DOCSLIB.ORG

Performative Socialization in World Politics: Islamism, Secularism, and Democracy in Turkey and Egypt

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Performative Socialization in World Politics: Islamism, Secularism, and Democracy in Turkey and Egypt View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Minnesota Digital Conservancy PERFORMATIVE SOCIALIZATION IN WORLD POLITICS: ISLAMISM, SECULARISM, AND DEMOCRACY IN TURKEY AND EGYPT A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Ismail Yaylaci IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Raymond D. Duvall August 2014 © Ismail Yaylaci, 2014 Acknowledgements This project came into being thanks to the generous support I received from many individuals and institutions. First and foremost, I am indebted to Bud Duvall, my adviser, for his endless support and encouragement. Bud is truly an intellectual role model. The deep respect with which he engages with his students and colleagues and with their work is exceptional. Bud has come to represent excellence in scholarship and teaching for me. Despite his time-demanding administrative duties over the last seven years, he always made me feel his support and always fostered my ideas and questions. I’m so glad and fortunate to have worked with him. I also thank other members of my dissertation committee—Kathleen Collins, Ron Krebs, and Shaden Tageldin. Kathleen contributed to the development of my project from the very beginning. I am also very grateful for her hospitality. The conversations we had over brunch in her house in the freezing Minnesota winter were truly heart-warming. Ron joined my committee in the very last year, but he carefully read every single chapter and gave substantive feedback. His attentive and thoughtful comments always pushed me to make my arguments more clear and compelling. I thank him for joining my committee and for his serious engagement with my work. Shaden’s comments and suggestions were really helpful, and our conversations with her about postcolonial translation and Egyptian politics were invaluable. I am truly grateful for her endorsement and for her signature kindness, respect and generosity. Michael Barnett served in my committee when he was in Minnesota, and I thank him for his initial contribution. I also thank Nancy Luxon, Ajay Skaria, Kathryn Sikkink, and Margaret L. Werry, whose graduate seminars helped me refine my questions and ideas. My friends in the department also commented on different sections of this project in different occasions. I am particularly grateful to the members of our dissertation group and to the participants of the Minnesota International Relations Colloquium (MIRC), including Robert Assadi, Sema Binay, Charmaine Chua, Chase Hobbs-Morgan, Mark Hoffman, Eli Mayerhoff, Haeri Kim, Garnet Kindervater, Quynh N. Pham, David Temin, and Sergio Valverde (a.k.a. Hafez Greenvalley). I am also grateful to Himadeep Muppidi for sharing his insightful comments and suggestions. I also wish to extend my thanks to the participants of the Religion and International Affairs Dissertation Workshop organized by the Social Science Research Council in California in 2011, particularly to Ebrahim Moosa, R. Scott Appleby, Cecelia Lynch, Danilyn Rutherford and Qamar-ul Huda, for their feedback on an earlier iteration of the project. I was convinced to include AK Party into my discussion after Sidney Tarrow’s suggestion at a workshop in Syracuse. I want to thank him for that. I would not be able to conduct fieldwork research or write my dissertation without the financial support I received from multiple institutions. In that vein, I thank the Department of Political Science for providing me with numerous research and teaching i assistantships, Graduate Research Partnership Fellowship, and Andrew Dickinson Summer Research Fellowship. The Interdisciplinary Center for the Study of Global Change (ICGC) not only funded my fieldwork research with a pre-dissertation fieldwork research grant and then a year-long MacArthur Fellowship, but it also became a second home at the university. I also thank the University of Minnesota Graduate School for the Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship, and Meridyen Derneği and İlim Yayma Cemiyeti for travel support they provided at different stages of my doctoral studies. I also want to express my gratitude to Bilim ve Sanat Vakfı (Foundation for Sciences and Arts) in Istanbul for being my scholarly home since my college years. My fieldwork research in Egypt would not have been as productive and enjoyable if it wasn’t for the support and friendship of many truly remarkable people. There is no way I can name all of them here, but I particularly want to express my gratitude to Abdalla Erfan, Tarık Abdulcelil, Abdelrahman Ayyash, Abdelrahman Hosam and many other Egyptian friends for their support and friendship. Hamdi Yıldız was a wonderful neighbor and an experienced guide in Cairo. I will never forget our long conversations with him in the sha‘bi coffeeshop nearby our residence. I also thank Dr. Heba Raouf of the American University in Cairo and Cairo University for letting me participate in her class and for our conversations. Dr. Nadia Moustafa and Dr. Sayf AbdalFattah and the staff of the Center for Civilization Studies and Dialogue of Cultures were all very welcoming