American Dream for This Generation and the Next.” — Senator Jim Demint (R-S.C.)
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PRESCRIPTION and PREJUDICE Russell Kirk and the Age of Ideology
PRESCRIPTION AND PREJUDICE REMEMBERING A GOTHIC CONSERVATISM Russell Kirk and the Age of Ideology W. Wesley McDonald Columbia, Mo.: University of Missouri Press, 2004 $44.95 264 pp. Reviewed by David Wilson s a copy clerk for my hometown newspaper years ago, I asked the token conservative on the editorial board whom I should read to pursue my A emerging interest in political conservatism. “Russell Kirk,” he said. “Who’s that?” I asked. “A crustacean,” he answered dryly, without taking his eyes off his computer screen. The editorialist’s confi dent citation of Kirk as a primary conserva- tive authority—quickly followed by a half-joking dismissal of his current relevance—captures the Kirk legacy. Mainstream conservative fi gures will often dutifully list Kirk’s works as among those to be studied, especially the seminal The Conservative Mind, published by Henry Regnery in 1953. But what traces of Kirk’s thought inform the “conservative” policy positions of today are diffi cult to detect. Russell Kirk was part custodian, part critic. From Aristotle to Burke and beyond, he absorbed and carried forward those elements of Western thought he deemed wisest. To these he added his own, notably decisive rejections of “atomistic” individualism, economic and social leveling, and dogmatic laissez faire. The giddier thinking of the Enlightenment, especially Benthamite utilitarianism, came under his harsh scrutiny. He famously set forth the “six canons of conservative thought,” and advanced conservatism as the rejection of political programs that presume the easy malleability of human nature —really, his defi nition of “ideology.” In Russell Kirk and the Age of Ideology, W. -
Heritage’S Plan For
What leaders say about Heritage’s plan for: AMERIC A N DRE A M “Getting our country’s fiscal house in order is no easy task. Thankfully, our friends at The Heritage Foundation have done the hard work of thinking through and creating public policies that get government under control and save the American dream for this generation and the next.” — Senator Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) “The analysis of our fiscal problems is compelling, and the proposed solution is bold and imaginative.” — Ambassador John Bolton “The Heritage Foundation’s plan to save the American dream would create economic certainty for businesses by putting our nation on a more stable economic course and giving businesses the freedom to expand.” — Andrew F. Puzder, CEO of CKE Restaurants Inc. (Hardee’s and Carl’s Jr.) “… a plan that truly reforms… This plan is the cure for our ‘disease.’” AMERIC A N DRE A M — Cal Thomas, Syndicated Columnist “Comprehensive tax reform is an essential element of restoring fiscal sanity and spurring economic growth in the country. The Heritage Foundation’s proposal moves the country’s tax code in the right direction toward a more low-rate, flat tax.” — Arthur B. Laffer, Ph.D., the Father of Supply-Side Economics “America does not have to be a country in decline. Do we have choices to make? Yes. And I encourage anyone who is serious about making the right choices to read The Heritage Foundation’s plan to fix the debt, cut spending, and restore prosperity.” — Steve Forbes, Editor-in-Chief, Forbes magazine 214 Massachusetts Avenue N.E. -
Privatization
PRIVATIZATION The Proceedings of a Conference Hosted by the National Center for Policy Analysis and the Adam Smith Institute Edited by John C. Goodman Copyright @1985 by The National Center for Policy Analysis, 7701 N. Stem mons, Suite 717, Dallas, Texas 75247; (214) 951-0306. Nothing herein should be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of the National Center for Policy Analysis or as an attempt to aid or hinder passage of any legislation before Congress or any state legislature. ISBN 0-943802-13-X II Table of Contents Introduction and Acknowledgements John C. Goodman ......... ...... , .. v Chapter 1 How Public Policy Institutes Can Cause Change Edwin Feulner . ..... 1 Chapter 2 Privatization Techniques and Results in Great Britain Madsen Pirie. , . .. ...., 11 Chapter 3 How the Thatcher Revolution was Achieved Eamonn Butler. , . , . .. 25 Chapter 4 Privatization in the U.S.: Why It's Happening and How It Works John C. Goodman .. .. ....... ........ 35 Chapter 5 Applying the British Model: Case Histories Stuart Butler .... , ................................ ,41 Chapter 6 Building New Coalitions as a Key to Privatization Fred L. Smith . ....... ,51 Chapter 7 Privatization From the Bottom Up Robert Poole . .. .............. 59 Chapter 8 Privatization From the Top Down and From the Outside In E. S. Savas .......... , .... , ......... , ............. 69 Chapter 9 Opting Out of Social Security: Why It Works In Other Countries John C. Goodman .................... , ............ 79 Chapter 10 Social Security and Super IRAs: A Populist Proposal Peter 1. Ferrara . , , . 87 Attendees . 99 Appendix Privatization In The U.S.: Cities And Counties .............. 101 III Introduction On October 12, 1984 a conference was held in Washington. To my knowledge no conference like it had ever been held before. -
