of California (especially after 1823) were 18 cattle hides and arrobas of tallow. However, long before the heyday of the hide and tallow trade foreign ships were carrying away other

California products. The earliest visitors purchased provisions:

Shaler had no trouble in procurring all the supplies he needed in 19 1804. By the mid 1820's, traders were able to purchase hides, high 20 quality sea-otter skins, tallow, soap, and corn. Trade continued to expand rapidly, for in 1827 California was exporting

hides, tallow, manteca, horses to the Sandwich Islands, grain for the Russian establishments at Sitka and Kodiak, and in the disposal of provisions to whale-ships and other vessels which touch upon the coast,--perhaps a few furs and dollars are sent to China •••• 21

By 1841 the principal exports, in addition to the ever-present hides and tallow, were "salmon, • • • beaver skins, sea-otter. skins, wheat 22 • elk and deer skins." When the Alert left California in 1836,

Captain Francis Thompson wrote that the hold was packed with "39,000 23 hides, 31,000 horns, [and] between 7 & 800 lbs. of Beaver."

All of these items were acquired by barter as few of the inhabitants had any money. The only currency on the coast was held 24 by the merchants. This system occasionally created difficulties for merchants; one merchant wrote to another in 1841 that 99

the prospect for business looks gloomy indeed--what you are to do for Cash in entering I cannot devise, the only hope I have is, that you will bring such articles as will command money, otherwise you will meet with much trouble.25

The lack of currency necessitated the development of a barter system, and since the basis of the economy evolved around the hide and tallow 26 trade, cattle hides became the medium of trade. With the willing- ness of any merchant to accept a cattle hide in payment for goods or 27 services, the hides soon became known as California banknotes. The merchants on shore would sell goods to the inhabitants "taking hides 28 in pay, which they again barter with . ships. " "Since these payments are made in kind, such as in hides and tallow, and rarely in 29 money, the profits are very great." One of the problems of this system was the unequal amounts, for "in lieu of change, an extra quantity of goods is taken, which excess is usually to the disadvantage 30 of the buyer." This barter system was only rarely avoided, as the

. f 31 use o f cash was 1n requent.

A nuwber of reasons contributed to the development ~~d con- tinuation of this barter economy. Surely the scarcity of silver must have been a major factor. A second reason, probably of importance only before mission secularization was taxation. Duhaut-Cilly reports t."'lat in 1827

the padres wished to exchange their products only for the things they needed •.•• [They] lived in constant fear that the government might extort from them contributions in silver, as that had occurred several times, and this was for them a powerful reason for preferring merchandise to coin.32

Lastly, the hide trade itself helped perpetuate the barter system for the demand was so great that anyone with even a few hides could be 100

readily assured of finding a buyer.

A significant drawback, however, was associated with this hide-barter arrangement: the necessity of having to purchase every- thing on credit. When evaluating the commercial opportunities open to the Hudson's Bay Company, Douglas indicated that he did not par- ticularly favor the existing system.

Sales are generally effected on credit during the winter and spring, to be paid in the following matanza or slaughtering season which lasts from June to August, the most busy time of the year, when the traders ~re all on the wing to secure their debts. These in general are honestly paid, though the extravagance, and improvident habits induced by the facility of obtaining credit, often lead people to involve themselves beyond their means, in which case, but seldom from dishonest motives, the creditor suffers the just retribution of evils he has been the instrument of producing.33

The most unfortunate aspect of the credit system is that.it allowed the rancheros to over-extend themselves. Becoming more deeply involved with each passing year, some rancheros were unable to extricate . . 34 t h erose 1 ves f rom t h e s1tuat1on. According to Edward Vischer, the inhabitants were lured by the merchants who

stocked up every available place with such large amounts of imported goods that . . . even if all the livestock were killed, not enough hides and tallow could be produced t6 pay the debt of California.35

This abundance which flourished especially after the demise of the missions, gave the economy

a fresh impetus which soon grew entirely out of proportion Every ranchero, formerly so modest in his demands, became optimistic and reckless ...• He could not resist the temptation of buying all sorts of commodities and lQxuries which were so readily offered to him.36 101