and supportive. I thank them all. And I also want to thank Mesut Özcan for his help during my stay in Ankara. Finally, I thank my wife Fatıma Tuba for making this journey meaningful and beautiful. To her and to our little angel Ayşe Hilal I owe the most and to them I dedicate my dissertation. ii Dedication For my wife Fatıma Tuba and our daughter Ayşe Hilal iii Abstract How do norms and discourses travel across cultural difference? How do actors negotiate the constitutive norms of liberal global governance at the juncture of the domestic and the international? This project provides an answer to these questions by developing a performative account of norm socialization and uses this theoretical framework to analyze Islamist negotiations of secularism and democracy in Turkey and Egypt. I suggest that the International Relations scholarship often takes socialization as a pedagogic process in which the non-West is made to transition into the norms of liberal modernity in a hierarchical relationship of authority. In this perspective, actors either socialize into liberal norms or resist them. After identifying the shortcomings of these narratives, I develop a reading that takes socialization as a performative process of cultural translation and norm appropriation. By so doing, I analyze the ways in which norms can be adopted non-normatively—at once inhabited and resisted. I argue that a performative reading enables a more complex understanding of the dynamics of normalization and resistance in socialization. Then I employ this framework to analyze Turkish AK Party’s and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s negotiation of secularism and democracy by drawing mainly on the data I collected in my fieldwork research in Turkey and Egypt. More specifically, I examine the performative politics of translation and appropriation in the AK Party’s notions of ‘democratic secularism’ and ‘conservative democracy’ and the Muslim Brotherhood’s notions of ‘civil state within an Islamic framework’ and ‘Islamic democracy.’ iv Table of Contents List of Tables ...…………………………………………………………………………..vi Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………....1 Chapter 2: Pedagogic Socialization in International Relations…………………………..23 Chapter 3: Performative Socialization: Cultural Translation and Appropriation of Norms in Liberal Global Governance………………………………………………..82 Chapter 4: AK Party’s ‘Democratic Secularism’ and ‘Conservative Democracy’……..149 Chapter 5: Muslim Brotherhood and ‘Islamic Democracy’: Negotiating Democracy, Secularism and Shari‘a through the Civil State…………………………….236 Chapter 6: Conclusion………………………………………………………………….316 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………....325 v List of Tables Table 1.1. Islamism and Post-Islamism, derived from Asef Bayat (2007)………………13 Table 1.2. Islamic Democracy and Muslim Democracy, derived from Vali Nasr (2005)……………………………………………………………………....................13-14 vi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In his first visit to post-Mubarak Egypt in the September of 2011, the Turkish Prime Minister R. Tayyip Erdoğan, the founder and chairman of the Islamically-oriented Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AK Party, [Justice and Development Party]) which has been in power since 2002, was welcomed with enormous enthusiasm by thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members at the Cairo International Airport in the middle of the night. During his much-publicized visit Erdoğan made a surprising move. When he was asked about his opinions on Egypt after Mubarak, he stated that secularism should not be seen as atheism or irreligiousness, but as guarantor of religious freedoms, and thus should be enshrined in the constitution. These remarks came at the distaste of the Muslim Brotherhood as the latter has long been calling for an Islamic state that implements the principles of shari‘a (Islamic norms and law) as the law of the land. The spokesperson of the Brotherhood, Mahmoud Ghazlan, immediately responded to Erdoğan by accusing him of interfering in Egypt’s internal affairs and by arguing that Turkey’s and Egypt’s conditions and experiences were very different.1 This was indeed an intriguing moment. Here you had Erdoğan, whose party was convicted by the Turkish Constitutional Court in 2008 for ‘becoming a hub for anti- secular activities’ and who himself served a four-months prison sentence in 1999 and was forced to quit his position as the Mayor of Istanbul for an ‘anti-secularist’ public
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary
    Volume 49 Number 1 Article 5 September 2020 Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary Zsolt Szabo Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Higher Education Commons Recommended Citation Szabo, Zsolt (2020) "Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary," Pro Rege: Vol. 49: No. 1, 14 - 21. Available at: https://digitalcollections.dordt.edu/pro_rege/vol49/iss1/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Publications at Digital Collections @ Dordt. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pro Rege by an authorized administrator of Digital Collections @ Dordt. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contemporary Interpretations of Christian Freedom and Christian Democracy in Hungary paper, I attempt to present this concept, as well as the Christian origins and approaches to the concept of legal-political freedom, and today’s interpretation of Christian democracy. My the- sis is that all Christian governance is necessarily democratic, but not all democratic governance is Christian. Christian freedom Freedom in the Bible appears mainly as freedom from sins, available by personal repen- tance. We can talk about Jesus in this regard as a “liberator,” saving us from the captivity of by Zsolt SzabÓ our sins: “So if the Son sets you free, you will be free indeed” (John 8:36). From among the Introduction multiple Bible verses we quote here, those from It is well-known in Western Europe and the Romans (7:24-25) are the most significant: United States, but less so in Central Europe, “Who will rescue me from this body that is that Christianity, and Protestantism in particu- subject to death? Thanks be to God, who de- lar, had a great impact on the development of livers me through Jesus Christ our Lord!” The liberties and democracy in general.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Recognition of LGBT Rights in Turkey
    Between the Universal and the Particular: The Politics of Recognition of LGBT Rights in Turkey Mehmet Sinan Birdal Işık University, Department of International Relations [email protected] LGBT rights have recently been put on the agenda of international law and human rights. In 2006 a group of human rights experts convened at Gadkah Mada University in Yogyakarta, Indonesia drafted a set of principles in related to sexual orientation and gender identity. In their introduction to what is since then known as the Yogyakarta Principles, the co-chairpersons of the meeting explain that “The international response to human rights violations based on sexual orientation and gender identity has been fragmented and inconsistent. To address these deficiencies a consistent understanding of the comprehensive regime of international human rights law and its application to issues of sexual orientation and gender identity is necessary.”(International Commission of Jurists, 2007: 6-7) In 2008 the French and Dutch representatives proposed a resolution with the support of the European Union to the United Nations General Assembly in support of LGBT rights. The Organization of Islamic Conference supported a statement arguing that the proposal “threatened to undermine the international framework of human rights by trying to normalize pedophilia, among other acts.” (MacFarquhar, 2010; United Nations General Assembly, 2008) As it stands ninety-four states have signed the statement. In 2011 the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a resolution proposed by South Africa requesting a study on discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity (United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • The Decline of the Military's Political Influence in Turkey
    The decline of the military’s political influence in Turkey By Anwaar Mohammed A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham August 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The political role of Turkey’s military has been declining with the strengthening of the civilian institutions and the introduction of new political factors. Turkey’s political atmosphere has changed towards civilian control of the military. The research focuses on analysing the various political factors and their impact on the political role of the military. The military’s loss of political influence in handling political challenges will be assessed against the effectiveness of the military’s political ideology. The shift in civil-military relations will be detected through the AKP’s successful political economy and popular mandate. The EU as an external factor in dismantling the military’s political prerogatives will be assessed. Greece’s route toward democratization of its civil-military relations compared to Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Slavov, Atanas (2016) Towards Participatory Political Theology: Democratic Consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the Role of Eastern Christianity in the Process
    Slavov, Atanas (2016) Towards participatory political theology: democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the role of Eastern Christianity in the process. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7337/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Towards Participatory Political Theology: Democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the Role of Eastern Christianity in the Process Atanas Slavov, LLM, PhD (Sofia) Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of PhD University of Glasgow School of Law College of Social Sciences 2016 1 ABSTRACT This thesis defends the position that the Eastern Orthodoxy has the potential to develop, on the basis of its core concepts and doctrines, a new political theology that is participatory, personalist and universalist. This participatory political theology, as I name it, endorses modern democracy and the values of civic engagement. It enhances the process of democracy-building and consolidation in the SEE countries through cultivating the ethos of participation and concern with the common good among and the recognition of the dignity and freedom of the person.