Libertarians in Bush's World
ESSAY ON LIBERTY+ LIBERTARIANS IN BUSH’S WORLD Todd Seavey* Imagine ordinary, non-ideological people hearing about an obscure politi- cal sect called libertarianism, which emphasizes self-ownership, property rights, resistance to tyranny and violence, the reduction of taxation and regulation, control over one’s own investments, and the de-emphasizing of litigation as a primary means of dispute resolution. Since this philosophy has very few adherents in the general population and is very much a minority position among intellectuals, one might expect proponents of the creed to count themselves lucky, given the likely alternatives, if the president of the country in which most of them live increasingly emphasized the themes of freedom and ownership in his major speeches; toppled brutal totalitarian regimes in two countries while hounding democracy-hating theocratic terrorists around the globe; cut taxes (despite howls even from some in the free-market camp that the cuts were too deep); called for simplification of the tax code; appointed relatively industry-friendly officials to major regulatory bodies such as the Environmental Protection Agency and the Food and Drug Administration despite frequent criti- cism by the media; proposed partially privatizing Social Security (America’s largest socialist boondoggle but one long regarded as sacrosanct by political analysts); and pushed tort reform to combat the chilling effect of lawsuits on doctors and manu- facturers. + Essays on Liberty is a continuing series of the Journal of Law & Liberty, dedicated to explorations of freedom and law from perspectives outside the legal academy. * Director of Publications for the American Council on Science and Health (ACSH.org, HealthFactsAnd- Fears.com), which does not necessarily endorse the views expressed here. -
Why Repealing the 1991 and 2002 Iraq War Authorizations Is Sound Policy Charles D
LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 256 | JANUARY 6, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES Why Repealing the 1991 and 2002 Iraq War Authorizations Is Sound Policy Charles D. Stimson he Constitution’s allocation of war powers KEY TAKEAWAYS between the legislative and executive branches is a classic example of the sepa- T 1 The 1991 and 2002 AUMF Against Iraq ration of powers. The Congress has the power to Resolutions remain in force even though declare war but cannot fight the war on its own. The their purpose has been accomplished. President, as commander in chief of the Army and Navy, has (and has uniformly claimed) the authority to use military forces abroad in the absence of specific Repeal would not affect the 2001 AUMF, prior congressional approval.2 This authority derives the primary domestic statutory authority from his constitutional responsibility as commander for the war against al-Qaeda, the Taliban, in chief and chief executive for foreign and military ISIS, or associated forces. affairs. Without money from Congress, however, the President has no ability to fight those conflicts, nor Debating and repealing those war does he have the authority to appropriate funds to pay authorizations is a matter of congres- for those military conflicts on his own. sional hygiene and gets the Congress This tension between the legislative and executive back in the business of exercising its Article I muscles. branches was purposeful, as the Founders anticipated the grave significance of the country’s going to war. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm256 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
The Invisible Primary and the 1996 Presidential Nomination
The Invisible Primary and the 1996 Presidential Nomination Thomas R. Marshall, University of Texas at Arlington The 1996 presidential nominations process will not begin with the first state primaries and caucuses. By January 1996 the candidates had already spent millions of dollars and thousands of days campaigning during the "in visible primary." The 1996 nominations race features several new prac tices—such as the front-loading of delegate-selection events, and the re- emergence of Washington insiders as the early GOP leaders. For the first time since 1964 the Democrat Party did not face a spirited nominations race. This article reviews the prenomination season for the 1996 presidential race with evidence available by early January 1996. Public Opinion Public opinion remained relatively stable during the 1995 "invisible primary," just as it typically has in recent presidential contests.1 Heavy spending in key primary and caucus states, debates among the candidates, and the entry and exit of candidates all failed to move public opinion polls during 1995. In the absence of saturation media coverage and media labeling of "winners" and "losers" in the early caucuses and primaries, few dramatic poll shifts appeared. The Republicans Throughout 1995, the Gallup Poll reported only slight changes in the first-choice preferences of self-identified Republicans and independents leaning Republicans. Between April 1995 and January 1996, front-runner Bob Dole’s support varied only from a low of 45 percent to a high of 51 percent. Support for Senator Phil Gramm varied only from a low of seven percent to a high of 13 percent. -
