The Reuther Library Celebrates the Life of Walter Reuther
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Our Union Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class Series Editors: Ingo Schmidt and Jeff Taylor
Our Union Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class Series editors: Ingo Schmidt and Jeff Taylor Capital is dead labor. Karl Marx Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class provides a broad-based forum for labour studies research. Of particular interest are works that challenge familiar national and institutional narratives, focusing instead on gender-based, occupational, racial, and regional divisions among workers and on strategies for fostering working-class solidarity. The series also seeks to resurrect both social class analysis and the view of labour movements as a potentially liberating social force. It invites contributions not only from labour historians but from indus- trial relations scholars, political scientists, economists, sociologists and social movement theorists, and anyone else whose concerns lie with the history and organization of labour, its philosophical underpinnings, and the struggle for economic and social justice. The Political Economy of Workplace Injury in Canada bob barnetson Our Union: UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950 to 1990 Jason Russell OURUNION UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950 to 1990 Jason Russell Copyright © 2011 Jason Russell Published by AU Press, Athabasca University 1200, 10011 – 109 Street, Edmonton, AB T5J 3S6 ISBN 978-1-926836-43-0 (print) 978-1-926836-44-7 (PDF) 978-1-926836-45-4 (epub) A volume in Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class: ISSN 1925-6477 (print) 1925-6485 (digital) Cover and interior design by Natalie Olsen, Kisscut Design. Printed and bound in Canada by Marquis Book Printers. library and archives canada cataloguing in publication Russell, Jason, 1968– Our union : UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950–1990 / Jason Russell. -
Concessions and How to Beat Them
a Labor Notes Book 0 ESSID 4, ad owto beat them by Jane Slaughter With a Foreword by William W. Winpisinger President, International Association of Machinists ONCE SIONS and how to beat them_____ by Jane Slaughter Labor Education & Research Project Publishers of Labor Notes Detroit Copyright © 1983 by the Labor Education & Research Project Any short, attributed quotation may be used without permission. First printing July 1983 Second printing June 1985 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 83-81803 ISBN: 0-914093-03-7 Published by the Labor Education & Research Project Designed by David McCullough 138 This book is dedicated to the members of the United Mine Workers of America, who struck against concessions in 1978, before concessions had a name. CONTENTS Acknowledgments ..........~....... vi Foreword 1 ~ntroduction 5 IFromMoretoLess 10 2 The Economics Behind Concessions. .43 3 Why Concessions Don’t Work 52 4 Resisting Concessions 66 5 An Offensive Strategy for the Labor Movement 108 GResources 125 Appendix A Union Education on Concessions . 143 Appendix B ModelLanguage on Investment. 145 Notes 147 There is a list of union abbreviations on pages 14-15 _______Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the many people who contributed information for this book or who commented on various drafts: James Bialke, Geoff Bickerton, Dave Blitzstein, Jon Brandow, Rick Braswell, Kate Bronfenbrenner, Nick Builder, Mike Cannon, Bill Carey, Dorsey Cheuvront, Elissa Clarke, Carole Coplea, Alice Dale, Gerry Deneau, Wayne Draznin, Enid Eckstein, Larry -
Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, and the Images of Their Movements
MIXED UP IN THE MAKING: MARTIN LUTHER KING JR., CESAR CHAVEZ, AND THE IMAGES OF THEIR MOVEMENTS A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School University of Missouri-Columbia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by ANDREA SHAN JOHNSON Dr. Robert Weems, Jr., Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2006 © Copyright by Andrea Shan Johnson 2006 All Rights Reserved The undersigned, appointed by the Dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled MIXED UP IN THE MAKING: MARTIN LUTHER KING JR., CESAR CHAVEZ AND THE IMAGES OF THEIR MOVEMENTS Presented by Andrea Shan Johnson A candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of History And hereby certify that in their opinion it is worthy of acceptance. __________________________________________________________ Professor Robert Weems, Jr. __________________________________________________________ Professor Catherine Rymph __________________________________________________________ Professor Jeffery Pasley __________________________________________________________ Professor Abdullahi Ibrahim ___________________________________________________________ Professor Peggy Placier ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe thanks to many people for helping me in the completion of this dissertation. Thanks go first to my advisor, Dr. Robert Weems, Jr. of the History Department of the University of Missouri- Columbia, for his advice and guidance. I also owe thanks to the rest of my committee, Dr. Catherine Rymph, Dr. Jeff Pasley, Dr. Abdullahi Ibrahim, and Dr. Peggy Placier. Similarly, I am grateful for my Master’s thesis committee at Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis, Dr. Annie Gilbert Coleman, Dr. Nancy Robertson, and Dr. Michael Snodgrass, who suggested that I might undertake this project. I would also like to thank the staff at several institutions where I completed research. -