OVerbuying was one way in which a ranchero indebted himself, selling to different buyers each year was another. For example,

a farmer after greatly involving himself in dealing with one vessel, will often forget his liabilities and sell elsewhere the produce he intended for his creditor, who may have to wait another year before he receives payment.37

The arrival of an agent even one day after a rival might be too late 38 1n. t h"1s meth o d o f d o1ng . b us1ness. . Apparently this was a common custom for which there was no recourse, for debts to traders piled 39 up year after year. This practice was attributed by Douglas to 40 "dishonest practises [sic] and improvident habits." Especially was George Simpson, of the Hudson's Bay Company's headquarters, displeased with this method of doing business. He saw that issuing goods on credit in the San Francisco store accomplished little more . 41 than acquiring a pile of debts. As a result, he shortly thereafter recommended that this outlet, the southernmost one of the Company, be closed.

Frequently, however, when a rancher's accounts became deeply in arrears and he "could not pay his debt from the results of his seasonal slaughter, he gave in pa}~ent his stored-up products, that 42 is, his cash money."

The hide and tallow trade which flourished in California during the Mexican period was governed by only a few simple regula- tions and those only sporadically enforced by the Mexican government.

At first glance the situation appeared to be particularly conducive to commerce. 102

The tolli

However there was one regulation: at Monterey there was a customs

house "at which every vessel intending to trade on the coast must 44 enter its cargo before it can begin its traffic." This very

·unpopular law was circumvented as often as possible. Even though

Douglas was able to make other arrangements for his ship he felt

that this law

will be short lived in California, as it is excessively unpopular with the inhabitants of every rank on whom it imposes a heavy additional tax purely for the benefit of a few. •' • • 45

Stopping at Monterey was required so that each ship pay high

duties on every incoming cargo.

Foreigners, however, contrive to evade this by keeping their vessels at anchor, and selling a large portion of their cargoes from on board. Great partiality is shown to those of them who have a full understanding with his excellency the governor i a..Tl.d frOm t~~lhat I v1as given to underst_and, if this be not secured, the traders are liable to exactions and vexations without nurnber.46

When the customs officers did inspect the cargo they were often bribed with money or presents, which influenced them to either ignore a good portion of the cargo or else levy ridiculously low duties on 47 the value of the goods. As did many others, Wilkes strongly objected to the "connivance of the officers of the customs, by whose cupidity the revenue laws are openly unfringed, [sic] and what of 103

right belongs to the government, goes to enrich the governor and his . ,.48 offl.cers.

One way to avoid paying either the bribes or the excessively

high duties was by smuggling. Although commonly practiced, there is

little record of it. From Dana's experience in Santa Barbara it is

~asy to conclude that smuggling was very common, very easy, and very

profitable.

The second day after our arrival a full-rigged brig came round the point from the northward, sailed leisurely through the bay, and stood off again for the south-east in the direction of the large island of Catalina. The next day the Avon got under way, and stood in the same direction, bound for San Pedro. This might do for marines and Californians, but we knew the ropes too well. The brig was never again seen ·on the coast, and the Avon went into San Pedro in about a week with a replenis~ed cargo of Canton and American goods. This was one of the means of escaping the heavy duties the Mexicans lay upon all imports. A vessel comes on the coast, enters a moderate cargo at Monterey, which is the only custom­ house, and commences trading. In a month or more, having sold a large part of her cargo, she stretches over to Catalina, or other of the large, uninhabited islands which lie off the coast, in a trip from port to port, and supplies herself with choice goods from a vessel from Oahu, which has been lying off and on the islands, waiting for her.49

The Mexican officials were not unaware of the smuggling that

was occurring, but since they had no patrol vessels they were power-

less to stop the practice. They did, however, instigate diligent

·examinations of suspected cargoes, thereby arousing the emnity of

certain merchants. "Depend on it;, wrote an American merchant from

Santa Barbara,

they will search every part of the vessel, not excepting your private ·trunks and the chests of the crew. . . • They are hungry to Ketch [sic] some one of us, and will leave no means untried to affect it •••• so 104

Despite the great distances, high duties, and erratic nature

of Mexican officials, trade with California increased yearly. How-

ever, to most engaged in this commerce, it did not at all fulfill

California's tremendous potential. As early as 1816 Chamisso thought

that the California coast could become "the granary and market of 51 the northern coasts of these seas." An awareness of the lucrative

trade between China, Hawaii, and the northwest coast made him write

that "industry and navigation . . • would speedily transfer a .. 52 profitable share in this trade to California •• Khlebnikov

determined that only organization was needed to make California a

commercial center.