    [Show full text]
  • S£Twc£N LIBERAL ETHOS and the M'fth Dr DEMOCRACY
    TH£ STATE AHD iHTElLECTUAL IN TURKS / : S£TWc£N LIBERAL ETHOS AND THE M’fTH Dr DEMOCRACY 4 « W ^ *«* 'C· 4 i W ^ i ;iNT U Hi VERS IT Y * « T i "Vi. .i“ t i - t ‘ fc THE STATE AND INTELLECTUAL IN TURKEY: BETWEEN LIBERAL ETHOS AND THE MYTH OF DEMOCRACY The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by Simten Coşar In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA Sirvı^âA June 1997 •Al5 СЬ-:|- Ï. ‘Î В 4 0 2 I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. Prof. Dr. Metin Heper (Supervisor) I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. Prof. E^^Hzabeth Ozdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. Prof Dr. Ahmefi: Evin Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO the New and Everlasting
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The New and Everlasting Order of Marriage: The Introduction and Implementation of Mormon Polygamy: 1830-1856 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Merina Smith Committee in charge: Professor Rebecca Plant, Chair Professor Claudia Bushman Professor John Evans Professor Mark Hanna Professor Christine Hunefeldt Professor Rachel Klein 2011 The Dissertation of Merina Smith is approved, and is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________ Chair University of San Diego 2011 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………………… iii Table of Contents………………………………………………………………….. iv Vita………………………………………………………………………………… v Abstract……………………………………………………………………………. vi Introduction ..……………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter One: ………………………………………………………………………. 28 Mormon Millenarian Expectations: 1830-1841 The Restoration of All Things and the Resacralization of Marriage Chapter Two: ………………………………………………………………………. 84 Nauvoo Secrets and the Rise of a Mormon Salvation Narrative, 1841-42 Chapter Three: ……………………………………………………………………... 148 Scandal and Resistance, 1842 Chapter Four:
    [Show full text]
  • International Legal Experience and the Mormon Theology of the State, 1945–2012
    E1_OMAN.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 12/15/2014 3:31 PM International Legal Experience and the Mormon Theology of the State, 1945–2012 Nathan B. Oman I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 715 II. THE INTERNATIONAL EXPANSION OF MORMONISM SINCE 1945 .. 719 A. PRE-1945 MORMON EXPANSION .............................................. 719 B. THE POST-WAR PERIOD ........................................................... 720 III. LEGAL CHALLENGES AND INTERNATIONAL EXPANSION ................ 723 A. LEGAL CHALLENGES FACED BY THE CHURCH ............................ 724 B. CAUSES OF THE CHURCH’S LEGAL CHALLENGES ........................ 730 IV. LAW AND THE MORMON THEOLOGY OF THE STATE ...................... 740 A. EARLIER MORMON THEOLOGIES OF THE STATE ........................ 742 B. A QUIETIST MORMON THEOLOGY OF THE STATE ...................... 744 V. CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 749 I. INTRODUCTION By spring 1945, the Third Reich had reached its Götterdämmerung. The previous summer, Allied Armies, under Dwight D. Eisenhower, landed in Normandy and began driving toward the Fatherland. The Red Army had been pushing west toward Berlin since its victory over the final German offensive at the Battle of Kursk in August 1943. On April 30, Hitler committed suicide in his bunker, and Germany surrendered seven days later. War continued on the other side of the globe. The American strategy of island-hopping had culminated in the 1944 recapture of the Philippines and the final destruction Professor of Law and Robert and Elizabeth Scott Research Professor, William & Mary Law School. I would like to thank Abigail Bennett, Jeffrey Bennett, Bob Bennett, Wilfried Decoo, Cole Durham, and Michael Homer for their assistance and comments. I also presented an earlier version of this paper at the 2014 International Religious Legal Theory Conference sponsored by the Center for the Study of Law and Religion at Emory Law School and benefited from participants’ comments.
