The Adjudication of Kenya╎s 2013 Election
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Reflections from Kenya's 2010 Transformative Constitution
Developing Progressive African Jurisprudence: Reflections from Kenya’s 2010 Transformative Constitution 2017 LAMECK GOMA ANNUAL LECTURE Lusaka, Zambia, July 27, 2017 Willy Mutunga1 Preliminary Remarks Chair of SAIPAR Members of the Institute I thank the Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR) for inviting me to give the PROFESSOR LAMECK GOMA ANNUAL LECTURE 2017. The late Professor Goma was a great scholar, the first Zambian Vice-Chancellor of the University of Zambia. He was also a great researcher and a patriotic public servant. 1 Dr. Willy Mutunga is the former Chief Justice of the Republic of Kenya and the President of the Supreme Court of Kenya. A major part of my remarks are taken from a speech I gave to Judges and guests of the Kenyan Judiciary on the occasion of the launching the Judiciary Transformation Framework on May 31, 2012. That speech has been published in the Socialist Lawyer: Magazine of the Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers. Number 65. 2013,20. The journey of my thoughts since then and now reflected in this Lecture owes a great debt of intellectual, ideological and political gratitude to the following mentors and friends: Professors Jill Ghai, Yash Ghai, Sylvia Tamale, Joel Ngugi, James Gathii, Joe Oloka-Onyango, Issa Shivji, Makau Mutua, Obiora Okafor, Yash Tandon, David Bilchitz, Albie Sachs, Duncan Okello, Roger Van Zwanenberg, and Shermit Lamba. My Law Clerks at the Supreme of Kenya, namely, Atieno Odhiambo, Sam Ngure and Maxwell Miyawa helped with research. The theme of this Lecture is drawn -
Supreme Court Act
LAWS OF KENYA SUPREME COURT ACT NO. 7 OF 2011 Revised Edition 2017 [2011] Published by the National Council for Law Reporting with the Authority of the Attorney-General www.kenyalaw.org [Rev. 2017] No. 7 of 2011 Supreme Court NO. 7 OF 2011 SUPREME COURT ACT ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS PART I – PRELIMINARY Section 1. Short title. 2. Interpretation. 3. Object of the Act. PART II – ADMINISTRATION OF THE SUPREME COURT 4. Vacancy not to affect jurisdiction. 5. Order of precedence of judges of the Supreme Court. 6. Presiding judge. 7. Procedure if judges absent. 8. Manner of arriving at decisions. 9. Registrar of the Supreme Court. 10. Functions of the Registrar. 11. Revision of decisions of the Registrar. PART III – JURISDICTION OF THE SUPREME COURT 12. Determination of disputes arising out of presidential elections. 13. Advisory role. 14. Special jurisdiction. PART IV – APPEALS TO THE SUPREME COURT 15. Appeals to be by leave. 16. Criteria for leave to appeal. 17. Direct appeals only in exceptional circumstances. 18. Reasons for refusal of leave to appeal. 19. Extent of appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. PART V – GENERAL 20. Appeals to proceed by fresh hearing. 21. General powers. 22. Power to remit proceedings. 23. Exercise of powers of the Court. 24. Interlocutory orders and directions by the Court. 25. Judgment of the Court. 26. Delivery of judgment. 27. Decisions of the Court may be enforced by the High Court. 28. Contempt of Court. 29. Seal of the Supreme Court. 30. Representation before the Supreme Court. 31. Rules. 3 [Rev. 2017] No. -
14Th September, 2017 TO; the Secretary Judicial Service
14th September, 2017 TO; The Secretary Judicial Service Commission Supreme Court Building NAIROBI Dear Madam, RE: PETITION AGAINST JUSTICE DAVID MARAGA Chief Justice & President of Supreme Court A. COMPLAINTS & FACTS THEREOF 1.0 Violation of Regulation 12 of The Judicial Code of Conduct & Ethics The Chief Justice has invited, encouraged and permitted entry into the core of the Judiciary by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) who are known protagonists of the President and Deputy President and who propagated the prosecution of the President and Deputy President at the International Criminal Court (ICC). These elements have now captured the Judiciary with the intent of procuring a regime change through judicial radicalism. The Chief Justice has, inter alia; a) Invited, facilitated and supported the embedding of technical support and financing by the International Development Law Organization (IDLO) to entities within the Judiciary including the Judicial Training Institute, National Council for Administration of Justice and Judicial Election Committee, with full knowledge that the IDLO organization is associated with the known anti-government partisan protagonists, including Makau Mutua who is a Board Member thereof; with full knowledge that the entity collaborates with local non-state actors that participated in prosecuting the President and Deputy President at the I.C.C; with full knowledge that the entity is further associated with local non-governmental organizations and individuals who petitioned against the election of the President -