Full Transcript
MILLENIALS-2019/10/22 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION HOW MILLENNIALS THINK DIFFERENTLY ABOUT CLIMATE CHANGE AND NATIONAL DEBT: LESSONS FOR POLICYMAKERS AN EVENT CO-HOSTED BY THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION AND THE MILLENNIAL ACTION PROJECT Washington, D.C. Tuesday, October 22, 2019 Introduction and moderator: STUART BUTLER Senior Fellow, Economic Studies, The Brookings Institution Keynote: Challenges and Opportunities: DEREK KILMER Representative (D-WA), U.S. House of Representatives How to Speak Millennial: Debt and Climate Change: NAT KENDALL-TAYLOR Chief Executive Officer, Frameworks Institute MOLLY REYNOLDS Senior Fellow, Governance Studies, The Brookings Institution ALEX TYSON Senior Researcher, Pew Research Center LAYLA ZAIDANE Chief Operating Officer, Millennial Action Project Lessons for Lawmakers: Millennial Perspectives: MODERATOR: STEVEN OLIKARA Founder and President, Millennial Action Project ERIC T. HARRIS Senior Advisor and Communications Director Office of Representative Jimmy Gomez * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 1800 Diagonal Road, Suite 600 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 MILLENIALS-2019/10/22 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. BUTLER: Good morning everybody. My name is Stuart Butler, I'm a senior fellow here at the Brookings Institution. And I want to welcome you to our event today. I also want to welcome the many people that are watching this online and we will be able to take some questions from people online if you use the hashtag mobilizing millennials. It's a scary thought, isn't it? But anyway, if you use that tag, you can also ask questions which we can include during the discussion. I'm going to be by far the oldest person that you're going to see on the stage today. -
Why Trump – and How Far Can He Go?
The Forum 2015; 13(4): 541–558 William G. Mayer* Why Trump – and How Far Can He Go? DOI 10.1515/for-2015-0038 Introduction Like most pundits – and most political scientists – I did not see this one coming. I was not terribly surprised when, on June 16, 2015, Donald Trump announced that he was running for president. As more and more presidential debates are held before the first primary, and as more and more of these debates are nation- ally televised, we have gradually begun to produce a set of candidates who enter the presidential race not because they have a realistic chance of winning their party’s nomination, but because it is a good career move. They get a boatload of free publicity, and if they were not running for president, it is not clear what else they’d be doing. So it was no great surprise that Donald Trump, who absolutely craves public- ity, decided to get into the race. And since early presidential polls do not measure much except name recognition, I was not surprised that the first national poll conducted after his announcement found that he had the support of 11 percent of the country’s Republican identifiers. The shock is how much support he has gained since then, and how long he has held on to it. According to the realclear- politics website, which collects results from all the major polls and then com- putes a running average, it was July 20 when Trump first broke into the lead in the national polls of Republican identifiers, at which point he was supported by, on average, 17 percent of party adherents. -
Buy Insurance Or Else? 2/5/2019 11:37 Am
BUY INSURANCE OR ELSE? 2/5/2019 11:37 AM BUY INSURANCE OR ELSE?: RESURRECTING THE INDIVIDUAL MANDATE AT THE STATE LEVEL *Brendan Williams INTRODUCTION The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been subject to considerable volatility, with perhaps the greatest blow being the rescission, as part of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, of the penalty for its individual mandate to have health insurance coverage.1 As a New Republic article noted, “we will now find out whether or not an individual mandate really is essential to health reform. And that will settle an old intra-Democratic fight that has been dormant for a decade.”2 The author, Joel Dodge, noted that in the face of Republican efforts to repeal the ACA, “Obamacare defenders (myself included) rebutted these attacks by doubling down on the argument that the law’s entire structure would collapse without a mandate.”3 Yet, following the mandate’s repeal, Dodge admitted: The mandate was also never much of a mandate to begin with. The Obama administration gave numerous exemptions from * Attorney Brendan Williams is a nationally-published writer on health care and civil rights issues. M.A., Washington State University; J.D., University of Washington School of Law. 1 Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. No. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010); Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, Pub. L. No. 115-97, 131 Stat. 2054 (2017). The individual mandate requires that “[a]n applicable individual shall for each month beginning after 2013 ensure that the individual, and any dependent of the individual who is an applicable individual, is covered under minimum essential coverage for such month.” 26 U.S.C § 5000A(a) (2018). -
The Tri–Committee Draft Proposal for Health Care Reform