California is abundant with various commodities and, if efficiently organized, would be able to export a considerable amount of cowhides, horns and tallow, lard, wheat, flour, frijol, peas, barley, maize, dried fruit, pickled olives and olive oil, cheese, butter, salt, flax, hemp, cotton, sheep wool, chamois, ham, salt beef, soap, beaver fur, alcohol, and wine. Of minerals that could enter into trade there are to be found chalk, • . [and] silver. . • 53

Disappointment in the Californios prompted him to conclude that the

development of agriculture and the exploitation of the wealth of 54 minerals would not occur for h~ndreds of years more. Others were more positive and could see a rosy commercial future with California

supplying the entire western coast of North America and the Pacific.

Islands. That dream was only attainable with "a better state of 55 affairs and an industrious race of inhabitants. . . .• •• !4ost of

the foreign travelers in California recognized its potential and allowed that it was too 105

splendid [a] country, whether we regard its internal resources or its commercial capabilities, to be thrown away on its present possessors--men who do not avail themselves of their natural advantages •••• 56

The natural wealth of hispanic California gave rise to a

commercial-economic system that only hinted at the enormous profits

that could be realized. Recognizing the opportunities, foreign

traders established bases within the province and began to tap its

great wealth. The trade was dominated by Yankee merchants who eventu-

ally acquired control of the entire economy.

Despite its dominance by foreigners during the hide and tallow

era, the commerce of Alta California essentially reflected hispanic

characteristics. The settlements, the use of the land and the system

of land tenure combined within a commercial system produced a cultural

landscape with a distinctly hispanic personality in Alta California.

As with other characteristics of hispanic California, the foreigners

were not impressed with the commerce. The negative images they

record reflect their evaluations of the cultural values of hispanic

society. Because these images of the commerce, which reflect the

basics of hispanic culture are primarily negative, it is evident

that there were fundamental disparaties between the values of the

hispanic people and the foreign visitors.

'I Under foreign control, the commercial system which emerged was of course most beneficial to its organizers--the Yankees. Foreign

observers felt that the credit system presented temptations which soon

led the Californios into debt. They saw that the exchange of goods

by barter was awkward and usually favored the Yankee trader. Exorbitant 106

customs duties of two or three hundred percent raised prices to

unreasonable levels and encouraged Yankees and Californios alike to

circumvent the laws by bribery and smuggling whenever possible. The

slowly evolving commerce thrived but could not, in the observer's

opinions, fulfill California's destiny. They felt this would occur

. only when California was peopled by an industrious race. 107

Footnotes 1 Bancroft, History of California, 2:670. 2 Dana, Two Years, p. 68. 3 Reading, "A Letter," p. 145.

4 Hornbeck, "Land Tenure." 5 underhi11, Cowhides, p. 78. 6 Letter from James Douglas, in Edwin E. Rich, ed., The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee Second Series, 1839-1844 (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1943), p. 206. 7 Rojas, "California in 1844," p. 23. 8 camp, "Philo White," p. 60. 9 Lewis, California in 1846, p. 4. 10 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 23. 11 · Ibid. 12 Dana, Two Years, p. 64. 13 Lewis, California in 1846, p. 11. 14 W1. lkes, Co 1 unub. 1a Ri.. ver to t_h e Sacramento, p. 48 . 15 Dana, Two Years, p. 64. 16 As master or supercargo of his own ships, merchant John C. Jones made annual visits to California from 1830 to 1838. After serving as United States consul in Honolulu, he settled in Santa Barbara, mar1ying into a California family in 1841. Five years later he left California. Some of his letters are printed in Donald M. Brown, China Trade Days in California; Selected Letters from the Thompson Papers, 1832-1863 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1947), p. 40. 17 It is assumed that smuggled goods cost less, but there is little information on this traffic. Reading, "A Letter," p. 145. 18 A measure o f we1g . h t; one arrob a equa 1 s 25 pound s. 19 Shaler, Journal of a Voyage, p. 59. 108