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class William P. Jones The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socioeconomic institutions,” vet- eran civil rights activist Bayard Rustin wrote in 1965, pointing out that black work- ers were more likely to be unemployed, earn low wages, work in “jobs vulnerable to automation,” and live in impoverished ghettos than when the U.S. Supreme Court banned legal segregation in 1954. Historians have attributed that divergence to a nar- rowing of African American political objectives during the 1950s and early 1960s, away from demands for employment and economic reform that had dominated the agendas of civil rights organizations in the 1940s and later regained urgency in the late 1960s. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and other scholars emphasize the negative effects of the Cold War, arguing that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations responded to domestic anticom- munism by distancing themselves from organized labor and the Left and by focusing on racial rather than economic forms of inequality. Manfred Berg and Adam Fair- clough offer the more positive assessment that focusing on racial equality allowed civil rights activists to appropriate the democratic rhetoric of anticommunism and solidify alliances with white liberals during the Cold War, although they agree that “anti- communist hysteria retarded the struggle for racial justice and narrowed the political Research for this article was supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities/Newhouse Fellowship at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. -
Teaching the March on Washington
Nearly a quarter-million people descended on the nation’s capital for the 1963 March on Washington. As the signs on the opposite page remind us, the march was not only for civil rights but also for jobs and freedom. Bottom left: Martin Luther King Jr., who delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech during the historic event, stands with marchers. Bottom right: A. Philip Randolph, the architect of the march, links arms with Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers and the most prominent white labor leader to endorse the march. Teaching the March on Washington O n August 28, 1963, the March on Washington captivated the nation’s attention. Nearly a quarter-million people—African Americans and whites, Christians and Jews, along with those of other races and creeds— gathered in the nation’s capital. They came from across the country to demand equal rights and civil rights, social justice and economic justice, and an end to exploitation and discrimination. After all, the “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom” was the march’s official name, though with the passage of time, “for Jobs and Freedom” has tended to fade. ; The march was the brainchild of longtime labor leader A. PhilipR andolph, and was organized by Bayard RINGER Rustin, a charismatic civil rights activist. Together, they orchestrated the largest nonviolent, mass protest T in American history. It was a day full of songs and speeches, the most famous of which Martin Luther King : AFP/S Jr. delivered in the shadow of the Lincoln Memorial. top 23, 23, GE Last month marked the 50th anniversary of the march. -
JN Ulav SISHELP Lf-4--Ns
JN ulaV SISHELP lf-4--Ns PNTE id CM ^Number 137/) January 1985 V | INTERVIEW I DOUGLAS FRASER O~~~~~~~~~ The are from an interview with V O following exerpts Workers, conducted during his recent visit to the Berkeley campus. L. | LCR: The first thing we would like to ask is what are your general impressions on the future of UAW and what kinds of efforts do you think the new leadership can make to combat the decline in IUn Imembership due to automation and other structural factors? DF: I think perhaps in terms of the workforce itself, the worst is over. As late as 1979, the member- ship in our union was 1.5 million, and now in the last year or so it's about 1.1 million. We'll never be Z back to 1978-79, not only because of the decline in the auto industry, but we also have a highly organi- zed agricultural implement industry that is probably in a state of permanent decline more severe than auto. In the auto industry you might have a bit more decline, but not as dramatic as a lot of people say it is going to be. On the other hand I think progress can be made by conducting organizing drives in non- traditional areas: among white-collar workers in industry, in universities where we've had some success and among other service employees. The UAW, along with any other institution, has to have the ability to change with times and events. I'm not as pessimistic about the future as other people are. -
Is the Press Anti-Labor?