THE TRI–COMMITTEE DRAFT PROPOSAL FOR HEALTH CARE REFORM HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION HEARING HELD IN WASHINGTON, DC, JUNE 23, 2009 Serial No. 111–29 Printed for the use of the Committee on Education and Labor ( Available on the Internet: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/house/education/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 50–479 PDF WASHINGTON : 2010 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR GEORGE MILLER, California, Chairman Dale E. Kildee, Michigan, Vice Chairman John Kline, Minnesota, Donald M. Payne, New Jersey Senior Republican Member Robert E. Andrews, New Jersey Thomas E. Petri, Wisconsin Robert C. ‘‘Bobby’’ Scott, Virginia Howard P. ‘‘Buck’’ McKeon, California Lynn C. Woolsey, California Peter Hoekstra, Michigan Rube´n Hinojosa, Texas Michael N. Castle, Delaware Carolyn McCarthy, New York Mark E. Souder, Indiana John F. Tierney, Massachusetts Vernon J. Ehlers, Michigan Dennis J. Kucinich, Ohio Judy Biggert, Illinois David Wu, Oregon Todd Russell Platts, Pennsylvania Rush D. Holt, New Jersey Joe Wilson, South Carolina Susan A. Davis, California Cathy McMorris Rodgers, Washington Rau´ l M. Grijalva, Arizona Tom Price, Georgia Timothy H. Bishop, New York Rob Bishop, Utah Joe Sestak, Pennsylvania Brett Guthrie, Kentucky David Loebsack, Iowa Bill Cassidy, Louisiana Mazie Hirono, Hawaii Tom McClintock, California Jason Altmire, Pennsylvania Duncan Hunter, California Phil Hare, Illinois David P. -
4 Years of Obamacare
BACKGROUNDER No. 2907 | APRIL 28, 2014 Four Years of Obamacare: Early Warnings Come True Robert E. Moffit, PhD Abstract Four years after Congress passed the misnamed Patient Protection and Key Points Affordable Care Act, known as Obamacare, speculation on its effects is largely over. High-profile presidential promises notwithstanding, n In 2010, Congress enacted argu- millions of Americans must now pay higher insurance premium costs ably the most ambitious social and deductibles and deal with the cancellation or disruption of their legislation in American history: Obamacare. It directly affects existing coverage. They are also witnessing the exercise of enormous the personal life of every Ameri- and arbitrary power by the Secretary of Health and Human Services can and controls or regulates a in developing, applying, and waiving reams of rules and regulations. complex sector of the American Heritage Foundation analysts and others repeatedly warned that the economy slightly larger than the law is unaffordable, unworkable, and unfair and offered a series of so- entire economy of France. ber predictions concerning its effects. In this Backgrounder, veteran n Four years later, presidential Heritage health policy analyst Robert Moffit details nine predictions promises notwithstanding, that have already come true. millions of Americans must pay higher premium costs and But we have to pass the bill, so you can find out what is in it, away deductibles and deal with the from the fog of controversy. cancellation or disruption of their existing coverage. —Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, n In 2010, health policy analysts, March 9, 2010 including at The Heritage Foun- dation, predicted that Americans would face sticker shock due It is not our job to protect the people from the consequences of to higher premiums and higher their political choices. -
Federal Asbestos Legislation
Federal Asbestos Legislation: The Winners Are… Congress Watch May 2005 Public Citizen’s Congress Watch 1 “Federal Asbestos Legislation: And the Winners Are…” Acknowledgments This report was written by Public Citizen's Congress Watch Civil Justice Research Director Chris Schmitt and Director Frank Clemente. Additional research and writing support was provided by Research Director Brad White, Administrative Assistant Kevin O'Connor and Researchers Conor Kenny, Karen Robb and Taylor Lincoln. About Public Citizen Public Citizen is a 150,000 member non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C. representing consumer interests through lobbying, litigation, research and public education. Since its founding in 1971, Public Citizen has fought for consumer rights in the marketplace, safe and affordable health care, campaign finance reform, fair trade, clean and safe energy sources, and corporate and government accountability. Public Citizen has five divisions and is active in every public forum: Congress, the courts, governmental agencies and the media. Congress Watch is one of the five divisions. Public Citizen’s Congress Watch 215 Pennsylvania Ave S.E. Washington, D.C. 20003 P: 202-546-4996 F: 202-547-7392 www.citizen.org ©2005 Public Citizen. All rights reserved. Price $25.00 Call Public Citizen’s Publication Office, 1-800-289-3787 for additional orders and pricing information, or consult our web site at www.citizen.org. Major credit cards accepted. Or write to: Members Services Public Citizen 1600 20th Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20009 Public Citizen’s Congress Watch 2 “Federal Asbestos Legislation: And the Winners Are…” Federal Asbestos Legislation: And the Winners Are… After years of debate, Congress has begun what could be final consideration of legislation to provide compensation to victims of asbestos exposure.