20 KOtzebue, A New Voyage, p. 84. 21 Beechey, Narrative, 2:68. 22 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 48. 23 Francis Thompson, master of the Pilgrim and the Alert, was a Bostonian engaged in the hide and tallow trade, spending much time on the California Coast in the 1830's. Letter reprinted in Brown, China Trade Days, p. 16. 24 Wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 99. 25 As maste.r and .s.upercargo .of vessels in the Hawaii~ California trade, Alpheus B. Thompson (brother of Francis Thompson) made frequent trips to California after 1825. He was once arrested by Mexican officials for smuggling. In 1834 he married a California lady and established residence in Santa Barbara, eventually acquiring a rancho grant. Some of his letters are in Brown, China Trade Days, p. 37. 26 Rich, McLoughlin Letters, p. 241. 27 Dana, Two Years, p. 67.

28Ib.d1 • , p. 68. 29 Shepard,· "California Prior to Conquest," p. 69. 30 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 99. 31 ane exception was reported by Dana, who was "surprised . at the quantity of silver in circulation. I never," he wrote," in my life, saw so much silver at one time as during the week that we were at Monterey." Dan.a, T-wo Years, p. 67. 32 Carter, "Duhaut~Cilly, " p. 14 3. 33 Rich, McLoughlin Letters, p. 254. 34 Sandels, "The King's Orphan," p. 84. 35 Gudde , "Edward Vi scher , " p. 2 06 ~ 36 Ibid. 37 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 25. 38 Shepard, "California Prior to Conquest," p. 69. 109

39 Ibid. 40 Douglas, James Douglas, p. 25. 41 Rich, McLoughlin Letters, pp. 278-279. 42 This lack of cash later was to be a severe handicap to rancheros who needed funds to establish legal ownership of their lands to the California Land Commission. For more information Gee Ivy B. Ross, "The Confirmation of Spanish and Mexican Land Grants in Califor­ nia," Master's Thesis, University of California, 1928. 43Le . WJ..S 1 California in 1846, p. 14. 44 Dana, Two Years, p. 48. 45 Rich, McLoughlin Letters, p. 252.

46W1. 'lk es, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 50. 47 Johnson and Winter, Route Across the Mountains, p. 110. 48 wilkes, Columbia River to the Sacramento, p. 48. 49 Dana, Two Years, p. 164. 50 Brown , Ch' 1.na Traa e Days , p ., 37 • In cont raa· 1 ct1.on· , 1.· s an 1845 letter written by Larkin to a Boston shipowner. He wrote that regulations were often "strained in favor" of American vessels. From Underhill, Cowhides, p. 78. 51 Ch am1.sso• I s report 1.n• Mar,h V1.s1.t • • o f · th_e Rur1..,• k . p. 77. 52 Ibid., p. 79. 53 Mazour, "Memoirs," p. 330. 54 Ibid.

55Le\vl.s, . California in 1846, p. 10. 56 Sl.mpson,. Narrat1.ve. o f a Journey, p. 141 • CHAPTER VI

IN RETROSPECT

The images of early nineteenth century hispanic California recorded by foreign observers reveal a common attitude towards the people and their interaction with the environment. Almost all of the visitors wrote of the beauty, richness, and fertility of the

California landscape. They praised its harbors, mountains and valleys, flora and fauna, and maryelled at its salubrious climate. r Physically,

California had all it needed according to the foreigners; all that was lacking was an enterprising, hard-working population. The general opinion regarding the hispanic inhabitants was negative, although there were, of course, specific individuals who_ were praised for one reason or another. Many of the mission priests inspired respect for their devotion to their Indian charges, but instances of cruelty were related by the observers. The women evoked mixed emotions but the hispanic men seemed to have aroused the contempt of almost every observer. Criticized for their overall character, entertainment habits, indolence and a multitude of other "evils," their only redeeming qualities were their hospitality customs and their horsemanship.

The settlements established by the hispanic people constituted another topic of interest for foreign observers, however, here there was no strong consensus. Many thought the few towns had a lovely appearance and setting, others could not see beyond the crooked streets

110 111

and irregular placement of houses. The appearance of the missions

usual~y elicited positive responses; only a few derogatory remarks

appear. After secularization, however, the desolation reflected by

many of these establishments flavors the tone of the descriptions

to that of sorrow--a sadness perhaps caused by the neglec·t of once

prosper01.1s enterprises.

Images of two aspects of the hispanic settlements did provoke

observers to spirited remarks. Almost to a man they despised the

adobe homes of the Californios--their mud walls, dirt floors, and primitive furnishings. Even more in accord were their opinions of

the number of settlements, unanimously they felt that settlements were too few and too far apart.

The utilization of the land was another element of hispani~

culture that was most often subjected to severe criticism. Foreigners. objected to the open range for stock; th~y wanted to see agricultural

crops instead of herds of half-wild horses and cattle. They also

resented the waste incurred by slaughtering beef solely for their hides and tallow. Little agriculture existed in early California except for the mission gardens which were usually praised for their variety of fruits and vegetables. However, the implements and methods utilized in cultivation evoked derisive comments from all who saw them.

Descriptions of the land tenure system (rancho grants) are relayed in a matter-of-fact style, but with an underlying tone of disapproval pervading the words. Large ranchos covering thousands of acres were not considered proper; instead, the observers envisioned small parcels for cultivation. Furthermore, these small farms should 112

be properly fenced and cultivated, not given over to free-ranging stock.

The commercial structure of hispanic California did not draw much approval from the foreigners either. They saw a barter-credit system which was dominated by Yankee traders, serving their interests to the detriment of the Californios. That the inhabitants paid exorbitant prices and often landed in debt >vere basic characteristics of the situation frequently criticized by outsiders and participants

(non-hispanic) alike. An enormous potential was awaiting development by an industrious population--a theme recurring throughout the literature.

These foreign views of hispanic California indicate that there was a direct conflict between the way in which the hispanic people organized and utilized their environment and the way foreigners felt would be best. These differences are more than apparent in the literature of early California travelers who could not and did not appreciate the organization and utilizati0n of an environment in ways that were vastly different from their own. They are also revealed by the ways in which the Americans reorganized and re-evaluated the resources of the land once they acquired control in California.

In the end, Americ~l settlers imposed their own cultural attitudes which in time created a different landscape character. With land use oriented towards intensive cultivation rather than extensive stock-raising, the system of _land ownership had to change also. The incoming settlers were quick to acquire small plots of farmland

(though not all were legally obtained) and gradually the landscape 113 l '

began to acquire a new character. New settlements were founded by

the newcomers as they pushed into California's interior. These new towns, as well as the old, began to assume a different appearance with the construction of wooden buildings. The urban structure changed with the influx of new settlers, becoming more diversified with the addition of new b1,1sinesses. As tnis occurred, trade also began to assume a greater importance and commercial agriculture, along with many other enterprises, flourished. These landscape modifications were often abrupt even though the attitudes which would prompt such alterations were evident long before masses of settlers arrived.

The foreigners who visited Alta California for the most part carried away with them negative images of the hispanic cultural lru

Some of the problems arising from this confusion were so complex as to delay solution until this century. But, as suggested here, these problems did not originate with the beginning of American takeover,

.but began to evolve long before, with the first visitors to Alta

California. Thus, the images expressed by these early observers not only enrich our knowledge of hispanic culture but also provide a deeper understanding of the attitudes that prompted landscape changes in an Americanized California. 114

It is in this type of an evaluation that the value of a perception study, especially one using a subjective approach, is evident. The decision-making that precedes action must have beliefs and attitudes behind it. The attitudes which have been discussed in the preceeding pages appeared frequently enough to indicate that there was ample opportunity for those emigrating after 1846 to have been swayed by perceptions of the earliest foreigners in Alta California.

Most of these images of the hispanic cultural landscape were negative, but when considering the physical landscape and its potential, images were usually positive. These attitudes towards the hispanic culture are revealing in this example for they indicate strong motives for change.

The significance of these attitudes is that those aspects of the hispanic cultural landscape least appealing to the foreigners were later subjected to almost i1rumediate alteration once American rule began. The cultural differences revealed by the foreigners' evaluations indicate major differences in use and organization of the land. When one cultural group attempted to implant their organization upon a landscape already arranged by another culture, a clash was bound to occur. Early foreigners' images of the Alta California cultural landscape indicate what parts of the hispanic organizational scheme were eventually to undergo alteration in the making of the

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