    [Show full text]
  • Divine Sovereignty and Clerical Authority in Early Shi'i Islamism
    Divine Sovereignty and Clerical Authority in Early Shi‘i Islamism: Baqir̄ al-Ṣadr (–) and Taqı ̄ al-Mudarrisı ̄(b. ) on the Islamic State1 OLIVER SCHARBRODT Abstract Divine sovereignty (ḥakimiyyā )—as conceived by Abūal-A‘lāMawdud̄ı ̄(–) and popularised by Sayyid Qutb(̣–) - has been a central component of Islamist thought. This article investigates the reception of the concept within Shi‘i Islam. As case studies, the article choses two prominent actors in the formative period of Shi‘i Islamism in Iraq: Muhammaḍ Baqir̄ al-Ṣadr (–) and Muhammaḍ Taqı ̄al-Mudarrisı ̄(b. ). By discussing their reflections on the nature of an Islamic state, the article pursues three objectives: first, it overcomes a trend in academic scholarship that disregards Sunni influences on the development of Shi‘i Islamism. Second, the article highlights the role that the Iraqi Shi‘i intel- lectual milieu played in incorporating key Islamist concepts into Shi‘i political thought. Finally, the article demonstrates the different receptions of ḥakimiyyā .Baqir̄ al-Ṣadr uses the ideological repertoire of Islamism to explore in pragmatic terms the parameters that define the state as Islamically legitimate. In contrast, Taqı ̄al-Mudarrisı ̄uses ḥakimiyyā to redefine the sovereignty of the state in Islamic terms. He operationalises the concept in a Shi‘i context by arguing that the state must be led by a just jurisconsult (al-faqıh̄ al-‘adil̄ ) who becomes the sole agent of divine sovereignty in the state. Keywords: Islamic state; Islamism; ḥakimiyya;̄ Baqir̄ al-Ṣadr; Taqı̄al-Mudarrisı̄ The notion of divine sovereignty (hạkimiyyā )—as conceived by Abūal-A‘lāMawdūdı̄ (–) and further popularised in the Arab world by Sayyid Qutb(̣ –)—has been a central component of Islamist thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
    RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Fundamentalisms Observed
    FUNDAMENTALISMS OBSERVED EDITED BY Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby A study conducted by The American Academy of Arts and Sciences Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia Mumtaz Ahmad In November 1989, the Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan held a three-day national conference in the historic city of Lahore. It was an event that the Jamaat-i-Islami workers had been waiting for since 1963, the year when its last national conference had been held in the same city. The 1989 conference was attended by more than one hundred thousand Jamaat workers and supporters from various parts of Pakistan. Punjabis, Sindhis, Baluch, Pathans, and Muhajirs (Urdu-speaking refugees from India who had immigrated to Pakistan at the time of partition in 1947) mingled together and presented a rare scene of Islamic unity, especially at a time when two major cities of southern Pakistan were under twenty-four-hour curfews to quell violence between warring Sindhis and Muhajirs. While the majority of the participants were clad in traditional Pakistani dress—shalwar kamcez— Western attire was also quite common. The meeting ground was full of banners proclaiming the inevitable victory of the Muslim freedom fighters in Palestine, Afghanistan, and Kashmir. The list of foreign guests attending the conference read like a Who's Who of international Islamic political movements: Dr. Muhammad Siyam of the Islamic resistance movement of Palestine, Hamas; Rashid-al-Ghannoushi of the Islamic Tendency Society of Tunis; Mustafa Mashoor of the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt; Maulana Abul Kalam of the Jamaat- i-Islami, Bangladesh; Mohammad Yasir of the Hizb-i-Islami of Afghanistan; Mahmud Nahna of the Islamic Movement of Algeria; Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Orthodox Church in the 21St Century Radovan Bigović Predicted That Six Billion People Will Be Put Under Bio- Metrical Supervision by Year 2013
    The Orthodox Church in the 21 st Century Radovan Bigović 1 Author Radovan Bigović Published by Foundation Konrad Adenauer Christian Cultural Center For the Publisher Henri G. Bohnet Editor Jelena Jablanov Maksimović, M.A. Reviewers Thomas Bremer , ThD ., professor of Ecumenical Theology and Peace Studies at the Faculty of Catholic Theology , Uni - versity of Münster, Germany Davor Džalto, Associate Professor and Program Director for Art History and Religious Studies The American University of Rome, PhD ., professor of History of Art and Theory of Creativity at the Faculty of Art , Universities of Niš and Kragujevac, Serbia Proof reader Ana Pantelić Translated into English by Petar Šerović Printed by EKOPRES, Zrenjanin Number of copies: 1000 in English Belgrade, 20 13 2 The Orthodox Church in the 21 st Century 3 4 Contents FOREWORD TO THE THIRD EDITION 7 THE CHURCH AND POSTMODERNISM 9 FAITH AND POSTMODERNISM 21 THE CHURCH, POLITICS, DEMOCRACY 27 The State-Nation Ideal 41 The Church and Democracy 46 ORTHODOXY AND DEMOCRACY 69 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS 81 THE CHURCH AND THE CIVIL SOCIETY 87 PRINCIPLES OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH SOCIAL DOCTRINE 95 ORTHODOXY AND RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE 103 THE ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE NATION 117 ECUMENISM 121 CHRISTIANITY AND SCIENCE 125 CHRISTIAN CULTURE 131 INDEX 136 BIOGRAPHY 145 5 6 Foreword to the Third Edition The book that is before you is of great value for many a reason, but we will emphasize just two: the first is the theme it is dealing with, and the second is the uniqueness of the person whose pen served as the medium for the outpour of those very themes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Gender and the Making of Kemalist Feminist Activism in Contemporary Turkey (1946–2011)
    THE POLITICS OF GENDER AND THE MAKING OF KEMALIST FEMINIST ACTIVISM IN CONTEMPORARY TURKEY (1946–2011) By Selin Çağatay Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Susan Zimmermann CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Copyright Notice This dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The dissertation contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract The aim of this dissertation is to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between women's activism and the politics of gender by investigating Kemalist feminism in Turkey as a case study. The dissertation offers a political history of Kemalist feminism that enables an insight into the intertwined relationship between women's activism and the politics of gender. It focuses on the class, national/ethnic, and cultural/religious dynamics of and their implications for Kemalist feminist politics. In so doing, it situates Kemalist feminist activism within the politics of gender in Turkey; that is, it analyzes the relationship between Kemalist feminist activism and other actors in gender politics, such as the state, transnational governance, political parties, civil society organizations, and feminist, Islamist, and Kurdish women's activisms. The analysis of Kemalist feminist activism provided in this dissertation draws on a methodological-conceptual framework that can be summarized as follows. Activism provides the ground for women to become actors of the politics of gender.
    [Show full text]