69 imbrella of image ternal and external il Communications 3 Staff to coordinate A separate internal IS THE PRESS ne Supervisors doped to provide icerning corporate ANTI-LABOR? n. The External >ed by the Public Or Just Out of Touch... i's "understanding • Michael Hoyt sues relevant to network will be ing whatever GM At 12:01 a.m., November 1, All Saints' Day 1983, the Chrysler Nations, the UAW Corporation's stamping plant in TWinsburg, Ohio, suddenly fell silent. portrayed as lazy, Members of United Auto Workers Local 122 shut down their eing badgered by machines for a strike. As the door panels, floor pans, and other parts they produce stopped flowing across the country from TWinsburg, the only source of supply for these parts, half a dozen Chrysler assembly plants fell silent too. ated many UAW In New York that night, on NBC Nightly News, Tom Brokaw called action implicit in it a "wildcat strike"-—an unauthorized walkout. On the other coast, the social values a Los Angeles Times editor changed the first paragraphs of the Detroit n-solving. bureau's story, making it "Robert Weissman's strike," a walkout >ped to avoid—it "almost singlehandedly" engineered by Weissman, the president of most important the TWinsburg local union. The alterations made the story conform •mined the trtfst more closely with other coverage around the country, which implied damage control' that a pack of militants in TWinsburg was knocking Chrysler down used the UAW's just as the company was getting up off its knees. fy reduced his That was Chrysler's line on the strike, but it was just one way of *e circulation of looking at it. -
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: a Political Portrait and Personal Recollection
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: A Political Portrait and Personal Recollection Rachelle Horowitz Editor’s Note: The names of Tom Kahn and Rachelle Horowitz should be better known than they are. Civil rights leader John Lewis certainly knew them. Recalling how the 1963 March on Washington was organised he said, ‘I remember this young lady, Rachelle Horowitz, who worked under Bayard [Rustin], and Rachelle, you could call her at three o'clock in the morning, and say, "Rachelle, how many buses are coming from New York? How many trains coming out of the south? How many buses coming from Philadelphia? How many planes coming from California?" and she could tell you because Rachelle Horowitz and Bayard Rustin worked so closely together. They put that thing together.’ There were compensations, though. Activist Joyce Ladner, who shared Rachelle Horowitz's one bedroom apartment that summer, recalled, ‘There were nights when I came in from the office exhausted and ready to sleep on the sofa, only to find that I had to wait until Bobby Dylan finished playing his guitar and trying out new songs he was working on before I could claim my bed.’ Tom Kahn also played a major role in organising the March on Washington, not least in writing (and rewriting) some of the speeches delivered that day, including A. Philip Randolph’s. When he died in 1992 Kahn was praised by the Social Democrats USA as ‘an incandescent writer, organizational Houdini, and guiding spirit of America's Social Democratic community for over 30 years.’ This account of his life was written by his comrade and friend in 2005. -
20190901 Martin Luther King and Legacy of Organized
Martin Luther King Jr. and the Legacy of Organized Labor Rev Gary Kowalski, UCOT September 1, 2019 sermon Bernie Sanders doesn’t know the half of it. Vermont’s fuzzy-headed Senator is fond of reminding audiences that Martin Luther King Jr. was in Memphis, Tennessee, the day he died, not to fight Jim Crow, but to support a strike by the city’s sanitation workers. The garbage men there–almost all of them black–had recently formed a chapter of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees to demand better wages and working conditions. Two garbagemen had just been crushed to death when the big compactor on the trash truck malfunctioned. But the city refused to recognize their union, and when the 1,300 employees walked off their jobs, marching under picket signs reading “I Am A Man,” the police broke up the rally with mace and billy clubs. Tanks lined the streets. Go back and look at the images. It was like Tianamen Square, but in Tennessee. After the mayor threatened to fire every one of the striking workers and a local court issued an injunction against any further demonstrations, the union’s leaders called on Dr. King to visit Memphis. It was an invitation he couldn’t refuse. For the biggest obstacles that kept people of color from participating fully in the American Dream were not just racial but social and economic in nature. “What good is it to sit at a lunch counter,” Dr. King often asked, “if you can’t afford a hamburger?” So of course he had to go to Memphis to campaign for a workingman’s right to earn an honest wage. -