Governance Assessment Kenya 2016.Pdf
GOVERNANCE ASSESSMENT KENYA: JANUARY 2013 – JULY 2016 Kenya: Governance Assessment GOVERNANCE ASSESSMENT Kenya: January 2013 – July 2016 Roland Ebole and Morris Odhiambo1 1 Introduction This report focuses on politically significant developments in Kenya from 2013, when the country held its first general elections under the 2010 constitution. The constitution is considered to have markedly enhanced protection of basic rights, significantly constrained executive power, and provides limited devolution of powers across 47 newly created county governments.2 In 2013, Kenya held its first general election under the 2010 constitution. Kenyans cast their votes for president, national and county-level representatives, female representatives to the National Assembly, and governors. With 50.5% of the vote, Uhuru Kenyatta of the National Alliance (TNA), backed by the Jubilee Alliance, won the presidency. His opponent, Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), backed by the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD), was second with 43.7%. The election of governors and local assemblies strengthened the position of county governments. Female representatives to the National Assembly were elected in all 47 counties3 while 16 more were nominated to the Senate.4 Following the vote, CORD and a civil society organization (CSO) challenged the outcome of the presidential election at the Supreme Court,5 which had only 14 days to consider their petition under the constitution.6 Moreover, the pay scale for members of parliament set by the Salaries and Remuneration Commission was rejected by legislators, forcing the SRC to approve higher salaries.7 Implementation of the constitution and additional reforms continued, including the vetting of police officers by the National Police Service Commission (NPSC) and scrutiny of judges and magistrates by the Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board (JMVB). -
IN the SUPREME COURT of KENYA at NAIROBI (Coram: Maraga, CJ & P, Mwilu, DCJ & V-P, Ojwang, Wanjala, Njoki and Lenaola, SCJJ)
REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE SUPREME COURT OF KENYA AT NAIROBI (Coram: Maraga, CJ & P, Mwilu, DCJ & V-P, Ojwang, Wanjala, Njoki and Lenaola, SCJJ) PRESIDENTIAL PETITION NO. 1 OF 2017 BETWEEN 1. RAILA AMOLO ODINGA……………………….……….1ST PETITIONER 2. STEPHEN KALONZO MUSYOKA……………………2ND PETITIONER AND 1. INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL AND BOUNDARIES COMMISSION……….................1ST RESPONDENT 2. CHAIRPERSON, INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL AND BOUNDARIES COMMISSION…….……… 2ND RESPONDENT 3. H. E. UHURU MUIGAI KENYATTA.…….…….3RD RESPONDENT AND 1. DR. EKURU AUKOT……………………...…..1ST INTERESTED PARTY 2. PROF. MICHAEL WAINAINA………….…2ND INTERESTED PARTY AND 1. THE ATTORNEY GENERAL………………..……1ST AMICUS CURIAE 2. THE LAW SOCIETY OF KENYA……………..2ND AMICUS CURIAE JUDGMENT A. INTRODUCTION [1] Kenya is a Sovereign Republic and a Constitutional democracy founded on national values and principles of governance in Article 10 of her Constitution. All sovereign power in the Republic is reserved to her people but delegated to “Parliament and legislative assemblies in the County Governments; the national executive and the executive structures in the County Governments; and the Judiciary and the independent tribunals.”1 In the election of her representatives, Kenya holds general elections on the second Tuesday of August in every fifth year.2 [2] On 8th August, 2017, Kenya held her second general election under the Constitution 2010 and Kenyans from all walks of life trooped to 40,883 polling stations across the country to exercise their rights to free, fair and regular elections under Article 38(2) of the Constitution. That date is significant because it was the first time that a general election was being held pursuant to Article 101(1) of the Constitution which decrees the holding of general elections every five years on the second Tuesday of August in the fifth year. -
Judging the Judges: Who Are the Supreme Court Justices?
By Apollo Mboya If there is a jurisdiction that the Justices of the Supreme Court of Kenya curse is the court’s exclusive original jurisdiction to hear and determine presidential election petitions. It is both legal and political but politics reign supreme. In a highly divided country, the court will be doomed whichever way it rules. Former Chief Justice Dr. Willy Mutunga, conscious of the impact of “political jurisdiction” on the courts, expressed his frustrations in a public forum that courts ought not handle election disputes but instead politicians should “deal with their own shit” elsewhere. In his dissenting opinion in Bush v. Gore, Justice Stevens, underscoring CJ Mutunga’s thinking sympathized with the Supreme Court of the United States and indeed the judiciary following the highly disputed 2001 election dispute between George Bush and Al Gore opining as follows: Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year’s presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the Nation’s confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the rule of law. Although SCOTUS does not have exclusive jurisdiction on presidential election dispute as Kenya’s, Bush v. Gore has been the court’s sore thumb that is thought to have led to a “court generated president”. Erwin Chemerinsky in his book The Case Against the Supreme Court notes: Bush v. Gore obviously cost the Supreme Court in terms of credibility. More than forty-nine million people who voted for Al Gore, and likely almost all of them regard the Court’s decision as a partisan ruling by a Republican majority [judges] in favour of the Republican candidate. -
Vihiga County Assembly Kenya
VIHIGA COUNTY ASSEMBLY KENYA ‘Unemployment is the major challenge and reason why the majority of the residents of Vihiga County are living in poverty. I will ensure that we have job centres where our people will be able to access jobs. This will ensure that our people are recruited in their fields of specialisation.’ Governor Moses Akaranga Vihiga County is a county in the Geographically, a larger part of the former Western Province of Kenya. Its County is hilly terrain. It also has a good capital and largest town is Vihiga. The amount of forest cover such as the County borders Kakamega County to Kibiri Forest, which is an extension of VIHIGA Governor Moses Akaranga has an the north, Nandi County to the east, Kakamega Forest. open-door policy and has invited young Kisumu County to the south and Siaya people with problems to visit him in his County to the west. Economy office so that ‘they can find a solution to Agriculture is the main economic activity. issues facing them instead of engaging in The County has a population of crime’ 554,622 (2009 census) and covers an Crops planted include maize, millet, area of 563 km². bananas, avocados, sweet potatoes and cassava. Main economic activities include There are four major townships: tea farming, eucalyptus tree farming, Luanda, Majengo, Chavakali and Mbale sand and stone quarrying, dairy farming Town which serves as the administrative and horticulture. Apart from those in headquarters. The County has four formal employment most residents districts headed by district engage in informal trade, with Luanda commissioners and three sub-counties market being the largest in the region. -
Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta Vs. The
1 Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta vs. The International Criminal Court: Narratives of Injustice & Solidarity Stefanie Hodgins Student Number: 5562223 Supervisor: Professor Rita Abrahamsen University of Ottawa Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Date: July 23rd, 2015 2 Abstract The intent of this paper is to explore the dominant narratives used by Uhuru Kenyatta to discredit the legitimacy of the International Criminal Court within Kenya and Africa. Using a framing analysis as a theoretical approach, this paper identified four primary arguments, which pertained to issues of neo-colonialism, sovereignty, ethnic polarization, and national reconciliation. This paper argues that these arguments supported narratives of injustice and solidarity and were evoked by Kenyatta in order to mobilize a domestic and regional support base throughout the course of his trial at The Hague. This paper examines how these narratives were used in the context of the 2013 Kenyan election and at Kenyatta's various appearances at the African Union. Overall, this analysis offers new insights into the effectiveness of global criminal justice and considers the importance of addressing local perceptions and realities. 3 Table of Contents 1.0 - Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4 2.0 - Theoretical and Methodological Approach ..................................................................................... 7 3.0 - Kenya's 2007-08 Post-Election -
Toward a Rule of Law Culture: Practical Guide
TOWARD A RULE OF LAW CULTURE Exploring Effective Responses to Justice and Security Challenges PRACTICAL GUIDE Leanne McKay TOWARD A RULE OF LAW CULTURE Exploring Effective Responses to Justice and Security Challenges PRACTICAL GUIDE Written by Leanne McKay and edited by Adewale Ajadi and Vivienne O’Connor With contributions by Adewale Ajadi, Diane de Gramont, Hamid Khan, Rachel Kleinfeld, George Lopez, Tom Parker, and Colette Rausch UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Washington, D.C. United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20037 www.usip.org © 2015 by the Endowment of the United States Institute of Peace. All rights reserved. First published 2015 To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials for course use, contact the Copyright Clearance Center at www.copyright.com. For print, electronic media, and all other subsidiary rights e-mail [email protected] Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. This guide is available in English, Arabic, and French at www.usip.org. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. ii TOWARD A RULE OF LAW CULTURE A RULE OF LAW TOWARD Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. -
Observing the 2002 Kenya Elections
SPECIAL REPORT SERIES THE CARTER CENTER ★ ★ ★ ★ OBSERVING THE 2002 KENYA ELECTIONS Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. THE CARTER CENTER STRIVES TO RELIEVE SUFFERING BY ADVANCING PEACE AND HEALTH WORLDWIDE; IT SEEKS TO PREVENT AND RESOLVE CONFLICTS, ENHANCE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, AND PROTECT AND PROMOTE HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE. OBSERVING THE 2002 KENYA ELECTIONS FINAL REPORT ONE COPENHILL 453 FREEDOM PARKWAY ATLANTA, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 FAX (404) 420-5196 WWW. CARTERCENTER. ORG MAY 2003 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2002 KENYA ELECTIONS 2 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2002 KENYA ELECTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Kenya General Elections Delegation and Staff ............................................................................................... 4 Terms and Abbreviations ................................................................................................................................. 6 Foreword ............................................................................................................................................................ 8 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................................... 10 Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................................................ 14 Background....................................................................................................................................................... -
Alternative Justice Systems Baseline Policy, 2020
AlternativeALTERNATIVE JUSTICE SYSTEMS FRAMEWORKJustice SystemsPOLICY Baseline Policy traditional, informal and other mechanisms used to access justice in kenya (alternative justice systems) August 2020 Copyright © Judiciary of Kenya, 2020 Published by The Judiciary of Kenya P.O. Box 30041 - 00100, Nairobi Tel. +254 20 2221221 First edition: August 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the author or acknowledging the source except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review. Cover photo: Allan Gichigi/UNODC Design and layout: Amina Darani/UNODC This publication was produced with technical assistance from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and with the financial support of the European Union through the Programme for Legal Empowerment and Aid Delivery in Kenya (PLEAD). Its contents are the sole responsibility of the Judiciary of Kenya and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or UNODC. JUSTICE AS FREEDOM1: TR ADITIONAL, INFORMAL AND OTHER MECHANISMS FOR DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN KENYA August 2020 Alternative Justice Systems Baseline Policy 1 This phrase is borrowed from Amartya Sen,Development as Freedom (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1999). Accord- ing to Sen (at page 3), development should not be gauged solely from an economic perspective or opportunities that any project is likely to create. Rather, we need to take a transformative approach. This perspective entails reviewing also rights that any initiative promotes or curtails. Aligning AJS Mechanisms and Judiciary to the Constitution of Kenya (2010) and The Judiciary’s Blueprint for Sustaining Judicial Transformation TASK FORCE ON THE TR ADITIONAL, INFORMAL AND OTHER MECHANISMS FOR DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN KENYA Letter of transmittal Date: Friday, 17th August, 2020 Hon. -
MAU MAU in NATIONAL and INTERNATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS by Macharia Munene Introductory Remarks It Is Possible to Look at Mau Mau Co
MAU MAU IN NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS By Macharia Munene Introductory Remarks It is possible to look at Mau Mau consciousness in terms of two overlapping phases of the Colonial and Post-colonial periods, represented by seminal publications which show the power of books to shape thinking and public consciousness. In the colonial period were Jomo Kenyatta’s 1938 Facing Mount Kenya, the Corfield Report in 1960. In the Post-Colonial period were John Nottingham’s The Myth of Mau Mau soon after independence, and Caroline Elkins’ 2005 Imperial Reckoning/Britain’s Gulag. Each represents a phase of consciousness with regard to the Mau Mau War and can be divided into the following segments: a. The Colonial Setting b. The shock of the Mau Mau War outbreak c. The attempted destruction of Mau Mau Consciousness d. Post-colonial ignoring or effort to rearrange Mau Mau Consciousness e. Limited revival of Consciousness The Attraction The attraction to Mau Mau consciousness is partly because there probably was no challenge to the European colonial state in Africa that captured as much global attention as the Mau Mau War in Kenya against the British and the Algerian War against the French.1 The Mau Mau War was bitter and the benefits did not always accrue to those who bore the brunt of the war.2 A few fighters benefited, but the rest appear to have been neglected. In contrast, those who had opposed the war or supported British colonialists seemingly benefited most, continue to benefit, and a feeling of betrayal cropped up that is often the subject of many debates.