The Life of Walter P. Reuther by Thomas Featherstone, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University, Detroit, Mich
Page 12 September 2011 The Life of Walter P. Reuther By Thomas Featherstone, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University, Detroit, Mich. Walter Reuther is often remembered as the most ac- complished leader in the history of the American labor movement. A man of character, resolve and boundless en- ergy, he sought to level the playing field for American workers. Through his efforts, millions of working families continue to enjoy a more secure future. Reuther was ambitious, but took pride in being the na- tion’s lowest-paid union president. As head of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) from 1946 to 1970, he held enormous economic power, but used it to better the lives of the union rank and file. As an advisor to four American presidents Reuther had political influence, but applied it on behalf of the disadvantaged. He spoke and lived his guiding philosophy: "There is no greater calling than to serve your fellow men. There is no greater contribution than to help the weak. There is no greater satisfaction than to do it well." The second of five children, Reuther was born on Sep- tember 1, 1907, in Wheeling, West Virginia. He learned about social issues in family debates moderated by his fa- ther, Valentine, an active member in the Brewery Workers union. Walter Reuther recalled, "At my father’s knee we learned the philosophy of trade unionism. We got the struggles, the hopes and the aspirations of working people same time, he also became aware of the purges and re- every day." The younger Reuther developed a commitment pression under Stalin’s totalitarian regime. -
SURVIVAL for the SIXTIES Primer 2 I NATIONAL C.Ommlttee for a SANE NUCLEAR POLICY Honorary Sponsors Dr
SURVIVAL FOR THE SIXTIES primer 2 I NATIONAL C.OMMlTTEE FOR A SANE NUCLEAR POLICY Honorary Sponsors Dr. Max Born, Germany Francois Mauriac, France Lord Bo~d-Orr1United Kingdom Dr. Gunnar Myrdal, Sweden Pablo Casals, Puerto Rlco C. Rajagopalachari, India Dr. Brock Chisholm, Canada Lord Russell, United Kingdom Canon L. John Colllns, United Kingdom Dr. Albert Schweitzer, Gabon Sponsors Steve Allen 0. A. Knisht Prof. Gordon W. Allport Arnold H. Maremont James Baldwin Prof. A. H. Maslow Prof. Stringfellow Barr Dr. Seymour Melman Harry Belafonte William H. Meyer Ray Bradbury Dr. C. Wright Mills Allan M. Butler, M.D. Lewis Mumford Henry S. Canby Dr. William F. Neuman Dr. Edward U. Condon Richard Neutn Dr. William Davidon Earl D. Dsborn Prof. L. Harold DeWolf Josephine W. Pomerance Helen Gahagan Douglas Dr. Charles C. Price Clark M. Eichelberger Walter Reuther Jules Feiffer Dr. David Riesman Dr. Harold E. Fey Frank Rosenblum Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick Robert Ryan Dr. Erich Fromm Dr. Paul A. Schilpp Dr. Jerome D. Frank Dr. Jack Schubert Rabbi Roland Gittlesohn Dr. James Shotwell Dr. Israel Goldstein Prof. J. David Singer Patrick E. Gorman Dr. Ralph Sockman Officers Dr. Walter Gropius Dr. Pltirim A. Sorokin Gen. Hugh B. Hester Dr. Edward J. Sparling Ce-Chairmen Dr. Harold Taylor Norman Couslns Ira Hirschmann Hallock Hoffman Dean Howard Thurman Clarence Pickett Louis Untermeyer Prof. H. Stuart Hughes Vice-Chairman Dr. Maurice B. Visscher Dr. M. Stanley Livingston Walt Kelly Jerry Voorhis Treasurer Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Bruno Walter Max Youngstein Rabbi Edward E. Klein Bishop Hazen G. Werner Staff Board of Directors Dr. -
A Case Study of Uaw/Caw Local 27 from 1950 to 1990
THE UNION LOCAL IN POST-SECOND WORLD WAR CANADA: A CASE STUDY OF UAW/CAW LOCAL 27 FROM 1950 TO 1990 JASON RUSSELL A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in History York University Toronto, Ontario October, 2010 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-80577-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-80577-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Nnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation.